Eóin Tennyson
Upper Bann · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Those who have come forward only now, saying that they are not surprised or that they always suspected that something was wrong, simply to use this as part of a grudge match and settle old scores, should hang their heads in shame, as should those who have attempted to use this matter for party political point-scoring in the Chamber today.…”
“Jeffrey Donaldson and Jeffrey Donaldson alone is responsible for his heinous abuse. We know that abusers lurk in the shadows and that this could have befallen any organisation, community or political party. The allegations that came to light in the 'Spotlight' documentary, however, go beyond the actions of one individual.”
“Scandal after scandal has shown that those who push puritanical, sanctimonious and hostile rhetoric towards the LGBTQ+ community are guilty of nauseating hypocrisy. All Members, including those in the DUP, should reflect on that, on the harm caused, apologise to the LGBTQ+ community and change course.”
“We owe it to them to ensure that, never again, will an institution be prioritised over the protection of victims and to make policy change to ensure that faith-based counselling is regulated, safeguarding procedures are followed and, importantly, that reforms are made to our RSE system so that, never again, will a child or young person no…”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. This is an unconventional intervention, but we are in unprecedented times. I ask for your assurance that you will engage fully with any investigations or inquiries that come about as a result of matters that were raised over the weekend.”
“The response from statutory agencies is consistently inadequate. Despite it being an offence under article 87 of the Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1993, we see no enforcement action whatever from the Department for Infrastructure. I call on the Infrastructure Minister to set out what she will do to start to tackle the issue.”
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“Rather, the intent is to criminalise heinous, coercive and harmful practices, and I am absolutely committed to doing that. <BR /> <BR />I am happy to engage with any Member. Mr Kingston's concerns about the motion are not based on the fact of what is being proposed. I am happy to work with any Member to ensure that a comprehensive ban on conversion therapy can be delivered.”
“That is why, should legislation not be forthcoming from the Communities Minister, I will seek to introduce a private Member's Bill to ban those practices once and for all. <BR /> <BR />There is no doubt that, when we debate these issues, some will seek to pit LGBTQ+ people against people of faith. That argument, of course, holds no water and ignores the plurality of our society where there are, in fact, many people who are both LGBTQ+ and people of faith. As a member of a liberal party, I believe fundamentally in religious freedom — both freedom to and freedom from religion — but I also reject a situation where religious freedom is invoked only in the name of discrimination and harm against minorities. There is no intent to criminalise expressions of traditional religious belief, far from it.”
“<BR /> <BR />We know that perpetrators of conversion therapy prey on internalised feelings of fear and shame in those struggling with who they are, often taking advantage of young, vulnerable LGBT people and fraudulently subjecting them not to treatment but to torture. Even if it were possible to change someone's fundamental nature, our time would be better spent on making bigots and proponents of conversion therapy more compassionate and leaving LGBT people alone. It is true that existing law already addresses some of the harmful behaviour often associated with conversion practices, including physical violence and threatening conduct. It is also true, however, that there are gaps in the law that allow some forms of conversion practice to fall through.”
“Today, thankfully, LGBT identities are widely recognised as a totally normal part of human development, and so-called conversion therapy has been discredited by organisations including the British Psychological Society (BPS), NHS England, the Association of Christians in Counselling (ACC) and virtually every reputable medical and counselling body across the globe. <BR /> <BR />Despite those changes and all the evidence that we now have in our possession, we know that such degrading, destructive and denounced practices persist and are still being inflicted on LGBT people in Northern Ireland today. We know that thanks to research such as the work conducted by Professor Fidelma Ashe and Dr Danielle Mackle. I thank them and their participants for their important work.”
“The Alliance Party's vision is for a more shared, equal, tolerant and united community, where diversity is celebrated and where everyone's rights are protected and respected. We are committed, therefore, to taking steps to ensure that people in Northern Ireland are protected from harm based on who they are or whom they love, including through the delivery of a comprehensive ban on cruel and archaic conversion practices. <BR /> <BR />Such practices were conceived at a time when homosexuality and transgender identity were considered mental disorders in need of cure.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. He mentioned that many of the most heinous acts of conversion practice are already illegal under existing law. Surely he acknowledges, given the evidence that we have available to us, that some forms of it are falling through the cracks.”
