Mark Durkan
Foyle · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“That review involved an extensive engagement exercise with charities, regulators and funders, aimed at creating a more modern and proportionate regulatory system.”
“When the review was commenced in 2021, many organisations were still in the midst of responding to the pandemic. Since then, they have faced a succession of new and evolving challenges. The ending of European funding programmes, on which so many in our communities relied for decades, has left a significant gap.”
“<BR /> <BR />The broad principles behind the Bill are sensible. The changes will modernise charity regulation, strengthen the Charity Commission's ability to intervene where misconduct or mismanagement occurs, improve information sharing and, importantly, reduce unnecessary red tape, particularly for smaller charities with limited adminis…”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak today. Before turning to the detail of the legislation — there will not even be that much detail in the debate today at Second Stage — I pay tribute to our charity sector. Across every constituency, charities provide support that changes and saves lives every single day.”
“<BR /> <BR />Whilst the SDLP supports legislation that removes unnecessary bureaucracy, we should not kid ourselves that administrative reform alone will secure the future of charities and organisations in the voluntary and community sector.”
“I thank the Minister for giving way. Like other Members, I welcome the fact that we have reached this point. There seems to be consensus among Committee members and, I am sure, all Members that the introduction of these measures will save lives, which begs the question of whether the 10-year delay in introducing the measures had an opposi…”
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“If any accommodation should meet the highest standards, it is that. <BR /> <BR />Our amendment seeks to do a number of things. First, it supports, as the motion does, legislation similar to Awaab's law, with strict time frames for addressing damp and mould across the social and private rented sectors. Secondly, it explicitly includes temporary accommodation in that protection and, critically, places a clear statutory duty on the Housing Executive to regularly inspect and enforce those minimum standards. There currently are none. <BR /> <BR />This is not about blaming the Housing Executive but about recognising that, when public money is used to place vulnerable people in accommodation, there must be proactive oversight rather than reactive complaint handling. You are sometimes lucky to get even that.”
“I was advised that an inspection exercise on a small number of properties was conducted in my constituency, with repeat exercises planned, but, to my knowledge, that was simply to ensure that the premises were being occupied, not to address the serious concerns about the quality of those premises. Maintenance responsibility rests with private providers, and the Housing Executive acts as an intermediary when problems are reported. Therefore, those responsible for monitoring the situation are also responsible for ensuring that repairs are conducted; they are essentially marking their own homework. As we all know, temporary accommodation houses some of the most vulnerable people, including families experiencing homelessness, individuals fleeing domestic abuse and people at their lowest ebb.”
“I was horrified when I saw what they were living in. There was black mould spread across the walls, clothes and toys, and even the baby's pram was destroyed by mould. Here is the most disturbing part: I recognised that property because, a few months earlier, I had complained to the Housing Executive about it on behalf of a previous tenant. That individual was moved out of the property, but the property was not fixed, and no one was held accountable. Instead, another vulnerable family was simply moved in. That is systemic failure. <BR /> <BR />Following a series of Assembly questions, I have learned that single-let temporary accommodation used by the Housing Executive is not subject to routine ongoing inspection beyond its initial acquisition.”
“Many of those residents suffer from persistent coughs, asthma and COPD. That cannot be a coincidence. <BR /> <BR />I will turn specifically to temporary accommodation, because that is where the focus of our amendment lies. I believe that the amendment complements the motion, and I commend the proposer for bringing the motion to the House. We feel that urgent attention is required on temporary accommodation. <BR /> <BR />I have witnessed at first hand examples of shocking damp and mould across temporary accommodation provision in my constituency. One deeply distressing case involved a young mother and her baby who had been homeless. They came to my office for help after the child was hospitalised with multiple serious chest infections — something that the baby had never suffered from before.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Communities Minister continues to refer my Assembly questions on the matter — there have been quite a few — to a response that he gave me in March 2024, which was two years ago. Meanwhile, in the last 12 months alone, almost 14,500 reports of damp have been made to the Housing Executive. That does not include housing associations or private tenancies, where conditions are often worse, meaning that the true picture is undoubtedly much worse. In my constituency, I have been in and have seen homes that are riddled with damp. Westway in Creggan comes to mind, where older Housing Executive stock has been left to decay because insulation works have been delayed time and again. Tenants pay through the roof to heat homes that simply cannot retain warmth. Heat seeps through uninsulated walls and poorly fitted windows.”
