Stewart Dickson
East Antrim · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Thank you, Minister, for your answer. Minister, you will have noted that the Government recently announced a VAT cut for some family expenses for a range of activities over the summer. That is perhaps a change.”
“Many do not know how to apply; others do not even realise that the opportunities exist. If the process itself is a barrier to participation, it is really not open to all.”
“I was born in 1950 in Thorndale House, which was one of the homes that is named in the legislation. I was born to married parents, and Thorndale House was a maternity home. It was where you went to have your baby in 1950 on the Antrim Road. My mum and dad went there, I was born and, a few days later, I left with loving parents.”
“I agree with Mr Brett: amendment No 6 is important because it will deal with persons who refuse to provide information or evidence to the inquiry. Amendment No 8 to clause 20 is a tidying-up amendment that will allow the Committee to make interim reports, which will be of benefit to the inquiry process.”
“That is why I want the inquiry to succeed and why it is vital that it succeeds. That is why it is important for us to see that cruelty in the full glare of a public inquiry. That is why it is important that the scheme goes through without further delay. <BR /> <BR />Finally, I place on record my thanks to the Committee Chair.”
“The Assembly faces stark choices, and agreeing the draft Budget as it stands is not a silver bullet, nor is it sustainable for us to continue in the absence of a Budget. It is vital, therefore, that we break the cycle of crisis and collapse that has been destroying our public finances.”
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“— are the worst offenders when it comes to overspending or throwing good money after bad, and they are unreformed.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Opposition play a vital role, but the Opposition alone are not a substitution for reform. If we want different outcomes, we need different systems. That means reforming how our Executive take decisions, strengthening collective responsibility and ensuring that progress against a Programme for Government commitment is transparent and measurable and is reported openly to the Assembly. <BR /> <BR />We have clear signs of what we might call reckless budget management by others in the Assembly. The two highest-spending Departments in the Executive, Education and Health —”
“<BR /> <BR />My party, the Alliance Party, is in the Executive not to defend their shortcomings but to change how they operate. We believe that the Government should work as a single team focused on outcomes rather than as a set of competing departmental silos. That is why we have been arguing for change for more than a decade. We have argued for multi-year Budgets because, without them, Departments are forced into short-term decision-making. We have argued for a statutory duty on Ministers and Departments to cooperate, because cross-cutting challenges in areas such as health, infrastructure, climate and education cannot be solved in isolation. That is why we have been clear that the Programme for Government must be more than a document that is agreed at the start of a mandate.”
“Too often, the Executive Office and the First Minister and deputy First Minister's structures are slow — to the point of inertia — to drive collective action, grip delivery and provide the leadership that is needed to turn agreed priorities into real progress. Frankly, a mixture of what I perceive as laziness and political point-scoring seems to be the hallmark of our Executive Office. Without effective leadership and coordination at the centre, even good decisions struggle to be translated into outcomes. However, the public do not benefit from or need a blame game between the Government and the Opposition. What we need is structural reform, clear accountability and a system that is designed to deliver rather than one that fails to deliver.”
“Silo working, weak collective decision-making and the absence of long-term planning, despite Programmes for Government, have characterised the Executive for many years — not accounting, of course, for all the downtime — including previous mandates during which the party that is now in opposition held ministerial office for significant periods. That context matters, because if we misdiagnose the problem, we will not be able to fix it. <BR /> <BR />At the same time, it would be wrong not to acknowledge the significant and, frankly, malign inertia that continues to exist at the centre of the Government.”
“<BR /> <BR />My colleagues and I were elected to the Assembly to be legislators in order to improve the lives of our constituents and change them by improving our laws. Yet, so far in this mandate, precious little has been achieved. We would rather sit in this place and engage in divisive and sterile debates, often on things over which we have little influence. Indeed, with a few ministerial exceptions, more tumbleweed than legislation comes into the Chamber for debate and decision. <BR /> <BR />The problems that the motion identifies did not emerge in this mandate alone.”
“It appears, however, to be piecemeal and, more often than not, dysfunctional. That is why we believe that a statutory duty to cooperate and address cross-cutting issues is essential. Those concerns are real, and they deserve to be taken seriously. <BR /> <BR />It is also important, however, to be honest about why we find ourselves here and about what would actually change things. If we are serious about improving delivery, we have to be clear about the causes of failure and the limits of what private Members' motions — a more accurate description might be "party motions" — alone have been able to achieve so far. Day in, day out, we hear debates in the Chamber on motions that call on Ministers to do this or that. Sadly, the vast majority are ignored or used for political point-scoring.”
