Eóin Tennyson
Upper Bann · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Those who have come forward only now, saying that they are not surprised or that they always suspected that something was wrong, simply to use this as part of a grudge match and settle old scores, should hang their heads in shame, as should those who have attempted to use this matter for party political point-scoring in the Chamber today.…”
“Jeffrey Donaldson and Jeffrey Donaldson alone is responsible for his heinous abuse. We know that abusers lurk in the shadows and that this could have befallen any organisation, community or political party. The allegations that came to light in the 'Spotlight' documentary, however, go beyond the actions of one individual.”
“Scandal after scandal has shown that those who push puritanical, sanctimonious and hostile rhetoric towards the LGBTQ+ community are guilty of nauseating hypocrisy. All Members, including those in the DUP, should reflect on that, on the harm caused, apologise to the LGBTQ+ community and change course.”
“We owe it to them to ensure that, never again, will an institution be prioritised over the protection of victims and to make policy change to ensure that faith-based counselling is regulated, safeguarding procedures are followed and, importantly, that reforms are made to our RSE system so that, never again, will a child or young person no…”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. This is an unconventional intervention, but we are in unprecedented times. I ask for your assurance that you will engage fully with any investigations or inquiries that come about as a result of matters that were raised over the weekend.”
“The response from statutory agencies is consistently inadequate. Despite it being an offence under article 87 of the Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1993, we see no enforcement action whatever from the Department for Infrastructure. I call on the Infrastructure Minister to set out what she will do to start to tackle the issue.”
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“It is not necessarily for a complete want of trying by the Department on this occasion. What hope is there for any serious transformation of our finances or, indeed, any greater fiscal devolution if we cannot achieve political consensus about even the most basic change to our rating system? <BR /> <BR />Alliance will support the motion, because we absolutely support the need to tackle unpaid rates in Northern Ireland, but that has to happen in the context of much-needed and long overdue reform to our rating system.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is a missed opportunity that even the most modest reforms to our rating system to make it fairer and raise additional revenue for public services have not been achieved since the Assembly was restored. As a progressive politician, I believe that those with the broadest shoulders ought to bear the greatest burden. We have to take steps that protect the most vulnerable whilst raising the investment that our public services need. It is not good enough for parties to simply come to the Chamber and bemoan the lack of investment from Westminster whilst refusing to take any responsibility or take action with the powers that we have. <BR /> <BR />I acknowledge that, in fairness to the Minister, consultations have been undertaken and proposals have been brought to the Executive that were not supported.”
“The 10-year strategic review of rating policy that was announced by the previous Finance Minister clearly falls short of that aim. <BR /> <BR />The lack of independence will impact on confidence in its recommendations, the piecemeal approach will impact on its ability to recommend meaningful change, and the long timeline invariably means that the socio-economic environment will have changed dramatically by the time the review is complete. It is clear, based on the number of businesses that are struggling, that there is a need for additional support in key sectors, such as hospitality, retail, leisure and, in particular, childcare.”
“The proposer of the motion mentioned the £82 million that has been written off over the past six years. I am curious whether the Minister can set out any more detail on the composition of that £82 million. I suspect that a significant portion of it has resulted from businesses that have gone bankrupt, where there is nothing to legally recover. <BR /> <BR />The level of unpaid rates is, undoubtedly, a serious issue that needs to be tackled, but it is not the core source of our financial challenges as an Executive. That is why Alliance has continued to call for a short, sharp, independent and holistic review of rating relief in order to ensure that the system is progressive, fair, fit for purpose and able to support the needs of our public services alongside economic growth.”
“<BR /> <BR />LPS must be robust and rigorous in pursuing those who refuse to pay, including through the courts where necessary. That is particularly pertinent in the context of the increased financial pressures facing our public services. It is also essential that LPS continues to offer affordable longer-term repayment arrangements in cases where households and businesses are genuinely struggling to pay. Otherwise, we could see some of those businesses go to the wall, which would cost more to the public purse in the long run. <BR /> <BR />We have to make a distinction between those who cannot pay and those who will not pay, with a fair and proportionate response being taken as a result. Whilst some unpaid rates relate to avoidance, others are legitimately the result of businesses going to the wall.”