“<BR /> <BR />We are debating this today because of a tragedy: a child's death. That tragedy has forced Governments across the UK to confront the reality of damp, mould and disrepair. While other jurisdictions are moving to prevent a repeat of such a tragedy by introducing legal protections that compel landlords to act within clear, enforceable time frames, this Minister continues to stall and sidestep. There has been no urgency nor any indication of a political will to act. At a time when families are living in unsafe conditions, that reluctance is indefensible. Maybe the Minister will explain it, but repeatedly dismissing questions or recycling the same answers in the face of a mounting public health issue speaks to a failure to grasp the seriousness of what tenants are enduring.”
“Thanks, Mr Deputy Speaker. The importance of a warm, safe home cannot be overstated. We often speak about home as a place of comfort and warmth, especially during these colder winter months, but, for many families in 2026, the conditions of the place in which they live are nothing short of Dickensian. People are going to sleep in and waking up in cold, damp bedrooms, wiping black mould from walls and fearing what damage and sickness the colder temperatures will bring. The cost-of-living crisis has compounded that fear: the fear of rising bills and of having to choose whether to eat or heat. The issue is not confined to social housing, as the Member who has just spoken said; it persists across the private rented sector, and the picture for temporary accommodation, which I will come to later, is even worse.”
“Can the Minister give any other example since 1998 in which the Treasury was brought in, or came in, to conduct a line-by-line examination of a devolved Government's Budget? What does this process mean for his stated ambition of securing greater fiscal devolution?”
“<BR /> <BR />If we continue to undervalue those workers — the backbone of our education system, as I have said — we effectively undervalue all our children, not only the ones who rely on that support themselves. On behalf of every child who relies on that vital support, the Executive must ensure that those professionals are finally given the recognition, dignity and support that they deserve.”
“We see a retention crisis because some staff simply cannot afford to stay. A proposed move away from the one-to-one model of support has caused great concern among classroom assistants, yes, but will cause great panic among the wider public as it becomes better known. I stand with UNISON in demanding fair pay and a wage that reflects the high level of skill and responsibility that is required; contractual security, with an end to the term-time-only model that leaves families struggling badly over the summer; and respect, through a seat at the table when the future delivery of special educational needs is being discussed and planned.”
“At a public meeting last week, I heard from many assistants who feel undervalued and overlooked. It is a disgrace that those whom we trust with our children every day and trust with our children's futures are often the lowest-paid members of the school team. While the recent movement on the pay and grading review was a necessary step, it did not go far enough to fix the systemic issues.”
“I rise to add the SDLP's support for the UNISON Good Work campaign not just as a public representative who recognises the huge value of our classroom assistants but as a parent who has seen my son, as well as so many other children, benefit beyond words from their wonderful support and genuine care. Every day, we see the transformative impact of that support on my son's life, never mind his ability to engage with his education. For my family and thousands like us across the North, those workers are not merely support staff; they are a lifeline. They are the difference between a child struggling in the shadows and thriving in the classroom and beyond. <BR /> <BR />Despite being the backbone of the Department of Education, those workers are being pushed to the brink.”
“I thank the Minister for that answer. The information that I have received from one of the front-line organisations that helps people in the darkest of hours and that, I presume, the Minister will meet shortly is that the protocol had not been activated, so there is some confusion there. <BR /> <BR />Given the loss of 58 lives and the growing concern across our communities, will the Minister commit to obtaining and publishing the requested figures from the Northern Ireland Housing Executive on emergency accommodation applications and unmet need and to urgently reviewing SWEP to ensure that it is guided by risk to life and delivered with dignity, compassion and humanity?”
