Stewart Dickson
East Antrim · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Thank you, Minister, for your answer. Minister, you will have noted that the Government recently announced a VAT cut for some family expenses for a range of activities over the summer. That is perhaps a change.”
“Many do not know how to apply; others do not even realise that the opportunities exist. If the process itself is a barrier to participation, it is really not open to all.”
“I was born in 1950 in Thorndale House, which was one of the homes that is named in the legislation. I was born to married parents, and Thorndale House was a maternity home. It was where you went to have your baby in 1950 on the Antrim Road. My mum and dad went there, I was born and, a few days later, I left with loving parents.”
“I agree with Mr Brett: amendment No 6 is important because it will deal with persons who refuse to provide information or evidence to the inquiry. Amendment No 8 to clause 20 is a tidying-up amendment that will allow the Committee to make interim reports, which will be of benefit to the inquiry process.”
“That is why I want the inquiry to succeed and why it is vital that it succeeds. That is why it is important for us to see that cruelty in the full glare of a public inquiry. That is why it is important that the scheme goes through without further delay. <BR /> <BR />Finally, I place on record my thanks to the Committee Chair.”
“The Assembly faces stark choices, and agreeing the draft Budget as it stands is not a silver bullet, nor is it sustainable for us to continue in the absence of a Budget. It is vital, therefore, that we break the cycle of crisis and collapse that has been destroying our public finances.”
The complete record
Every one of 2,188 lines we hold for Stewart Dickson, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 8 of 44.
“It is only through openness, partnership and a shared commitment to genuinely addressing the past that we can move forward together.”
“The British and Irish Governments have a responsibility to work together in addressing the legacy of the Troubles, so I ultimately welcome the UK Government's renewed commitment to dealing with the past, including their decision to repeal the Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act 2023, which, as we all know, was opposed across our island, North and South. <BR /> <BR />It is important and necessary that the UK and Irish Governments take further steps to engage with these issues in the spirit of cooperation and reconciliation. Truth and justice should not be bound by jurisdiction. The establishment of an appropriate investigation unit, with full cross-border cooperation, would represent an important and significant step forward.”
“Testimonies to the Executive Office Committee, on which I sit as Deputy Chair, from people like Kenny Donaldson from the South East Fermanagh Foundation, suggest that many incidents during the Troubles had a cross-border dimension — to the tune of nearly 15%. In some of those cases, families have raised concerns about the level of information sharing and cooperation between the authorities. <BR /> <BR />Given the intense sensitivities surrounding these matters, it is crucial that any discussion remains firmly rooted in evidence and respects due process.”
“That is why we had tabled an amendment that would have recognised the role of the Irish Government in addressing the legacy of the Troubles, not in isolation but as part of a collaborative and comprehensive effort involving the UK Government, the Northern Ireland Executive and, crucially, the victims and survivors. <BR /> <BR />We are calling on the First Minister and deputy First Minister to engage with both Governments to support legislation for a Historical Investigations Unit. That unit would be tasked with examining Troubles-related deaths, including those with a cross-border element, as part of a broader package of measures designed to meet the needs of victims, survivors and their families.”
“The subsequent efforts and the work on reconciliation and truth recovery must continue. It is in that context that I share the concerns raised by my colleague and the Chair of the Executive Office Committee, Paula Bradshaw, when she talked about the need for the Irish Government to fully acknowledge the complexities of their role during that period. While the UK Government's decision to establish an inquiry into the Omagh bombing is an important and real step, the cross-border nature of that atrocity means that a comprehensive approach involving the Irish and British Governments is important.”
“I begin, as others have done, by recognising the courage and resilience of those involved in the Omagh Bombing inquiry. The bravery and testimonies shared by victims and those affected have been deeply moving and serve as a powerful reminder of the human costs of the Troubles. It is essential that, as we reflect on that period of our history, the priority is the voices of the victims and their families and ensuring that the pursuit of truth and justice remains at the forefront of our discussions. One week before the bomb, at the same time and in the same street, my wife and I shopped in Omagh. One week apart. <BR /> <BR />As we all know, the Troubles and the violence of the past was an incredibly dark chapter for everyone on these islands. Significant progress has, as Members have said, been made since the Good Friday Agreement.”
