Eóin Tennyson
Upper Bann · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Those who have come forward only now, saying that they are not surprised or that they always suspected that something was wrong, simply to use this as part of a grudge match and settle old scores, should hang their heads in shame, as should those who have attempted to use this matter for party political point-scoring in the Chamber today.…”
“Jeffrey Donaldson and Jeffrey Donaldson alone is responsible for his heinous abuse. We know that abusers lurk in the shadows and that this could have befallen any organisation, community or political party. The allegations that came to light in the 'Spotlight' documentary, however, go beyond the actions of one individual.”
“Scandal after scandal has shown that those who push puritanical, sanctimonious and hostile rhetoric towards the LGBTQ+ community are guilty of nauseating hypocrisy. All Members, including those in the DUP, should reflect on that, on the harm caused, apologise to the LGBTQ+ community and change course.”
“We owe it to them to ensure that, never again, will an institution be prioritised over the protection of victims and to make policy change to ensure that faith-based counselling is regulated, safeguarding procedures are followed and, importantly, that reforms are made to our RSE system so that, never again, will a child or young person no…”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. This is an unconventional intervention, but we are in unprecedented times. I ask for your assurance that you will engage fully with any investigations or inquiries that come about as a result of matters that were raised over the weekend.”
“The response from statutory agencies is consistently inadequate. Despite it being an offence under article 87 of the Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1993, we see no enforcement action whatever from the Department for Infrastructure. I call on the Infrastructure Minister to set out what she will do to start to tackle the issue.”
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“— and to deliver for the people whom they represent.”
“Had the Assembly wished to debate a statutory motion of censure of any of the Members concerned, that motion would have been blocked by cross-community vote. Accountability in the Assembly will be a pipe dream for as long as the current arrangements are allowed to stand. I implore the two largest parties, who have been the stumbling block to reform —”
“I find the level of hypocrisy striking. We have Members of the DUP and Sinn Féin standing up and pointing fingers at each other for actions that their own parties engaged in. Mr Kearney talked about the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, but says that we could not possibly look at a review. A review was promised in the original text of the Good Friday Agreement and has never been implemented. This is not about elevating one community over another: it is about equality. It is about ensuring that everyone in Northern Ireland is treated equally by the institutions, irrespective of whether they are nationalist, unionist or represented by the Members on these Benches who do not align with either of those two boxes. It is also about accountability.”
“The report of the Standards and Privileges Committee was clear in pointing to the fact that Ministers acted unlawfully and continued to act unlawfully even after the High Court decision had been made, setting a poor example, lowering standards and destroying what was left of public trust and confidence in our institutions.”
“It exercised leverage only over the most vulnerable, who languished on ever-increasing waiting lists, were under pressure from huge spikes in the cost of living and struggled to get adequate education provision for their kids. Those were the people who suffered, not Boris Johnson, Rishi Sunak or the European Commission. It is telling that none of the Ministers or Members concerned are here to answer, because they know that that was the sole consequence of their actions.”
“It is telling that Minister Lyons and former Ministers McIlveen and Middleton are not in their place to answer for their actions, albeit they have wheeled out their colleagues to lay out a valiant defence of the indefensible. <BR /> <BR />The Good Friday Agreement relies on three strands: strong relationships internally in Northern Ireland; strong east-west relationships between this island and Britain; and strong North/South relationships. This place functions only on the basis of interdependence, respect and cooperation. In boycotting the North/South meetings, the DUP intentionally sought to disregard that agreement, disrespect its colleagues and disrespect the people whom it is here to serve. It claims to have done so in order to exercise leverage over the EU, in which it has failed.”
“Thank you, Minister, for the statement. I am sure that you would agree that, at a time of such constrained budgets, it would be outrageous if we were to return £48 million of FTC at the end of the financial year. Will you elaborate on what proposals you are working on with your Executive colleagues to utilise that money? When will the Assembly learn more about those?”
“Minister, you will be aware that a number of public-sector pay deals are outstanding this year. Will you update the House on the timelines for negotiating and settling them?”
“I thank the Minister for that answer. Minister, will you outline the costs that might be associated with the roll-out of children's SOLAs?”
“I thank the Minister for that answer. Minister, what actions have already been taken to live within budget?”
“Minister, do you agree that any Department that is reporting an overcommitment should not be committing to additional discretionary spend? What steps can you take to ensure that that situation does not arise again?”