“I thank the Minister for that answer. Is she confident that her Department has allocated sufficient resources for the work? Will building the evidence include the establishment of an independent commission to advise her?”
“I thank the Minister for that. The Minister will be aware that the Committee for Education and the Committee for the Economy held a concurrent meeting last week. At that meeting, Education officials said that there were currently no plans to publish the action plan for the framework for 14- to 19-year-olds' education. How does the Minister expect those Committees to scrutinise that work if the action plan is not available to measure progress against?”
“It is for the Department of Health and the Minister to bring forward those proposals. <BR /> <BR />We have led the way on a fair funding settlement, and we will continue to work with others to oppose Tory austerity and deliver the funding that —”
“The Minister has not provided the necessary information to the Committee for Health for any Member to bring forward a costed plan: therein lies the problem. We need to see prioritisation from the Department of Health, and we need to see priorities for the additional money that becomes available throughout the year, so that Members can prioritise them in terms of the available options.”
“That brings me to some of the challenges with our capital projects and allocations. I will give way.”
“Failing to agree a Budget will set back those efforts. Therefore, we will support the Budget today. <BR /> <BR />I am also clear, however, that, should the flexibility not be forthcoming, the buck stops with the Education Minister to find the money in his allocation. Simply submitting bids and wringing your hands when the allocations are inevitably insufficient is not good enough. The Minister needs to prioritise, come to the table with proposals to tackle the cost of division and stop ignoring the independent review of education and the Audit Office when it comes to projects such as Strule.”
“<BR /> <BR />We also have the highest spend per head on health in the UK but the worst outcomes. Therefore, it is about more than money, and the Finance Committee has consistently heard in evidence about the need for reform and transformation. Instead, key recommendations for reform gather dust on a shelf, and we have seen precious little by way of plans for reconfiguration or to tackle the spiralling locum and agency costs, which have been sitting at £400 million since the Executive returned. <BR /> <BR />It is hugely disappointing, however, that, despite assurances from the Finance and Education Ministers, there is no ring-fenced allocation for the pay and grading review of the Education Authority (EA). They have, in fairness, set out a strategy of seeking permission from the Treasury to reprofile money in the financial package.”
“Despite the challenges, the Executive have managed to prioritise an additional £25 million for early years and childcare, an issue that has been spearheaded by my colleague Kate Nicholl. When combined with the existing UK scheme, that will save parents with two children in full-time childcare about £8,000 a year. <BR /> <BR />Despite the spin, the Department of Health has received over 50% of the available funding. Health funding is up 6% on the opening position last year, and spending on health will increase by £2 billion in comparison with 2020. We must all recognise that, while health is undoubtedly a priority, it is bigger than the Department of Health. Investment in prevention and early intervention through education, quality housing and an effective justice system is essential for good public health.”
“The stakes are far too high and the consequences far too serious. We have heard a suggestion that we delay the Budget. Not only would there be no practical benefit in doing so but it would be at odds with our legal responsibilities. However, it underlines a key point: this is simply the opening position. It is likely that significant additional funding will flow through June monitoring and a UK spending review later this year, hopefully under a new Government. <BR /> <BR />There are stark and difficult choices for all Departments — there is no doubt about that — but there is an onus on those of us in the Executive to stand up, show leadership and actually govern.”
“In a moment. <BR /> <BR />Indeed, the Ulster Unionist finance spokesperson has spent more time advocating a cut in corporation tax than fair funding for our public services, which would have left us in an even worse position. More than that, their approach risks upending the negotiations with Treasury and squandering the progress to date. The £3·3 billion financial package is contingent on a Budget being in place. The additional funding and flexibility in the interim fiscal framework would not have been possible without Executive agreement on a Budget, and any hope of an improved funding formula will be lost without Assembly agreement on a Budget. <BR /> <BR />It is utterly bizarre — in fact, it is plain reckless — for anyone in the Chamber to suggest that we simply roll the dice and cross our fingers.”