“Thank you very much, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I thank everyone who contributed to the debate. It has, I think, been very useful. There is much in the motion with which my party agrees. Therefore, I encourage the party that tabled the motion to support our amendment. <BR /> <BR />We all agree that delivery has been too slow. Too often, Programmes for Government from the Executive represent, in reality, a collection of Departments doing their own thing, rather than what might be expected from such a document from a single Government, which would work towards shared outcomes that make a difference to people's lives. We have heard that in the debate. That is not to suggest some good and important work is not being done, to which the deputy first Minister made reference.”
“During Less Survivable Cancers Awareness Week, it is important to highlight research activity and to engage patients, charities and researchers. Less survivable cancers receive just 19% of research funding, despite causing 40% of cancer deaths. <BR /> <BR />Today, I call on the Health Minister to work with his Executive colleagues, the Department of Health and our academic institutions to ensure that cancer research funding is better targeted towards less survivable cancers and to address the long-standing inequalities in research investment to improve early diagnosis and support the development and treatment that ultimately saves lives. <BR /> <BR />Finally, Mr Speaker, I congratulate you and the Assembly staff for choosing Macmillan Cancer Support as the Assembly's charity of the year.”
“We should further recognise that, despite their impact, less survivable cancers receive a disproportionately low share of cancer research funding, limiting progress on early diagnosis, treatment and, indeed, survival. <BR /> <BR />I acknowledge the work of the United Kingdom Less Survivable Cancers Taskforce in representing those affected by those cancers and highlighting the urgent need to close the research gap. I recognise the importance of the high-quality cancer research undertaken across all regions of the United Kingdom, including Northern Ireland, to improve outcomes for patients and to support innovation in the health system, particularly the work of the Johnston Cancer Research Centre at Queen's University.”
“I once again mark Less Survivable Cancers Awareness Week. I do so as chair of the all-party group on cancer and, personally, as a survivor of one of one of those less survivable cancers: oesophageal cancer. As a volunteer, I will make five new oesophageal cancer patient calls this week. <BR /> <BR />This is an important opportunity to raise awareness of the six less survivable common cancers, which are lung cancer, liver cancer, brain cancer, oesophageal cancer, pancreatic cancer and stomach cancer. I invite the Assembly to note with deep concern that those cancers account for a significant proportion of cancer deaths and continue to have some of the poorest survival outcomes.”
“We really should be telling the world that Northern Ireland is open for business and ensuring that businesses are best able to navigate our dual market access, which is something that could be of benefit to the whole of Northern Ireland. It needs to be a two-way street. That is why the Alliance Party supports the benefits of having a European Union office presence in Belfast for Northern Ireland.”
“While I am extremely positive about the prospect of an EU office in Belfast, it would be remiss not to mention some of the issues caused by Brexit, those who championed it and the subsequent Windsor framework. <BR /> <BR />An EEAS office in Belfast would be well placed to help consumers with queries and businesses that operate from, in and out of Northern Ireland. It would allow the EU to see and feel at first hand the concerns about and benefits of the ever-evolving Brexit rules. It should not be lost on those in the Chamber that the Executive Office maintains a highly effective office, based in Brussels, that represents Northern Ireland in the EU. It might be worthwhile reflecting on its aims, which are:”
“At that time, the First Minister agreed, noting that there is a "good-news story to tell" and that we must:”
“Our unique position as regards the EU compared with the rest of the world, with our dual market access, which the UK Government are often keen promote, and the ever-improving EU-UK relationships, means that an office in Belfast would help constituents and EU citizens who are resident here and benefit businesses. I recently asked in the Chamber for the First Minister to join me:”
“No one's sovereignty is impacted on by having such an office here, and it does not affect anyone's nationality. It is simply the establishment of a range of important diplomatic trade services between countries, as has been done for centuries. Indeed, if set up, such an EU office would join similar diplomatic services that already have offices in Belfast, such as the Polish consulate, the Chinese consulate and the American consulate. In fact, the American consulate in Belfast is one of the oldest continuously operating US consulates in the world, and yet no one believes that having that office here negatively impacts on their identity. <BR /> <BR />If an EEAS office were to open in Belfast, surely it could only be a good thing.”