“First Minister, you have outlined that you did not see Mr McMonagle in the Great Hall, but is it really credible, given the circumstances in which he departed employment from Sinn Féin, that not a single member of the Sinn Féin Assembly team was aware of his presence in this Building that day and brought that to your attention?”
“I thank the Minister for her answer. What is her assessment of how the relative needs of her Department and the PSNI have been accounted for in the proposed needs-based factor from the UK Government?”
“Thank you, Minister. Given the significant public concern at the potential for those changes to cause traffic chaos, will you commit to engaging with the council urgently, before the changes take place?”
“It is not a question of whether we believe that the Budget is sufficient, as, clearly, it is not; it is a question of whether we believe that the allocations proposed by the Finance Minister in the Budget that we are legislating for are a fair attempt to allocate insufficient resources, and we believe that they are.”
“We will judge the Minister's proposals on that basis. <BR /> <BR />The truth remains that no amount of transformation of public services or revenue raising by the Executive will ever counteract the underfunding of public services by Westminster. We are committed to speaking with one voice, together with the Finance Minister and other parties, to deliver the fair funding that is required. If we are to make that case, we have to be willing to show responsibility and leadership in the Chamber. That is why the Alliance Party will support the Budget (No. 2) Bill.”
“That could upend our ability to deliver a meaningful fiscal framework for Northern Ireland and disrupt our discussions on the Executive's sustainability plan that provide us with an opportunity to chart a pathway to sustainable finances and to make our case for that revised fiscal framework. The Alliance Party remains of the view that it wants to see the cost of division properly addressed as part of that plan. <BR /> <BR />There are other areas where significant progress is needed. The Executive have already made strides on revenue raising. I appreciate that the Finance Minister announced today that she intends to bring further proposals for revenue raising to the Executive. Our test remains that any revenue raising must be progressive and fair and must ensure that those with the broadest shoulders bear the greatest burden.”
“I will do, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, but, in fairness, that speaks to why we have deviated from the Main Estimates that were legislated for in the Budget (No. 2) Bill. It is important that we touch on those overcommitments, because that is the legislative authority that the Assembly has given to Ministers, and it is wrong for them to disregard it in a cavalier fashion. <BR /> <BR />There is no doubt that navigating the enormous challenges that face every Department will require leadership from every Minister. Failure to grapple with the challenges before us will carry potentially grave consequences. The Minister outlined that fact when she spoke of the potential for Treasury to recall the £559 million that had been written off.”
“That is a hobby horse of Members and has been raised in a number of Finance debates, but I think that we all agree that, in a residential setting such as a prison, where we have prisoners in our care, it is appropriate to have fit-for-purpose canteen facilities. No one in the Chamber would argue that that expenditure is not essential or unavoidable where the current provision is not fit for purpose. The Member made an admirable attempt to draw a comparison with the Department of Education's spending decisions, but it does not stand up to any scrutiny.”
“In my view, those are all bizarre priorities, given the enormous pressures facing that Department and the Executive as a whole. <BR /> <BR />Compare and contrast that with the Department of Justice's approach. The funding challenges facing Justice have been well rehearsed, and there are specific and historical challenges relating to the underfunding of policing and justice, yet the projected overcommitment in the Department is significantly less. There are clear plans to transform the Department through the speeding up justice programme, and, on the basis of previous debates, I hope that, as bids come through the system, there will be unanimous support for the recovery plan for the PSNI, which will address those overspends.”
“<BR /> <BR />In one sense, it is no surprise that the biggest pressures face the biggest-spending Departments: Health, Education and Justice. A significant portion of the pressures arises from pay review body recommendations in England, and, of course, we all want to see our public-sector workers properly supported. What is surprising, however, is that some Ministers seem to treat their overcommitments more seriously than others. Despite the enormous overspend facing the Department of Education, the Minister saw fit to approve further discretionary spend, including £250,000 for magnetic pouches for just 10 schools, on top of ignoring the recommendations of the independent review of education and the Audit Office and, seemingly, indicating that he wishes to see more duplication in our system in management bodies, rather than less.”
“That is why Alliance remains consistent and unequivocal in our calls for reform, with proposals that uphold power-sharing and the principles of the Good Friday Agreement but seek to address the fundamental structural flaws and inequalities that have held us back and damaged our services and finances. <BR /> <BR />Since agreeing to the Budget for 2024-25, we have all become familiar with Ministers coming to the Chamber to outline the enormous challenges facing their respective Departments. We now know that Departments are reporting £767 million in pressures. The Minister has outlined her intention to allocate £500 million in anticipated Barnett consequentials, which I support, but it is clear that even that will fall short of the funding required.”