“Domestic and non-domestic rates revenue is a crucial source of income and the most significant of all the levers that are available to the Executive to raise funding for front-line public services. It has generated around £1·6 billion in the past financial year alone. <BR /> <BR />The increase in unpaid rates in recent years is, undoubtedly, the result of a challenging economic environment, with the higher cost of living and doing business weighing heavily on many ratepayers. It is, however, a welcome fact, which must be acknowledged that, as of the end of August, the volume of unpaid rates carried forward in that year had fallen, with £59 million moving through legal recovery panels, almost £74 million being examined for potential legal action in the current rating year, and almost £13 million being the subject of active payment plans.”
“Today, parties, despite our different perspectives, have an opportunity to unite to send a clear message that those organisations and their vital schemes must not be abandoned and to reaffirm our commitment to build an economy and society that works for all, in which everyone, regardless of background or ability, has the chance to belong, contribute and succeed. I hope that all parties will support the motion.”
“<BR /> <BR />We need urgent confirmation that the Government will deliver targeted employment support for those furthest from the labour market. We need to ensure that any scheme builds on the successes of existing schemes, that funding is at least maintained at current levels, adjusted for inflation and rising costs, and that contingency plans and transitional arrangements are in place to avoid any service disruption in the interim. Alliance has consistently raised those issues with the Secretary of State.”
“That uncertainty hits our community and voluntary sector harder than any other sector in our economy. Staff have to be placed on notice and preparation has to be undertaken to deliver services differently or to cease delivering them altogether. Once staff and vital services are lost, it is almost impossible to replace them. That will result in a false economy, heaping yet further pressure on our public services, which are already struggling. <BR /> <BR />It is particularly shameful that the Government profess to care about economic inactivity while simultaneously gambling with funding for organisations with a proven track record of getting people into work and education. The least that we can do for the sector and its service users is to deliver sustainable funding to support the positive change that they make in our society.”
“Despite that clear success, those organisations are now peering over another cliff edge and facing another funding crisis, as the Shared Prosperity Fund is due to come to an end in March 2026. That will jeopardise 650 jobs and the progress that has been made, as well as the position of individuals who rely on those organisations' support. <BR /> <BR />I am deeply concerned about the UK Government's approach to the Shared Prosperity Fund's proposed successor, the local growth fund. The majority of the £46 million allocated in the spending review to that fund is capital money, which clearly will not meet the organisations' resource needs. It is shameful that, once again, promises that were made to those very organisations are being broken, with uncertainty looming large.”
“Eventually, it has to be said, a replacement fund emerged in the form of the Shared Prosperity Fund, but, far from being the like-for-like replacement funding that was promised, the scheme failed to live up to its predecessors in either quantum or design. <BR /> <BR />Despite the setbacks and frustrations, our community and voluntary sector stepped up and responded with agility, often by submitting consortium bids in order to preserve as many of the services that they offered as possible. Between April 2023 and March 2025, £57 million was committed to Northern Ireland, with 18 projects supported. Almost 24,000 people were supported in that period, with 5,000 moving into employment and almost 8,000 moving into further education or training.”
“European funding, however, was cast aside as collateral in the reckless and ideological pursuit of a hard Brexit, with those organisations treated shamefully and left peering over a financial cliff edge as a result. I found the contribution from the Member who spoke previously to be galling. To claim that the situation was not inevitable or foreseeable and to believe that, after leaving the EU, money would not be clawed back to be invested in England is the height of naivety. We were sold a pup by English nationalists in the Conservative Party. The DUP in particular owes the organisations that it sacrificed on the chopping block an apology for its conduct over the past 10 years. Nobody who has taken the position that the Member has can credibly claim to be a champion of our community and voluntary sector.”