“I thank the Minister for giving way. Does the Minister envisage that the clawback could be applied only to regional stadia, or would recipients of the Northern Ireland Football Fund, for example, be expected to cough up too?”
“It would introduce financial uncertainty, could deter promoters and would risk further delaying a project that has already been subject to years of political obstruction and, yes, planning pitfalls. Above all, it would single out one sporting body — one community — for conditions that are not applied elsewhere. <BR /> <BR />Casement Park is about more than bricks and mortar. It is about fairness: delivering on commitments and ensuring that the GAA in Ulster and beyond has the same quality of facilities as those in other provinces and as there are for other sports here. For those reasons, I urge Members to reject the motion and allow this vital project to proceed not as a commercial venture to be penalised but as a community asset that will continue to reinvest in grassroots sport and in the future of society.”
“Casement Park may host concerts or international fixtures — I look forward to the day that it does — but that is not something to fear. It is to be welcomed. Those events will bring visitors, jobs and spending into west Belfast and wider Belfast. Local cafes, shops, taxis and hotels will benefit: the wider economy will benefit. That is how public infrastructure works. We do not demand a clawback from private businesses that profit when roads are built, airports expanded or city centres regenerated. We recognise that public investment creates economic ecosystems. To impose a legally enforceable clawback mechanism uniquely on Casement Park would send the wrong message.”
“We should recognise something else: the GAA is not a profit-distributing enterprise. It is a community-based, volunteer-led organisation that reinvests its revenues in grassroots sport. Every ticket sold, every event hosted and every sponsorship secured ultimately supports local clubs by funding coaching, youth development, facilities, inclusion programmes and community outreach. Across the North, GAA clubs are sustained by volunteers — parents, coaches, committee members — who give countless hours to help young people to keep active, healthy and engaged. <BR /> <BR />When the GAA generates income from larger events, that money does not lie in shareholders' pockets. It goes back into parishes, pitches, changing rooms and programmes that strengthen communities.”
“I thank the Member for his intervention. I did not see any of that in the motion; it is the motion that we are debating. I acknowledge that the Member mentioned that in his remarks, but the motion does not say that. It singles out the GAA. <BR /> <BR />Let us be honest about what the stadium is for. Its primary purpose is to serve the GAA community — sorry, it was remiss of me not to declare my membership of the GAA — from the Antrim county teams to the thousands of young people who dream, and who will dream, of walking out on to that pitch. It is about providing safe, modern facilities for a sporting organisation that is woven into the fabric of our communities. I encourage Mr Gaston to give it a go: we all know how much he loves scoring points.”
“Rather, they were understood, correctly, to be infrastructure projects that deliver social, economic and sporting returns far beyond the turnstiles. Why, when it comes to Casement Park, are we suddenly being told that any commercial income must be siphoned back into the public purse? It is hard not to conclude that the motion is more about rabble-rousing than revenue raising and that it is another potshot taken by Mr Gaston at the big, bad boogeyman that is the GAA.”
“I oppose the motion. We are speaking about the redevelopment of Casement Park, a long-promised, long-delayed project that represents far more than the construction of a stadium. It is about regeneration in west Belfast and parity of esteem in how we support our sporting infrastructure. <BR /> <BR />The Executive have previously backed strategic investment in major venues for soccer and rugby. The draft Budget seeks to provide more for those sporting codes. We also want to see the fair roll-out of the Northern Ireland Football Fund, because such investments are recognised as being of regional significance. They have not been subject to special clawback mechanisms that are tied to commercial activity.”