“Notwithstanding the obvious impact on our public finances, on our public services and on public confidence and in spite of warm words about the need for stability and delivery, neither Sinn Féin nor the DUP has shown any willingness to surrender its veto or commit not to wield it during the remainder of the mandate. There is no reason for either party to cling to its sectarian veto, unless it is an intention to use it or the threat of it to block progress. Without action, that inherent instability will continue to cast a long shadow over the Executive and our finances and will stymie our ability to deliver meaningful long-term transformation.”
“The Alliance Party has consistently warned about the scale of the financial challenges facing the Executive. At every opportunity, we have challenged Westminster austerity, championed fair funding for Northern Ireland and called for proper investment in public services. As I said at Second Stage, the Budget process for 2024-25, like so many before it, has been upended by the stop-go nature of the Assembly. The seemingly endless merry-go-round of crisis and collapse over the past decade has meant that this is our tenth single-year Budget in a row. The timing of the Assembly's return meant that the Bill commenced Second Stage without proper consultation and in the absence of a Programme for Government.”
“Minister, will you provide an update on the special schools extension and refurbishment programme that you announced earlier this year?”
“Minister, are you aware of any precedent for investment on such a scale being pulled or paused without consultation with the Executive? Do you agree that, for a Government who talk up their economic credentials, their behaviour over past days would put their Tory predecessors to shame?”
“Minister, on a number of occasions, you referred to a proposal that would mean that developers might contribute more. Will you put some meat on the bones of what that proposal would look like? Will you also consider an independent review of the funding and governance arrangements of NI Water as part of that work?”
“If that is the case, Minister, why did you support an amendment that removed from a motion a reference to the sustainability plan dealing with the cost of division?”
“Minister, the previous Government set a revenue-raising target of £113 million annually. Will you update the House on progress towards meeting the target?”
“We will, therefore, not support the DUP amendment, which removes from the motion the very words "cost of division". <BR /> <BR />It will be no surprise to anyone in the Chamber to hear me say again that you cannot achieve sustainable finances without sustainable political institutions. Reform of this place to remove the ability of any single party to block government, or, more importantly, to block progress in government, is essential if we are to make the change that is needed to our public services and stabilise our finances. <BR /> <BR />There is no doubt that the challenges are enormous. They are not, however, insurmountable. With a new Executive in place and a new Government at Westminster, there is a renewed opportunity for change, and, for our part, we in Alliance will not shirk our responsibilities in leading that change.”
“It is also difficult to make the case to Treasury about our dire financial position while, when some Departments can barely meet the cost of essentials, others are making discretionary spending decisions, such as that of the Education Minister to spend £250,000 on magnetic wallets when, the last time that I checked, phones can be switched off and stored for free. How many police officers could that expenditure have funded? How many nurses? <BR /> <BR />So, too, must we finally confront the elephant in the room that is the cost of delivering services in a divided society. Estimates place that cost anywhere between £400 million and £800 million every year, and the refusal of some Ministers to even acknowledge the existence of that cost is not tenable and must change.”
“That would lift overall relative need to at least 127%, and, by incorporating taxable capacity and benefit-rate sensitivity, there are strong arguments that that should be even higher. <BR /> <BR />In making the case to the UK Government, however, we cannot shirk our responsibilities. That is why we are also calling in the motion on the Finance Minister to publish the promised sustainability plan, setting out the case not only for a revised fiscal framework but for transformation here at home. Failure to adequately grasp the nettle on transformation has in part walked us to this position. Eight long years after the Bengoa review of our health service was published, we now finally need to see a proper action plan for the transformation and reconfiguration of our services.”
“<BR /> <BR />Yesterday, we had a debate about the under-resourcing of policing and justice, which is also at the centre of the debate about our funding formula. Although we know that policing a divided society is enormously complicated and costly, the period over which average policing and justice spend was assessed relative to England dramatically underestimated objective need and focused on a period during which the Budget was squeezed for political reasons and spending was obscured by COVID-19. It is our view that the period during which policing and justice ought to be assessed is the ring-fenced period between 2010 and 2015, which actually offers a more reliable reflection of the UK Government's revealed funding preference.”