“The Alliance Party supports the motion, because it is important that we are wholly positive about the potential to establish an EU or, more correctly, a European External Action Service (EEAS) office in Belfast. As many will know, it is not a new concept. When the UK was a member of the EU, there were offices not just in Belfast but in Cardiff and Edinburgh. Now, of course, the EU has a diplomatic office in London, as the UK is no longer an EU member state. <BR /> <BR />The EU has European External Action Service offices in a wide range of non-EU states. Having an EU or EEAS office in Belfast surely cannot be considered a bad thing. The United Kingdom has a diplomatic presence in the EU, and vice versa, since we gave up our EU membership.”
“Minister, thank you for your statement. Can you set the record straight by telling the House your response to those who claim that it is in excess of 20 years since the rates were set?”
“<BR /> <BR />At times like this, it is right that we put politics to one side and recognise the people behind the roles that they hold. My thoughts at this sad time are with the Bradley and Byrne families, their party colleagues and all those who knew and worked with Joe and Mary. Theirs will be lives well remembered.”
“As with Mary, I first knew Joe as a local councillor and met him at various events over the years. We were both elected to the Assembly, with him being re-elected, in 2011. During my first term as an MLA, like many new Members, I was finding my feet in this place. Joe was one of those Members who brought previous experience, calm and, indeed, a sense of perspective to the Chamber. We both served for a time on the then Regional Development Committee, on which he was a tireless campaigner for the A5 road project. As others have said, he was always knowledgeable about his constituency and worked for everyone. He was respectful throughout and serious about the job that he was elected to do. He cared deeply about representing his constituents and about the work of the Assembly. That always came through in how he worked.”
“Mary Bradley was, as Members have already been made aware, an MLA for Foyle. That was before my time in this place: in fact, she was leaving the Assembly as I arrived in 2011. She was a councillor for the Shantallow area on the then Derry City Council from 1985, and she served as deputy mayor in 1990 and as mayor between 1991 and 1992. It was during that time that I met her on a number of occasions as a local councillor. I was also very saddened to hear of the passing of Joe Byrne, and I want to extend my condolences to both of their families and friends and to their colleagues in the SDLP.”
“On behalf of the Alliance Party, I pay tribute to Mary Bradley and Joe Byrne.”
“Minister, the consultation showed strong opposition to developer-led contributions. What measures do you plan to take to minimise the potential negative impact on housing affordability?”
“I pass on the Alliance Party's best wishes to Mr Irwin on his retirement. He has been in the Assembly longer than I have, and I wish him a long and happy retirement.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. I am just interested in knowing whether you and your party believed the lies that were printed on the side of a bus.”
“I am interested in the fact that the Member rails against all those things in his speech but is nevertheless quite happy to represent the Assembly on the reference group for the Committee of the Regions, which is the only listening ear that we currently have there.”
“<BR /> <BR />The people whom we represent deserve politics that engage seriously with the world as it is. They deserve influence, clarity and a seat at the table —”
“No, I want to get through. <BR /> <BR />Northern Ireland already has observer status in the PPA, which is a useful starting point, but there is a catch: the PPA is permitted to discuss only the Trade and Cooperation Agreement, yet so much of what matters to us around the Windsor framework and the practicalities of trade regulation and market access falls under the auspices of the separate withdrawal agreement. Therefore, it makes little sense to keep those issues in silos; in fact, in 2021, the European Parliament suggested that the PPA should oversee both agreements. Let us push for that. Let us get the Windsor framework properly on the PPA's agenda. That would give us a regular, structured opportunity to raise concerns directly with MEPs at the stage when influence is still possible. We can also take other practical steps.”
“However, that does not mean that we should stop aspiring to have those close ties; it simply means that we should put energy into trying to push open a door that is currently closed. If we are serious about addressing the democratic deficit, we need to walk through the doors that are already open to us and work to widen them. <BR /> <BR />One such door is the EU-UK Parliamentary Partnership Assembly (PPA). It is not only the formal forum where MPs, Lords and MEPs meet to scrutinise how the post-Brexit relationship is functioning but —.”