“The Member has demonstrated that clearly.”
“For a start, that proposal would not close the £800 million gap in the Health budget. <BR /> <BR />I am glad that the Member has raised the matter of the Westminster election. It is an opportunity for us to send a message that we want to put an end to stop-start government and legislate for the reform of these institutions. Westminster is also key to a fair funding settlement to ensure that our funding formula represents objective need. We need to send strong, progressive voices to Westminster that will stand against Tory austerity and advocate for the people of Northern Ireland. Therefore, I believe that the Westminster election is important, and I am proud that strong candidates from the Alliance Party are standing. <BR /> <BR />As I said, we have heard criticism, but not one alternative has been forthcoming.”
“We have heard criticism from the SDLP and the Ulster Unionists in the media, but I have not heard a single costed or credible alternative from either of those parties — not one.”
“<BR /> <BR />That cycle of chaos and crisis is not good enough, but nor is it good enough for parties to come to the Chamber and bemoan the process that we are engaged in if they are not willing to advocate the reform that is necessary to ensure that it can never happen again. That is why Alliance has consistently and persistently led the charge to scrap the vetoes and remove the ability of any single party to hold the Assembly to ransom. <BR /> <BR />Today is not about whether we believe that the funding envelope available to the Executive is sufficient — it is clear, after a decade of Tory austerity, that it is not — but about whether we believe that the Budget before us is a fair attempt at allocating the insufficient available resources and enabling a process of further negotiation with Treasury on an improved settlement.”
“It is an understatement that this is an extremely challenging Budget, set in the most turbulent of circumstances. The fact that we are only now in a position to have this debate, two months into the financial year, is testament enough to that. Like so many of our Budget processes, this one has been upended by delay and disruption due to the absence of an Assembly. The constant stop-go cycle of government means that this is the tenth single-year Budget in a row, and the timing of the return of the Executive has placed us in an invidious position where the Budget must progress hastily, in the absence of a Programme for Government and without adequate consultation. Stalemate has robbed us of key opportunities to transform health and education and to negotiate a fair funding settlement with Treasury from a position of strength and stability.”
“I welcome that clarification from the Member. It is helpful. I welcome his constructive tone as well. It is unusual for the Member and me to engage in constructive debate in the Chamber, so that makes a change. His point also begs this question: had the UK Government engaged in good faith rather than entertaining the fantasies of the UK Internal Market Bill and other retrograde actions, would we be in a better place on these issues today? <BR /> <BR />I hope that we can learn the lessons of the past eight years, with their circular arguments around Brexit, and unite on the crux of the motion, which is the urgent need for a legal, sustainable and mutually agreed solution on veterinary medicines.”
“To embark on such a course would cause not only further challenges to our economy but issues with our access to the single market. That is why we have a slight concern about the DUP amendment. Whilst there is much in it that we can agree with, it appears to hint at unilateral action, which is not a solution and would only compound the challenges that we face.”
“Reaching that solution will require efforts to build trust and confidence that would be aided further by enhanced efforts towards wider UK-EU alignment. That is why, as far back as January 2021, Alliance was the first party to call for a comprehensive sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) veterinary agreement. Hopefully, we will see further progress in that direction under a new UK Government. <BR /> <BR />We know that, where the UK and EU engage in good faith, uphold the rule of law and collaborate, solutions and flexibilities are forthcoming. If the past eight years have taught us anything, it is that the folly of threatening unilateral action or pursuing an insular and isolationist approach will only leave us worse off and delay progress.”
“Mutual recognition agreements already in place between EU countries and countries such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand and Switzerland aim to promote greater harmonisation of regulation, and they provide learnings that could be instructive to us in solving our issues. <BR /> <BR />The motion calls on the AERA Minister to bring forward a proposed solution. There is a missed opportunity in that, because we know broadly what the solution is, and we, as an Assembly, need to call on the UK Government to pursue that solution on a mutual basis with the EU. I am, however, grateful for the constructive role that the AERA Minister has played in his engagement with the veterinary medicines working group.”