“<BR /> <BR />For so many reasons, it costs more to deliver public services in Northern Ireland than elsewhere in the UK. Relatively, we have a larger public sector, greater sparsity of population and a greater number of dependants, to name a few factors. However, for many years, the argument that Northern Ireland was underfunded was dismissed. Well, no longer. The concession of the previous Government that we were the only part of the UK that was funded below relative need is significant progress. However, the needs factor that has subsequently been introduced is not a fiscal floor but a fiscal ceiling and does not adequately address that shortfall, nor does the Alliance Party believe that the 124% proffered actually captures our relative need.”
“They could, for example, explore a wealth tax or seek to simplify and align capital gains tax more closely with income, as recommended by the Office of Tax Simplification. The Government could also seek to further extend and expand the windfall tax so that energy companies that profit from pollution and rising costs on our constituents pay their fair share. <BR /> <BR />Fiscal discipline is absolutely essential. There is no question about that. However, self-imposing the fiscal rules of one of the most undisciplined Governments is no way to achieve that. Reforming the fiscal rules to adopt a more long-term approach to investment in order to recognise the indirect costs of environmental inaction is a realistic and credible option to generate additional headroom and unlock additional investment in public services.”
“Since then, the superwealthy have amassed greater affluence and wealth, and big oil companies have obtained record profits. Meanwhile, working people in my constituency have been hit hard by a stagnation in living standards, the dismantling of the social security system and spiralling costs, so much so that the wealthiest 1% in society now possess more wealth than the poorest 70%. To be frank, austerity is a political choice, and it is a choice that my constituents can no longer bear. <BR /> <BR />There is an alternative. The UK Government can, and should, take steps towards a more progressive, fair and redistributive system of taxation to end the indignity whereby some of the wealthiest in our society pay a lower overall rate of tax than working people who are struggling to make ends meet.”
“When the new Government took office, the Chancellor, Rachel Reeves, rightly diagnosed the problem: a £22 billion black hole in our finances as a result of reckless and unfunded commitments that were made by the Conservatives. We are told that the Government will not repeat the mistakes of the previous one, and yet, in June, the Institute for Fiscal Studies pointed out that Labour's plans mean that public services are likely to be seriously squeezed and face real-terms cuts. The Resolution Foundation has warned that, based on our current spending projections, the Government will need to make £19 billion of annual cuts by 2028-29. However you cut it, that is an extension of the very same austerity that decimated public services and communities under the Tories. <BR /> <BR />In 2010, David Cameron told us that we were all in it together.”
“Alliance comes to the Chamber not to simply bemoan the problem or decry the challenges that we face but to offer solutions and a credible path forward. Yesterday, the Executive set out a Programme for Government, with plans to tackle those issues and many others and to deliver positive change for everyone in our community. Our ability to deliver on those ambitions will be contingent on a reset of fiscal policy at Westminster, a reformulation of our funding model here in Northern Ireland and serious efforts to deliver financial sustainability and reform locally. I will address each of those issues in turn. <BR /> <BR />It is no secret that the UK Government hold the bulk of the fiscal levers, and so have the greatest influence on the Budget that is ultimately available to the Executive.”
“Here in Northern Ireland, that pain has been compounded even further by a funding formula that has not kept pace with need and a cycle of stop-start government at the behest of the two largest parties, which has done untold damage to our public services. <BR /> <BR />The starting point for the debate has to be honesty about the enormity of the challenge that we face. We have some of the worst hospital waiting lists anywhere in western Europe; an under-resourced and overstretched Police Service; creaking waste water infrastructure that is polluting our rivers and Lough Neagh; young people being locked out of housing, and too many parents being forced out of work by crippling childcare costs. However, we cannot simply stop there.”
“Thank you, Principal Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />Alliance has consistently warned that the Executive have inherited the worst set of financial circumstances in the history of devolution. Prolonged Westminster austerity, the economic damage of Brexit, a global pandemic, war in Ukraine and the cost-of-living crisis have each taken enormous tolls on the economy, our public finances and the people whom we are all here to represent. That squeeze has been felt across the devolved Administrations. Just last week, the Scottish Government announced emergency saving measures amounting to £500 million in order to balance their Budget mid-year.”
“We need clarity on the short-term future of SPF as a transitional measure to give organisations in receipt of that funding the certainty that they so desperately need. Beyond that, we have a real opportunity to get replacement EU funding right. Together, the Executive can work with the UK Government to co-design a sustainable replacement with the community and voluntary sector, and I hope that the Finance Minister will take those representations to the Treasury and the Department on the Executive's behalf.”