“Minister, thank you very much for your statement to the House. Much of the commentary about the Criminal Bar Association centered on barristers not earning enough from criminal legal aid work to make it worthwhile. Minister, will you provide information on the average earnings of a criminal barrister?”
“We have a moral duty and a strategic interest in supporting the world's most vulnerable people, and my party, the Alliance Party, will continue to push back against the cuts.”
“We believe in tackling poverty, supporting sustainable development and ensuring that marginalised communities are prioritised in humanitarian efforts. With rising global tensions and increasing volatility of US foreign policy under Trump, the need for increased defence spending is urgent, but that should not come at the expense of life-saving aid.”
“To take just one example, 179 of Save the Children's programmes across the world will be impacted on by the cuts. Some 124 of those 179 programmes will be fully terminated. That will impact on approximately 10·3 million people globally. It will mean the closure of 33 health clinics and cash-for-food programmes. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, hundreds of thousands of people will stop being treated for diseases such as cholera, and tens of thousands of children will miss out on testing and treatment for malaria. In Sudan, some 300,000 people will not get the nutrition and food aid that they desperately need at this time. <BR /> <BR />The aid cuts, alarmingly, mirror the reckless approach taken by Donald Trump in slashing the US Agency for International Development (USAID) budget.”
“My party, the Alliance Party, has long advocated for restoring the United Kingdom's aid commitment to 0·7% of gross national income. Indeed, when our leader, Naomi Long, was a Member of Parliament, she co-sponsored the legislation that placed 0·7% on a statutory footing. Members of the Coalition of Aid and Development Agencies Northern Ireland work in some of the most difficult areas of the world, providing life-changing and life-saving support. Such work is only possible because the United Kingdom has a development fund. <BR /> <BR />Let me be clear about what the reduction will mean. It will mean that fewer children will receive life-saving nutrition, healthcare and education and that years of progress in tackling global poverty will be undone.”
“The United Kingdom has a long and proud tradition of supporting some of the most vulnerable people around the world through its international development assistance, tackling poverty, supporting sustainable development and responding to humanitarian crises around the world. We have a reputation as a global leader in international development. Steady cuts to that budget over recent decades include the most recent and utterly devastating reduction in funding to 0·3% of gross national income (GNI). That undermines leadership and the vital work that is being carried out around the world. <BR /> <BR />The United Kingdom's leadership in international development has been widely respected, but the recent reduction to 0·3% risks undermining that hard-won reputation at a time of unprecedented global challenge.”
“Shame on the Irish and United Kingdom Governments for contemplating anything other than enforcing the law.”
“The United Kingdom Government do not need to appoint a go-between to tell paramilitary groups that they should disband; they simply need to tell them in no uncertain terms that they must disband. The Government must ensure that resources are given to the appropriate law enforcement agencies, and they must ensure that those who refuse to disband are met with the strongest possible response from law enforcement. Anything less would be a betrayal of the progress that we have made. <BR /> <BR />I urge the Assembly to back the motion, to reject the dangerous proposal that is being put forward and to stand firmly and unequivocally against paramilitary influence in any form. That is not a matter for negotiation. It is about justice, security and the right of every citizen in Northern Ireland to live free from the shadow of such groups.”
“How can we tell victims' families that it is the right approach to engage with the very groups that inflict such harm? <BR /> <BR />Today, the Assembly must send a strong and united message. That is why we ask the House to support the motion. While the amendments have their benefits, they nevertheless invite us to indicate to the two Governments that we could maybe say, "Give it a go". No — it is over. No more treating those groups as anything other than what they are. <BR /> <BR />The motion is about reaffirming a principle and ensuring that no Government, no political leader and no institution lends credibility to those who seek to control communities through fear and criminality. It is about standing up for the rule of law, for victims and for a society that has suffered far too long under the weight of such gangs.”