“<BR /> <BR />Observer status is far short of where I and the Alliance Party want to be in Europe. We are proud Europeans. Today's motion is about what might be possible and focuses on what could make progress for us right now. Let us look at the reality. Observer status is reserved for countries in the accession process and has never been offered to a region or third country. Creating a unique category for Northern Ireland would set a precedent for others, with far closer ties to the EU. There is no intention or indication that the European Parliament is considering such a move, and, even if it changed, it would almost certainly require UK Government initiation and European Parliament agreement.”
“Those evolving arrangements have created a democratic deficit whereby we continue to be affected by EU law but no longer have a say in the institutions where that law is shaped. We are not on that Commission, and our voice is not heard in the committees that make consequential decisions. We no longer elect Members to the European Parliament. <BR /> <BR />The idea of observer status in the European Parliament speaks to a real desire for Northern Ireland to be seen and heard within the EU's democratic institutions. We need our listening ear and want our perspective in the room, and that is why the Alliance Party supports the motion and the amendment. Until we return to the EU — I am passionate about that and believe that we will return one day — it is important that we continue to have engagement.”
“It is all about good governance, and it really does beg this question: why do the DUP and their colleagues in the UUP want to use a petition of concern on something that is just as easy as our ability to observe? <BR /> <BR />Our economy, supply chains and regulatory environment remain closely connected to the EU single market. That was the practical outcome of Brexit and the arrangements required to protect the unique circumstances of this region. The Windsor framework and the withdrawal agreement are how those issues are managed on a day-to-day reality. We have an Executive office in Brussels: I hear no calls to have it closed at the same time as there is refusal to have an EU office in Belfast.”
“Thank you very much, Principal Deputy Speaker. Maybe we will try to calm things down after the foot-stamping, screaming and shouting that we have just had. <BR /> <BR />The Alliance Party will support the motion today, but, before anything else, let me be clear about what the motion is and is not about. This is not a constitutional matter. Nothing in the motion alters the principle of consent or our status within the United Kingdom. What is before us today is how Northern Ireland secures a level of listening and input into processes that already shape parts of our economy by being able to simply observe. That is not a threat to anyone's identity.”
“I thank the Commission member for her response. I am sure that she and all Members recognise the value of staff to Members. When will the next review of those salaries and pay scales be undertaken?”
“Minister, will you give us an assessment of the UK's recent Budget and, in particular, its implications for the agriculture sector?”
“At a time when resources are under intense pressure, public services are struggling and every pound spent has to be justified, many people will reasonably ask whether expanding engagement with China is appropriate, particularly in the absence of clear human rights safeguards and transparency objectives. <BR /> <BR />Until there is demonstrable progress on human rights in China, the proposed mission should not proceed. Northern Ireland must show leadership by proving that prosperity and principle are not opposing forces but inseparable aims. I look forward to hearing the Economy Minister's future plans in respect of China.”
“It risks placing commercial opportunity above universal human dignity. That is not the message that Northern Ireland should send out. We need to recognise the issue of consistency. If we take a strong stance on human rights in some parts of the world, we cannot adopt a different standard when it comes to others. Our approach must be principled, predictable and fair. Turning a blind eye to abuses in one country while condemning them in another weakens our credibility and undermines the very values that we claim to uphold. Consistency is not only morally necessary but essential to maintain trust in our international voice. <BR /> <BR />We must acknowledge another concern, which is that the Executive Office already allocates significant public funds to support an overseas bureau in Beijing.”
“<BR /> <BR />China is currently the subject of serious, credible and sustained allegations of human rights violations, including the mass detention and surveillance of the Uyghur community and other minority communities, the dismantling of democratic freedoms and civic space in Hong Kong and severe restrictions on the freedom of religion, association and expression across the country. There are well-documented concerns around forced labour in supply chains linked to key sectors, such as textiles, solar components and technology. <BR /> <BR />In that context, a high-profile trade mission led by a Northern Ireland Minister risks being interpreted as indifference to those abuses. It risks being used by the Chinese state to project legitimacy and normalisation of its society.”
“I want to address the proposal for a ministerial trade mission to China and invite the Economy Minister to rethink it. I want to set out why it is not the right course of action at this time. <BR /> <BR />As an Executive and legislature, we all recognise the importance of international trade in attracting investment and opening new markets for Northern Ireland. We all want our economy to grow, our innovators to thrive and our businesses to compete on the global stage. However, economic engagement cannot be detached from the principles on which this place is supposed to stand: human rights, democracy and respect for the rule of law.”
“Thank you, Minister, for your answer. Will you take us through some of the potential consequences for the justice system if those capital funding projects are not funded?”