“The community and voluntary sector has always stepped up where government has fallen short, plugging gaps in vital public service provision and working with people and communities who are furthest from opportunity. The benefits of the European social fund and the European regional development fund (ERDF) in supporting that work was clear. Between 2014 and 2020, those funds collectively provided an average of £65 million a year to Northern Ireland. That money helped tackle economic inactivity, promote social inclusion, enhance the competitiveness of small and medium-sized businesses and support research and development. <BR /> <BR />In my time as an MLA, I have been privileged to meet many of the organisations that deliver projects on the ground. Their work is second to none.”
“I urge the Minister to take a personal interest, commit to a clear time-bound plan for restoring full services at Woodlawn House and ensure that the cancellation policy is acting effectively and compassionately, with carers at its heart, and that the right support is made available in the interim and is communicated transparently. <BR /> <BR />We owe it to those families to do better and to listen, act and deliver the care and dignity that they deserve. Whilst I accept that budgets are stretched, that can be no excuse for failing to deliver the very basics that those families deserve. I hope that this debate can be the start of setting us on a better trajectory on the issue. I look forward to the Minister's response.”
“That late cancellation makes it impossible for those families to plan, rest or, often, access the healthcare and support that they need, because we know that many of those families plan to put a loved one into respite care so that they can access their own healthcare appointments. I understand that there has been an endeavour to engage with and consult carers and families about the issues at Woodlawn House. Again, I welcome any update from the Minister on that process so far. <BR /> <BR />Care as a whole is so often undervalued in our society, and respite is not a peripheral concern. It is central to the delivery of a compassionate health service, and it protects well-being and ensures that those with complex needs are not overlooked or left behind in our society.”
“Again, there seems to be a lack of clarity from the Department about what interim provision will be put in place to support families, or whether any alternatives could be made available, while those operational issues persist. <BR /> <BR />Worse than the reduced operational days at Woodlawn, however, is the functioning of the cancellation policy. Again, like the previous contributor, I have spoken to families who have been given a glimmer of hope when they have secured a slot for respite, only for that hope to be dashed and that slot to be taken away at very short notice.”
“I know that the Department has attempted to undertake recruitment at band 5 nurse level and band 3 healthcare assistant level. It has cited the challenges of people withdrawing before interview and even some post-interview challenges around overseas applicants having issues with visas and other matters. I am curious about whether the febrile atmosphere, febrile debate and toxic debate around immigration are having any bearing on our ability to attract overseas staff into that sector, because I know that the Southern Trust relies very heavily on overseas recruitment. <BR /> <BR />Due to those critical staffing levels, the number of operational days at Woodlawn has reduced significantly. Since June, services have been reduced to five nights a week as opposed to the usual seven, with no clear timeline for a return to full service levels.”
“I am also conscious of the challenges around staff recruitment and retention at Woodlawn, which piles additional pressure not just on the families but on the remaining staff, who are left to pick up the pieces and juggle that service. <BR /> <BR />Earlier this year, I engaged with the Southern Trust about services at Woodlawn. It advised that, in the year up to June 2025, nine members of staff had left their posts at Woodlawn. That is a turnover of almost 30%. There has also been a significant reduction in service due to maternity leave and sickness absences. Whilst safe staffing levels must, of course, be our priority, I would be grateful if the Minister could outline what steps have been taken to gain insight into what is driving that significant turnover and what consideration has been given to other things, such as pay and conditions.”
“Behind each of those stories is a carer who has not had a full night's sleep in months; a family juggling work, love and responsibility; and an individual with complex needs, who is not being treated with the dignity, joy and compassion that they deserve. For those families, respite care is not just a service; it is a lifeline. It is the difference between surviving and truly thriving. They are being failed, and we all have a responsibility to do better. <BR />I want to stress, as did Colm Gildernew, that it is no slight or criticism of the staff. Every constituent whom I have dealt with has been keen to emphasise that the staff go over and above to care for their loved ones in very difficult circumstances.”