“We see money funnelled into projects where the very groups that cause the harm are invited to take the lead and to sit at the table to, supposedly, fix it. We see Ministers and some Members of the House sit down with representatives of those groups. We see shared housing developments where quiet agreements are made that certain flags will not be flown, not because of a genuine commitment to shared communities and peacebuilding but because a deal has been struck in the background with those who believe that they have the right to dictate the terms of community life. <BR /> <BR />In my constituency, we see cases such as that of Glenn Quinn, from my home town of Carrickfergus, who was murdered in his home. His family were left grieving, and those responsible still walk the streets.”
“<BR /> <BR />The funding allocated to the scoping exercise must be redirected to where it is actually needed: supporting communities to break free from the grip of paramilitarism and ensuring that every individual who wants to leave behind a life of violence has access to the legitimate support structures that they need, not under the supervision of the very groups that exploit them but through independent and trusted organisations that put people before criminal interests, organisations such as Christians Against Poverty, which operates in my constituency, working with those caught in the trap of criminal gang moneylending. <BR /> <BR />We must call out hypocrisy where we see it. Time and time again, we hear condemnation of paramilitary influences from those in power, yet we see decisions being made to legitimise their presence.”
“The only future that they should have is one in which they disband immediately, without negotiation, and face justice for their criminality. <BR /> <BR />The Executive's programme on paramilitarism and organised crime has made progress in tackling the issues, exposing the hidden harms, disrupting operations and ensuring that future generations are not drawn into the same cycles of coercion and criminality. In my view — the Alliance Party's view — that is the correct approach. It is based on law enforcement, community resilience and shining a light into the dark corners of the reality of paramilitary control, rather than pandering to their demands.”
“They exploit young people and groom them into criminality: that is nothing short of child abuse. They exploit poverty and deprivation and entrench their influence; they prey on businesses through intimidation and protection rackets; they poison our streets with drugs; and they trade in fear and violence. At every turn, they justify their existence with a hollow pretence that, somehow, they are protectors when, in reality, they are nothing more than organised criminal gangs. Why, after all these years, is there a willingness in some quarters to treat paramilitaries as something different from what they are? The idea that an official, funded, government-sanctioned process is required to explore their future only reinforces the dangerous notion that they have a future at all.”
“Their leaders profit from extortion, drug dealing and organised crime, and they hold communities in their grip through fear and coercion. Instead of dismantling their structures, too often they have been permitted to evolve their criminal empires, still carrying the trappings of the past, including their murals, which intimidate. They invoke a warped legitimacy that they do not and never did deserve. There is no compelling barrier to disbandment other than their refusal to leave the stage. <BR /> <BR />To encourage paramilitary groups with meetings feeds and endows them with a credibility that they do not deserve. They have had decades of political and economic cajoling and social transformation to step away, move on or let go, yet they continue to exert control over the present.”
“That the UK and Irish Governments propose appointing an independent expert to engage with paramilitary groups in an effort to explore their so-called transition is nothing less than shameful. Let us be absolutely clear: that is the wrong approach. It is an insult to the victims of those criminal gangs, who suffer from their drug dealing, loan sharking, child abuse and prostitution; it is an affront to justice; it lends credibility to those who have spent decades refusing to relinquish their hold on our society; and, most of all, it fundamentally misdiagnoses the problem. Criminal gang paramilitary groups do not exist because they lack a pathway to transition, and they do not persist because they are waiting for the right deal, the right offer or the right inducement. Let me be clear: they continue to operate because they choose to.”
“Instead, we find ourselves once again debating their existence, their influence and the deeply flawed suggestion that they must somehow be coaxed into disbandment.”
“We are here to discuss an issue that should have been consigned to history a long time ago. More than a quarter of a century after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland should be free from the shadow of paramilitarism. It should be free from the fear and intimidation that paramilitary groups inflict, free from the control that they exert over communities and free from the crime and violence that they continue to perpetrate.”