“We need proper inspection and quality assurance to ensure that repairs last, coordinated works to protect newly resurfaced roads, transparent cost tracking so that the public can see exactly where and how their money is being spent and sustained multi-year investment to make the road maintenance strategy a reality. <BR /> <BR />Preventative maintenance is common sense. It saves lives and saves money. We must move from patchwork to proper planning, from reaction to prevention and from frustration to accountability. As I said, our crumbling roads are a symptom of our crumbling public services. It is time that we treated them as such, decisively —”
“I thank the Member for her intervention. I made the point about the impact that potholes can have on people who rely on the roads to make their living. Obviously, the more that someone is on our roads, the more exposed that they are to the risk of vehicle damage and to danger. <BR /> <BR />As we move to having a promised new multi-year Budget, will DFI be sufficiently empowered to implement the road maintenance strategy fully, or will it continue to rely on monitoring rounds to top up its budget? Will it even be able to rely on monitoring rounds to do so?”
“I am not suggesting that, in a new Ireland, the streets will be paved with gold, but they will at least be paved. <BR /> <BR />The Department is bringing forward its new road maintenance strategy. We welcome that. It will set out a structured, evidence-based approach to prioritising repairs, investing in durable resurfacing and targeting high-risk routes. We have called for that for a long time. It is important to ensure —.”
“People rely on their cars for their livelihood and even more so for day-to-day life. <BR /> <BR />In five years, there have been roughly 400 recorded repairs to vehicles damaged on the Strand Road in Derry, yet no central record of the cost of those repairs exists. That is 400 repairs with no accounting. As recently as last year, I was still being told that that carriageway should be grand until 2035. I welcomed the Minister's recent announcement that resurfacing of that road is to be carried out in the very near future. Again, however, the Strand Road is symptomatic of the state of roads right across my constituency and the rest of the North. I previously made the point in here that Donegal roads used to be the butt of Derry drivers' jokes. The shoe is now very much on the other foot.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Northern Ireland Audit Office (NIAO) has already warned that inspection and enforcement of road reinstatements is weak. Utility companies come along and dig up roads — we have heard that — but standards are not enforced and repairs fail, and the public then pay the price. Sometimes, they pay it twice. We have heard that, over the past five years, almost 20,000 claims as a result of pothole damage have been made. More than £20·6 million has been paid out in compensation, rising to over £32 million when legal costs are included. That figure is going up every single year. Although motorists may be lucky enough to recoup some of the costs of repairs that their vehicle needs, that goes no way towards making up for the inconvenience that many of them suffer.”
“We also cannot ignore the impact that five years without a functioning Executive has had on our roads. The signatories to the motion and the Minister's party should reflect on that. During that time, strategic planning was stalled, funding cycles were delayed and roads were left to deteriorate while repairs remained patchwork. There were no monitoring rounds to top up the flat budget that the Department was getting for road maintenance. <BR /> <BR />Potholes are not just an annoyance but a risk to life. Cyclists and, in particular, motorcyclists run the risk of being thrown from their vehicle. Drivers swerve dangerously. Pedestrians face uneven pavements. Emergency vehicle drivers navigate roads that compromise their safety and the safety of those onboard.”
“Such an approach is costly, inefficient and unsafe. It leaves roads vulnerable, fails to prevent further deterioration and increases the risk to road users.”
“DFI continues to rely heavily on monitoring rounds to top up the road maintenance budget, and that restricts its ability to invest in proper strategic resurfacing.”
“Across the North, our roads are failing. Potholes are not just inconvenient; they are a visible symptom of crumbling public services. We can all see and feel that. Sometimes, it seems as though DFI does not repair potholes any more but just moves them around so that motorists cannot memorise them. After years of temporary patches and repeated repairs, it is no exaggeration to say that Roads Service is in danger of becoming more like "Roads Circus". <BR /> <BR />Front-line workers do their jobs in difficult conditions — rain, frost, gales, heavy traffic — and they deserve support and appreciation, not blame. The problem lies with the system, which is underfunded, reactive and failing to plan.”
“The issue is about more than a mere billboard, despite the attempts from the Minister and her colleagues to downplay the importance of it; it is about public confidence in politics and public services, and the need for transparency, accountability and the equal application of the law to everyone. Does the Minister agree that those things are of fundamental importance?”