“Such uncertainty hits the community and voluntary sector harder than other parts of our economy. Staff have to be placed on protected notice and preparation commenced to deliver services differently or, worse, to cease delivering services altogether. Once services and expertise are lost, it is almost impossible to replace them. To lose them would be a false economy, heaping even further cost and pressure onto our public services. After all that they have been through, the least that we can do for those organisations and their service users is to deliver sustainable funding to support the positive change that they bring to our society. <BR /> <BR />It now falls to the UK Government to make good on the promises made by the previous Government, and it is vital that they move swiftly.”
“<BR /> <BR />We know that the UK Government's role in administering funding means that, in some respects, there are now two masters, with risk of duplication of the work between local Departments and those in Whitehall, a lack of understanding of the needs and circumstances of local communities here and a risk that the projects funded do not neatly align with the Executive's strategic priorities. <BR /> <BR />Despite all the barriers that were thrown up, the sector responded with agility, often with creative consortium bids, to preserve as many of the services that they offered as possible. It is unforgivable, therefore, that after all the strain that those organisations have been placed under, they again peer over another cliff edge, with uncertainty on future funding beyond March 2025.”
“<BR /> <BR />Eventually, at the last moment, clarity came in the shape of the Shared Prosperity Fund, and, instead of the like-for-like replacement for ESF and European regional development funding that was promised, the transition proved disastrous, with thousands losing out on vital support, the loss of up to £23 million per year and a power grab, removing the devolved nations' role in administering the funding. That change has arguably been felt most acutely in Northern Ireland, as it is no secret that we were a net beneficiary of EU structural funds. Those allocations were made on the basis of our need to tackle issues around regional imbalance, economic inactivity and underinvestment, and if the UK Government are serious about the so-called levelling up agenda, replacement funding ought to be allocated on the same basis.”
“That work is not just a nice, added extra but is absolutely essential to promote equality and tackle economic inactivity. I felt, frankly, embarrassed that, as this incredible organisation went about its work whilst facing a Brexit-shaped hole in its finances, there was no Assembly and Executive for them to turn to and no clear direction from the UK Government on replacement funding. That was despite a manifesto commitment from the Conservative Government that they would replace EU funding in full — another in the litany of unkept promises left in their wake.”
“There is no doubt that our community and voluntary sector offers invaluable support to our society by helping to tackle economic, social and environmental challenges and often plugging gaps where government provision has fallen short. Yet, be it through the cuts imposed through the Secretary of State's punishment Budget during the absence of this Assembly and Executive, or through their funding being cast aside as collateral in the reckless and ideological pursuit of Brexit, those organisations have been treated shamefully by politicians in recent years. <BR /> <BR />At the end of 2022, I was contacted by Appleby Trust, an organisation in my constituency that offers vital supported employment opportunities for people with disabilities and which had benefited from the European social fund.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. The Member is effectively saying that the saga has been a wake-up call, and it has, but it has only been a wake-up call for those of you who have been asleep at the wheel. I make no apologies for reminding you of that.”
“I look forward to unanimous support from every party in the Chamber when those bids come forward in monitoring rounds and in the next Budget.”
“The Ulster Unionist Party, however, railed against it and said that all the additional money that had become available should have gone to health, in which case policing and justice would have been in an even worse position. <BR /> <BR />Let us get real about this: politics is about choices and priorities. It is about actions, not words. It is all well and good to come to the Chamber and decry a letter that has been sensationalised in order to cover your own blushes when we are in a situation that is entirely of your making. I commend the Justice Minister for the work that she has been doing behind the scenes and wish her and the Chief Constable well in securing the additional resource needed for our Police Service.”
“It was this party in December that made the argument that the Fiscal Council's assessment did not adequately take account of policing and justice spend. When we reflect on why policing and justice has been squeezed since ring-fencing ended — for the Member's information, justice spend was ring-fenced after devolution for five years — we see that, since then, it was not the Alliance Party but successive Executives led by the DUP and Sinn Féin who squeezed the justice budget, despite our warnings, because we were a small party in the Executive at that time. You cannot now come crying to the Chamber about the inevitable consequences of your actions. <BR /> <BR />To give credit where it is due, the current Finance Minister recognised and sought to rectify in the most recent Budget the scarring impact that underinvestment in justice has had.”