“Minister, given that, as you have set out clearly, it requires finance to build and repair schools, can you explain the reasoning behind your recent decision to pull finance from the school enhancement programme, specifically that for Greenisland Primary School in my East Antrim constituency, which has been waiting a number of years for school enhancement? Many thousands of pounds of public money have already been invested in preparation for that project, yet, last week, the —”
“I thank the Member for his comments so far, particularly about how the Programme for Government, in his words, allows us to hold Ministers and Departments to account for their actions. Does he agree that the Programme for Government is the baseline and that the height of ambition should be for Departments and Ministers to go way above everything that is set out in the Programme for Government? It simply sets a baseline. It certainly should not set the ambition for Departments.”
“Given that customer error overpayments totalled some £50·8 million in 2023, what analysis has been done to understand why those errors are occurring, and how can systems be simplified to prevent them in the future?”
“First Minister, given the inability to reach agreement on the use of the site, how is the work of the board evaluated regarding value for public money? How does it work through its objectives, given that there are no agreed objectives for the use of the site?”
“Minister, what plans do you have to expand the vague symptoms pathway to rapid diagnostic centres? Do you intend to expand those beyond Whiteabbey and Dungannon?”
“Minister, in respect of the money that you have allocated to the Department for Communities, what discussions have you had with that Minister to determine whether he can enter into a compensation scheme for those who lost electricity for a long time, particularly for the loss of food from freezers etc?”
“When does the deputy First Minister expect all those processes to be completed, and will there be an opportunity for her Department to bring that information to the Executive Office Committee?”
“I thank the Minister for his answer. How will the nature recovery fund help to meet the commitments to protect 30% of land and sea for nature by 2030?”
“It is about clearly stating our values and ensuring that our commitments to peace and prosperity are comprehensive and actionable. Let us give good relations a legal definition and a genuine meaning to deliver a more inclusive Northern Ireland.”
“Necessary updates to strategies and policies like Together: Building a United Community have been criticised for being lacklustre, and any pressing of the clear need for a legal definition of good relations continues to be ignored. The Equality Commission, the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission and the Commission on Flags, Identity, Culture and Tradition have acknowledged those issues. Alliance supports calls to deliver a statutory definition of good relations, including amendments to the Northern Ireland Act. A statutory definition of good relations would align us with best practice in other jurisdictions across the United Kingdom, but also deliver the promises of the Good Friday Agreement. <BR /> <BR />In conclusion, defining good relations is not merely about addressing a legislative gap.”
“It is now 2025, and Northern Ireland remains without such legislation. <BR /> <BR />The Executive Office's handling of the good relations strategy has been, at best, slow and ineffective.”
“Failure to provide a definition has allowed section 75 duties that were intended to promote equality and non-discrimination to be turned into what the Equality Coalition has termed a "subjective political veto" over contentious policy. That is a far cry from their original intent, which ultimately undermines their effectiveness. <BR /> <BR />In 2017, the Council of Europe's Advisory Committee on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities recommended:”
“Despite nearly 30 years of policy development in the area, however, the term remains undefined, and, frankly, its interpretation is woolly and varied. That has led to concerns and given opportunity for misuse by sidestepping equality obligations under the guise of fostering good relations, especially in situations involving racial violence against our black and minority ethnic communities. <BR /> <BR />In 2014, the Equality Coalition stated in a report that Northern Ireland's framework for good relations, at best, diverges from the principles of human rights and equality and, at worst, runs counter to them. Unlike those areas, good relations lacks any minimum standard or benchmark, which leaves its implementation ambiguous and subjective to interpretation.”
“I raise an issue that is central to our commitments under section 75(2) of the Northern Ireland Act 1998, specifically the concept of "good relations", which is a term that, despite its frequent use, lacks a statutory definition. The omission has created ambiguity over and practical implications for policy development and community cohesion in Northern Ireland. Section 75(2) mandates that public authorities must promote good relations amongst people of:”
“I thank the Minister for her comments on the two recent events. Will the Minister outline the interventions that the programme makes to provide specific support for victims of paramilitary-style attacks?”