“I thank the Minister for his reference to the success of the deposit return scheme in the South. We are due to see it in October next year. What conversations has the Minister had with his counterpart in the South about how the scheme that we will implement here can harmonise with theirs?”
“I thank the Member for his intervention. I recognise, respect and am so grateful for the contribution of our voluntary and community sector in many areas, of which this is one. Our reliance on it has become almost entire dependence. That is not a great situation to be in, particularly when that sector is facing swingeing cuts with the new local growth fund. <BR /> <BR />First and foremost, we must see the publication of the report on the commissioning of ADHD services, the commissioning of those services and improvements around shared care arrangements. ADHD intersects with mental health, education, employment, justice and economic activity. When we fail to address it properly, the cost is not borne by only the individuals and their families but society as a whole. We can do better, and we must do better.”
“Northern Ireland, by contrast, remains stuck.”
“<BR /> <BR />In response to my questions for written answer, the Minister has acknowledged that access to ADHD medication is inconsistent and that shared care arrangements remain a major barrier. Constituents regularly report being diagnosed privately, only to be told that their GP cannot prescribe medication because shared care pathways are unclear or simply not in place. That creates a cruel and unacceptable situation, in which people are effectively diagnosed but untreated or forced to continue paying privately for medication that, for many, is genuinely life-changing. Those costs can be crippling, particularly for families who are already under financial pressure. <BR /> <BR />Challenges around ADHD services exist in other jurisdictions, but elsewhere across these islands there is, at least, movement.”
“The answers that I have received to numerous questions for written answer confirm what many people know and what we have already heard today: there is no consistent regional ADHD service, the waiting lists are unacceptably long and access varies wildly depending on postcode. <BR /> <BR />We also know that the Department's report into commissioning ADHD services is yet to be published, despite numerous reassurances that it will be. Families and individuals should not have to pay for private care to get answers; children should not be missing education because the support that they need does not arrive in time; and adults should not have to reach breaking point before they are taken seriously.”
“<BR /> <BR />We know that around 30% of pupils are classed as chronic absentees. While there are many reasons for that, it would be careless not to recognise the role that unmet additional needs, including ADHD, play in pushing children out of the classroom. When a child feels misunderstood and overwhelmed every single day, school becomes something to dread rather than a place to grow. Worryingly, the reasons for long-term absences are not currently recorded by the Education Authority. That needs to change if we are to get a better insight into the situation. Without a recognised assessment, reasonable adjustments often cannot happen, which means that the cracks grow and more children fall through them.”
“There are families who fight, year after year, for assessments, whose children wait so long for a diagnosis that they reach a crisis point before help arrives, or, in some cases, age out and go into the adult system, which is not much better. <BR /> <BR />People are being forced to choose between waiting indefinitely and paying thousands of pounds for private assessments and treatment. They are scraping together savings, spending their rainy day funds or securing loans just to get the help they need to function each day. Even if they can do that, the struggle does not end there. Many patients are then told that the diagnosis is not recognised in the NHS system for treatment or medication. Patients are stuck in limbo with a diagnosis on paper but without a pathway to care. That is particularly damaging for children.”
“I welcome today's motion and the opportunity to speak on behalf of every parent, child and individual who feels that they are failing when, in truth, it is the system that is failing them. In recent years, I have been contacted by more and more people about ADHD, including parents who are at their wits' end; adults who have struggled their entire lives without understanding why everyday tasks are so overwhelming; and children who have their behaviour misunderstood, have their needs unmet and are quietly pushed to the margins of our education system and society. Their frustration is palpable, but what comes through most strongly is the sheer exhaustion.”
“Minister, let me be clear: fraud is unacceptable. Despite what you said in your statement, I do not think that anyone in the Chamber would be annoyed at its eradication. However, while some people abuse the system, the system itself abuses people. Tens of thousands of genuine claimants struggle with a complex, slow and punitive welfare system where genuine mistakes can lead to sanctions and now sackcloth and ashes too. <BR /> <BR />Minister, how much of that £16·7 million has been spent chasing fraudsters and how much has been spent to reduce the stress and suffering caused by a system that creates errors and hardship?”