“<BR /> <BR />Failure to adequately address the issue has the potential to cause difficulty for animal health, agriculture and our wider economy, owing to additional cost, a reduction in competition and increased bureaucracy. Crucially, however, solutions exist. It may well be the case, as others have said, that a further extension to the grace period is required to allow meaningful engagement between the UK Government and the European Union on the options available to us. The aspiration must, of course, be a comprehensive UK-EU veterinary medicines agreement. In the absence of that, enhanced collaboration between the UK and EU on the regulation and supply of veterinary medicines could offer some interim relief. That could be overseen by a UK-EU technical group.”
“<BR /> <BR />Today is not about rehashing or relitigating the arguments of the referendum; it is about charting a course towards a bespoke and mutually agreed solution on veterinary medicines. I welcome the Ulster Unionist Party's motion, which gives us an opportunity to debate that aim. The starting point for the debate is to acknowledge that there is an issue. Recent reports suggest that a significant proportion of veterinary medicines used in Northern Ireland may no longer be available when the grace period expires in December 2025. In reality, we know that the deadline is much sooner, as many pharmaceutical companies plan for production, regulatory changes and logistics at least 18 months in advance.”
“Much water has passed under the bridge since the EU referendum in 2016. Indeed, the story of much of the past eight years has been about trying to find the means by which Northern Ireland can live with the outworkings of Brexit. In navigating the myriad of challenges thrown up by leaving the EU, the fact remains that Northern Ireland will need special arrangements to manage our unique circumstances. That truth is inescapable whether we are talking about the backstop, the protocol, the Windsor framework or this latest iteration. That is why Alliance has consistently sought flexibilities and solutions that are specific to Northern Ireland, that are consistent with international law, that protect the Good Friday Agreement and that maintain our dual market access.”
“There is a clear public interest, therefore, in supporting people to achieve amicable resolutions to financial and care arrangements following a separation. <BR /> <BR />The introduction of no-fault divorce is a clear step along the road in moving away from prolonged periods of animosity and blame. It is not, however, the end of the journey. Tackling some of the issues that have been raised — be it around inequality, domestic abuse, promoting healthy relationships and dealing with the well-being and life chances of children — will require a joined-up and cross-Executive effort, and I sincerely hope that the debate can be the start of that journey.”
“No, I will not give way. I am usually keen to give way in debate, but, when I last tried to intervene on the Member, he would not give way and engage in debate and was personally rude. I have no intention of giving way to the Member on this occasion. <BR /> <BR />In considering reform in this jurisdiction, we must deliver divorce laws that ensure that couples can separate as amicably as possible; seek to minimise conflict; uphold and protect the dignity, human rights and equality of those involved; maximise the chances of agreement being reached; and keep the risk of domestic abuse as low as possible. Where children are involved, their interests must, of course, be paramount, and a safe and secure outcome for them should be promoted.”
“There are also widespread concerns about the potential for exploitation of the current system, whereby it can be used as a means for a perpetrator of domestic abuse to continue to exercise coercive control through the legal process, resulting in a victim of domestic abuse being effectively trapped in a marriage for a prolonged period. Additionally, victims having to recount specific details of abuse through the divorce process can compound mental and emotional distress and reopen incredibly traumatising experiences. England and Wales have already moved to introduce no-fault divorce procedures, and we can and should learn from their experience and ensure that this is not another example of Northern Ireland being left behind the rest of these islands.”
“Establishing one of the three faults, be it adultery, unreasonable behaviour or desertion, can be difficult and often creates further tensions at a time when emotions are already incredibly high for partners and their families. Indeed, it can be an acrimonious, fractious and prolonged process, particularly for children. Some 21% of respondents to the Finding Fault survey stated that they believed that establishing fault had made it difficult to sort arrangements for children, and 78% said that it made the process more bitter. <BR /> <BR />As has been referenced, there are examples of separated couples having to resort to establishing fault that is not necessarily based on fact in order to speed up the process.”