“Minister, in the discussion on your statement, Lisneal College has been mentioned many times. Members who asked you questions were not asking about the school; they were asking about the process. The word count of this discussion will show that you said "Lisneal" more than any other person in the Chamber. However, here is a question to you: you referred to the creation of a controlled sector council, so will that require bringing legislation to the House?”
“Thank you, deputy First Minister, for your statement, in which you said that you took the opportunity to update the Council on the Executive's progress as you near your first anniversary. Without reform, however, the Executive and the Assembly are as unstable today as they were at the point of restoration. What, if any, opportunity did you take with the Prime Minister to pursue a reform agenda for this institution, or are you satisfied with the high risk of continued instability?”
“I thank the Member for giving way. To add to her comment about the organisations that go beyond the basics of providing food through the Trussell Trust and others, I commend to the Member and the House other organisations such as the Carrickfergus BabyBank in my East Antrim constituency. It provides for families' basic needs as new children join them or as children are in family groups. The Carrickfergus BabyBank does essential work by delivering equipment, food, nappies and cleaning supplies.”
“I thank the First Minister and deputy First Minister for the work that they were doing over the weekend. Of course, I associate myself with the remarks that have been made about those who were out on the ground in the teeth of the storm working hard. <BR /> <BR />What action are the First Minister and deputy First Minister taking on a public health message regarding the amount of food that is being declared useless in shops and stores and in people's homes?”
“Thank you, Minister, for your answer. Will you outline for the House what plans you have to consult teachers' unions and other trade unions to review teacher and classroom assistant workloads in order to better represent the reality of life in the classroom for them?”
“Thank you, Minister, for your answer. A recent report has demonstrated that women over 50 in Northern Ireland are, in comparison with other jurisdictions, less likely to be in employment. How will your 'good jobs' Bill help to deliver for those women and get them into employment?”
“Given that the policy and strategy extend from 2015 to 2025, why have you failed to start the renewal of the strategy within the 15- to 25-year time frame? Why do you have to wait until the end of the strategy to consult on a new one when you know that a new one is coming forward?”
“Thank you very much, Principal Deputy Speaker.”
“— the Alliance Party and I cannot support the amendment today.”
“<BR /> <BR />The DUP amendment risks undermining the progress that has been made so far and further delaying the reforms that are so urgently needed. The Gillen review was built on extensive consultation with survivors, experts and stakeholders. Having more consultation at this stage would only further stall the urgent reforms that survivors deserve. Therefore —”
“The Gillen review has laid bare the systemic issues and the changes that are needed to deliver justice and support for survivors, but some recommendations remain outstanding. Reforming the legal definition of "reasonable belief" in consent must be considered urgently. The current legislation fails to understand consent and leaves far too much room for ambiguity and dangerous assumptions. Likewise, we must do as much as we can to create a system that does not re-traumatise survivors or dismiss their experiences. The introduction of pretrial education is a vital step that must be prioritised. Myths and stereotypes continue to pervade public understanding and courtroom decisions. Educating jurors before they hear cases would be a simple but powerful step in ensuring that justice is based on facts rather than misconceptions.”
“Her Department has overseen many critical reforms, particularly those from the Gillen review, which continues to address some of the failings of our justice system in handling serious sexual offences. The establishment of the sexual offences legal adviser has provided more than 2,000 adult survivors with vital access to legal advice and support. That will soon be extended to children, making sure that their voices are heard in the courtroom. The creation of remote evidence centres, which I visited during my tenure on the Justice Committee, has provided so many vulnerable witnesses, including children, with a safe and comfortable space in which to give their best evidence by video link. Those centres supported more than 300 people in 2024. <BR /> <BR />Those strides are in the right direction, but there is a long way to go.”