“We have heard a wee bit about sports tourism. Was there any conversation, or has there been any consideration, on how we can maximise the tourism benefits to Northern Ireland of Euro 2028 despite the embarrassing inability of this place to host games?”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as a ráiteas.”
“There has been continued failure to publish and implement the Executive's Irish language strategy, which has been the subject of court proceedings. Does the Minister accept that that prolonged delay not only undermines the work of Foras na Gaeilge and wider Irish language provision but exposes the Executive to further legal risk and risks unnecessary public expense? Can he state, clearly, when the strategy will be published, or explain why he remains unable or unwilling to meet his obligations?”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as a ráiteas.”
“— be about who gets the headlines. It should be about who gets the chance.”
“I will not get an extra minute. Sorry. <BR /> <BR />The lesson from the past is not that we should abandon reform but that reform must be done properly. Ending academic selection requires political maturity, a shared plan, sustained investment and genuine engagement with teachers, parents and communities. It means strengthening all post-primary schools, valuing vocational and academic pathways equally and ensuring that no child feels written off at the age of 10 or 11. If we truly want to end academic selection, we must accept that unilateralism and brinkmanship will not deliver it, and, if others oppose change entirely, they must answer for the harm that the current system continues to do. <BR /> <BR />Education reform should never —”
“The process still tells children at age 10 or 11 that they are not good enough, still reflects privilege more than potential and still damages our ambition to be a society in which background does not determine destiny. I know that it does not always do that, but, sadly, it usually does. We have heard figures to verify that today.”
“However, let us be honest: the inability or maybe even unwillingness at that time to build consensus, listen to concerns and plan properly undermined public confidence in change itself. It has allowed defenders of academic selection to say, "Look what happens when you try to reform", and that, sadly, has set progress back years. However, acknowledging those failures certainly does not mean accepting the status quo. <BR /> <BR />Academic selection remains wrong. My daughter has just come through the process, and I again saw — it is 13 years since I saw it with her older brother — the anxiety that it causes children and the consequent pressure that it can put on parents knowing how much they want something and how hard they have worked for something and that it will all boil down to how a paper goes on a particular day.”
“Once again and even more so, it was the children from the most disadvantaged backgrounds who paid the price: those whose parents could not afford tuition and those without the luxury of a quiet space to study or do a practice paper or parents with the time or capacity to help them. While we admired and supported the aim, it was not courageous reform. It abolished something in name while allowing it to continue in practice with even less accountability and greater inequality. <BR /> <BR />We cannot build an education system on gestures. We cannot dismantle something as entrenched as academic selection by pretending that wishing it away will make it so. That approach failed children, parents and schools.”
“That is why the debate cannot ignore the past, particularly the actions in the Education Ministry by the party that tabled the motion: Sinn Féin. <BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin set out to abolish the 11-plus. That was a noble aim, and, in principle, it was one that many of us shared. What followed, however, was not reform; it was chaos. The test was removed without a properly planned and properly resourced alternative. There was no broad political agreement; no system-wide transition; and no clarity for parents, schools or pupils. Instead of replacing academic selection, Sinn Féin simply outsourced it. Private, unregulated transfer tests emerged to fill the vacuum. Selection did not disappear; it went underground.”
“I am on my feet already. Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank Members and the Minister for their contributions: there have been thoughtful contributions on both sides of the debate. At the heart of the issue are children and their welfare. Regardless of people's ideological views on academic selection at the age of 11, I do not doubt that all of us have the welfare of children at heart. <BR /> <BR />Let me be clear: it is our view and not just our view that academic selection is damaging, outdated and unjust. Testing children at 11 or 10 and dividing them into winners and losers has done and is doing lasting harm to confidence, opportunity and social cohesion. Ending it is the right thing to do, but how we end it matters just as much as why we end it.”