“The Alliance Party supports the introduction of no-fault divorce, as committed to in our 2022 Assembly manifesto, and welcomes the opportunity to debate the issue. The existing procedure and law managing divorce and the dissolution of civil partnerships is not fit for purpose and is in clear need of updating. <BR /> <BR />The fundamental problem is, as has been set out, the requirement to prove that a marriage has broken down either by establishing fault on the part of one partner or by showing that the couple has lived separate lives for a prolonged number of years. Those who cannot afford to live in two separate households for years in order to prove that their marriage has broken down are left with the only option available to them, which is to establish fault.”
“I am grateful to the Minister for that answer. In GB, a computer system automatically flags when a carer exceeds their weekly earnings cap. Do we have a similar system here, and, if so, is it working properly?”
“Forgive me if I missed it, Minister, but I am not sure that you have answered the question. Will we see a ban on conversion therapy in your Department's legislative programme, and when can we expect to see that legislation in the House?”
“I also agree that the UK Government need to take a more proactive approach to upholding the FCA's responsibility for proper scrutiny.”
“In recent years, under the Conservative Government, there has been a pattern of pursuing tax cuts for the wealthiest in society whilst hiking taxes that are paid by working families. Since the Conservatives formed the Government in 2010, insurance premium tax has increased from 5% to 12%. That adds £67 to the average policy and, again, is regressive in that the cost is highest to younger drivers and those who already fork out the most on car insurance and other insurance. An argument can be made that a targeted reduction for those facing the highest costs would be a progressive intervention. <BR /> <BR />I support the motion. The Financial Conduct Authority should do more and should consider a full market inquiry into the insurance industry.”
“In 2021, 8,753 under-25 drivers were involved in an accident in Northern Ireland, which means that they were involved in 18% of all car accidents that year. It remains the fact, however, that, as Diane Forsythe said, the majority of young people drive responsibly and, as ever, are suffering as a consequence of the actions of a minority in our community. This is where the Executive have a role: in education, in supporting better and safer driving and in improving road safety. A graduated driving licence scheme is one option that, I hope, the Minister for Infrastructure will consider in due course. We also know that our planning system and flood alleviation measures play an important role in the home insurance premiums that our constituents pay. <BR /> <BR />I will turn to insurance premium tax.”
“I am deeply conscious that those costs have a hugely prohibitive and regressive impact on employment and social opportunities, particularly in rural areas such as parts of my constituency where public transport links are lacking in choice and frequency and late-night services are non-existent. To be clear, I am an advocate of modal shift, but, if we are to change behaviours, we should do so through progressive and fair taxation and reinvestment in public transport and active travel alternatives, not by relying on rip-off insurance premiums. <BR /> <BR />The insurance industry states that young drivers are more likely to be involved in crashes. In fairness, that view is supported by data.”
“Those who spread payments are disproportionately younger and less-wealthy people, leading the head of insurance at the Financial Conduct Authority to describe insurers' interest rates as "a tax on being poor." In order to maximise transparency, insurers' interest rates should be compared in a published league table, with the regulator taking strong action against those who do not provide fair value in line with their statutory obligations. <BR /> <BR />Younger drivers fare worse in price increases. On average, 18-year-olds now pay £3,145 for their car insurance, which is a staggering £1,300, or 70%, more in the past 12 months.”
“That data, combined with the fact that insurance premiums in the UK are significantly higher than in many of our European neighbours, begs the question as to whether customers being taken for a ride — the pun is intended on that one, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />Nevertheless, those sharp increases are not being felt equally. Sales data examined by 'Which' suggests that as of last September, drivers who pay for insurance monthly are forking out, on average, £300 more than those who pay in a lump sum.”
“As other Members have said, whilst this is primarily a reserved matter, I welcome the opportunity to debate this important topic, which has been a leading contributor to the rising cost of living. All of us in the Chamber will have been contacted by constituents about rising costs, with some facing car insurance renewals that are 50% higher than they were just a year ago. The Association of British Insurers (ABI) estimates that car insurance increased by 34% between the end of 2022 and the end of 2023. In attempting to justify that increase, the ABI points to a 31% increase in vehicle repair costs and a 35% increase in the cost of providing temporary vehicles. <BR /> <BR />If you scratch below the surface of those figures, however, you will find that the total of UK insurance payouts increased by just 18%.”