“Will the Minister outline the benefits and the impact of restorative justice approaches and the evidence for that?”
“Minister, can you assure the House that there will be no watering down of rights, as the UK Government have proposed to do with Mr O'Toole's colleagues at Westminster?”
“First Minister, will you join me in being relentlessly positive about Northern Ireland's dual access opportunities? With the expansion of the Brussels office in particular, will you ensure that our small to medium-sized enterprises are given a real opportunity to market Northern Ireland across the EU?”
“I thank the Minister for giving way. I very much appreciate his comment about the improvement and the additional number of cancer nurse specialists who will come online. While I appreciate that the Department is funding those posts, does the Minister recognise that, without support from charitable sector organisations, such as Action Cancer and the Friends of the Cancer Centre at Belfast City Hospital, we would not have as many CNSs as we do?”
“A coordinated path with clear governance and realistic future funding is essential. Ultimately, the Health Minister must commit to substantial improvement to overall cancer waiting times and put in place a road map to achieve that. <BR /> <BR />Cancer cannot wait. The situation is fixable if the Minister has the will to fix it and the Assembly and Executive are behind him in delivering that. It is time for us all to stand up to cancer.”
“Without investment in scanners, training and workforce development, we cannot fix waiting times. All of that must be treated as a core part of our cancer strategy rather than as an afterthought. <BR /> <BR />There has been progress. The opening of rapid diagnostic centres at Whiteabbey Hospital and South Tyrone Hospital are welcome. The new regional breast cancer service, which pools resources across trusts, shows how joined-up care can work, but pilots and patches to the system cannot repair it; it is in firefighting rather than delivery mode. Cancer Research UK is clear that improvement is possible. With a focus on clinical safety, in addition to a whole-system approach that stabilises services and strategic investment in capacity, the situation can be turned around.”
“There are serious gaps in our workforce, including in oncology, radiology and specialist nursing. <BR /> <BR />Many of our imaging systems are, quite simply, clapped out. Sixteen per cent of scanners are already obsolete, and that number is rising. Some of the machines that are diagnosing cancer today in Northern Ireland have been in service since before some of our doctors left secondary school. The Department allocates only £3 million a year for equipment, even though there is a real need for replacement, the cost of which is somewhere near £25 million. That is not just an inefficiency; it is unsafe and unfair. We also hear about the postponed Northern Ireland imaging academy being a permanent solution, but there is no confirmation, no funding and no timetable.”
“<BR /> <BR />Cancer also remains the largest killer by disease of children and young people in Northern Ireland. Our one-year survival rates are also the lowest in the United Kingdom for pancreatic and ovarian cancers. The proportion of people diagnosed at an early stage has not improved for over 10 years. For too many families, the tragic fact is that the first certainty that they get is that it is already too late. <BR /> <BR />Our clinicians work tirelessly. I can certainly attest to that, having seen the nurses, doctors and oncologists who looked after me. However, they are operating in a system that was built for a population that no longer exists. There are many bottlenecks because of imaging and endoscopy capacity and overstretched pathology services.”
“Evidence shows that, for many cancers, a delay of just four weeks in starting treatment increases the risk of death by 6% to 8%. Behind every percentage point in those statistics are lives shortened, families changed and opportunities for cure lost. Shamefully, Northern Ireland has one of the worst cancer waiting times in the United Kingdom. We are not diagnosing quickly enough, and we are not treating soon enough. Cancer Research UK estimates that, between July 2024 and June 2025, for red-flag referrals alone, which account for one third of cancer cases, 35,000 people in Northern Ireland did not start their treatment on time. With regards to targets, we do not really know the true scale of the backlog, or, more importantly, the human cost. That is simply unacceptable.”
“As chair of the all-party group on cancer, and as a cancer survivor, I welcome the debate this evening. For all our political differences in this place, cancer is not a party political issue; it is about people. People are waiting, worried and often afraid to ask how long they can afford to wait. Today, I ask that the political will of the Chamber be brought to bear on the Minister and the Department. Whatever it takes — north, south, east or west — cancer simply cannot wait. <BR /> <BR />I have brought people who are affected by cancer to the Assembly, including Isla Gear from Scotland, who presented her pancreatic cancer petition in memory of her late brother, and a constituent of mine whose niece has terminal brain cancer. Time is everything.”