“Whilst I appreciate that powers in this space are limited because, as others said, financial services and banking is largely a reserved issue, I encourage the Minister to continue to advocate as best she can at a UK level. That is because it appears that our policy approach in this area sometimes appears to be a carrot approach from the Assembly without there necessarily being a stick at UK level through regulation to work with industry in order to ensure the accessibility of cash and other banking services on our high streets. <BR /> <BR />I thank the Minister for tabling the motion, and I am happy to support the order.”
“However, the exemption has a hugely significant impact on our rural communities. There is, as others said, an important equality consideration in access to cash for not only our rural communities but those older people who are not necessarily digital natives. <BR /> <BR />However, figures suggest that, even with the policy in place, there continues to be a decline in the availability of rural ATMs and bank branches on our high streets. The very recent announcement that a Halifax branch in Portadown in my constituency will not reopen following a fire earlier this year is another example of that. We all have examples of loss of services in our constituencies.”
“Again, I rise to very briefly put on record the Alliance Party's support for the proposed rule, which will reinstate the micro policy of applying a rates exemption to ATMs in designated rural areas. Like the previous order that we debated, this is an example of a policy that lapsed in the absence of an Assembly, and, as someone who does not really use cash very often, I have to say that I was surprised at the extent to which I was lobbied on the issue when the Assembly was down. <BR /> <BR />I welcome, however, that we are now in a position to reinstate the policy in this annual technical vote. Having been a feature of our rating system since 2007, and having been consulted on twice since then, the exemption has a negligible impact on cost and administration, given that Land and Property Services is able to automatically apply it.”
“However, the lead-in time for a new business is often longer than a year, and so I welcome the Minister's commitment that she will look to include this relief in a rolling multi-year Budget to give our business community the stability and certainty that it desires and requires. <BR /> <BR />The Minister is probably tired of hearing me say this in debates, but we need a fundamental root-and-branch review of rate reliefs, as agreed to by the Assembly yesterday, in order to encapsulate just some of the issues that the Chair of the Finance Committee has raised already. That is the best way to ensure that our rating system responds to business demands and to ensure that it is fair, progressive, equitable and fit for purpose in challenging economic times.”
“Despite the widespread support for the scheme and the consensus on its value that is apparent in the Chamber today, it was suspended following the collapse of the Assembly in 2017 and again in March last year. During its previous period in operation, the scheme helped to support 101 new businesses, and so it begs the question about the scale of lost opportunities due to the absence of the Assembly. <BR /> <BR />There is no doubt that having the assurance of a two-year discounted rate relief will encourage new and expanding businesses to take that important next step. It is particularly important following the turbulence of the pandemic and the inflationary pressures and energy costs bearing down on our high street.”
“I echo the support for the order and the reinstatement of the Back in Business scheme. As others have said, it is a relatively small but, nonetheless, significant policy intervention that will help to support the reinvigoration of our high streets and town centres into busy and vibrant hubs. It should, of course, be built upon and supported through a cross-Executive approach involving the regeneration responsibilities of the Department for Communities, with a role for the Department for the Economy and local councils. <BR /> <BR />Our business community has been hampered by political uncertainty in recent years, and the Back in Business scheme is, perhaps, a tangible example of that.”
“I thank the Minister for his statement. What assurances can he give around the quality of the homes that will be brought forward for intermediate rent? For example, can he give us assurances that the homes will not require an expensive retrofit at a future date?”
“Many of the reviews also predate the pandemic, which has fundamentally reshaped the economic environment, and the reformation of the Executive, when the Economy Minister set out a renewed economic vision. <BR /> <BR />Ultimately, a comprehensive, holistic and independent review of rates — a review that is inclusive of businesses, trade unions, trade bodies, professionals, ratepayers and councils — is essential if we are to support our hospitality sector and move the economic climate in Northern Ireland forward. Therefore, I ask Members to support the amendment and the motion.”