“I begin by thanking Colm Gildernew for bringing this important Adjournment topic to the Assembly, and I also thank the Minister for being here to respond. It is an important issue that touches so many lives but often does not get the prominence that it deserves in public debate. Whilst I am not a Fermanagh/South Tyrone MLA, I am an Upper Bann representative, and many of my constituents also rely on the services at Woodlawn House. Like the previous contributor, I regularly hear stories from constituents about the challenges that they have faced in accessing respite care, the reduction in services at Woodlawn and the impact that it is having.”
“Thank you, Minister, for that answer. Minister, what is your assessment of the importance of ensuring that young people are included in conversations about protecting our environment and tackling climate change?”
“However, I am conscious that, in all those years of protests, attacks on offices and threats towards public representatives, a mob has never turned up outside the private sanctuary of one of our elected representatives. It is the first time that such an incident has occurred, and we must all resolve that it surely has to be the last.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is also true that the scenes last week have not developed in a vacuum. We have seen the rise of far right misinformation and disinformation, driven by malign elements, over months and years. We also have a responsibility in the Chamber. The words uttered in this Building are not without consequence. We all must now reflect on the tone and tenor of our contributions to public discourse. <BR /> <BR />For our part, Alliance will not be deterred from working for everyone in our community and standing up for the shared, inclusive and united future to which I believe the majority of people in Northern Ireland aspire. My party is no stranger to intimidation and abuse.”
“Last week was a shameful week for Northern Ireland. An attack on any politician from this Chamber is an attack on our democratic process. Naomi and Michael have been in public life for over 25 years. They are no shrinking violets. They have never shied away from robust debate, engagement with people from different perspectives and robust public scrutiny. When a mob of over 40 people — some of whom were in masks — gathered at their home in the dark of night, it was not protest or scrutiny. It was intimidation, abuse and harassment. The irony is not lost on me that many of those in that mob who intimidated a woman in her family home, a Minister with a stronger record than anyone in the Chamber on tackling violence against women and girls in our society, would have claimed to be defenders of women and girls.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. I utterly condemn the disgraceful intimidation that took place at the home of Minister Naomi Long and Councillor Michael Long last week. I also take the opportunity to express my solidarity to Minister Liz Kimmins and Dáire Hughes MP on the foot of the disgraceful attack experienced at their office.”
“Minister, what are the greatest pressures that you have identified ahead of the multi-year Budget, and will that multi-year Budget include any real revenue raising?”
“Thank you, Minister, for that answer. You referenced Ceara special school, where a number of children have faced delay. That has left their families feeling let down and as though their children are at the back of the queue. What assurance can you give that progress will be made towards Ceara having a second campus, so that we do not see a repeat of the issue in future academic years?”
“There is shared ownership, which the motion does not recognise. I hope that that can be redressed through the new framework. <BR /> <BR />There are those who say that we should simply move on. That is easy to say when you have not lost someone; it is much harder for a family living with that pain. Getting a comprehensive legacy process is not about living in the past; it is about dealing with our past comprehensively so that we can move forward together towards a truly united and reconciled community. That ought to be where our focus is. I will take no lectures from parties on either side of the Chamber who have frustrated that process for 30 years.”
“Well, that is your view. I did not read the motion in the way in which you have just described it. It focuses solely on the Irish Government and rejects engagement with them. Because it was tabled prematurely, it does not acknowledge the progress that has been made in the past week, and that is a flaw. <BR /> <BR />There is a clear departure from the folly of any notion of amnesty. The callous approach of the previous Government was to depart unilaterally from the Stormont House Agreement and seek to shut down avenues for truth and justice for victims across our community and society. Ultimately, any process must command the confidence of victims. It must have independent oversight of the involvement of both the UK and Irish Governments. It must be human rights-compliant and have active participation from victims and their families.”
“I agree: it is too little, too late. Perhaps, I will come back to that point as I close my remarks. There has been too little from the UK Government, the Irish Government and, indeed, many of those who were involved in paramilitary organisations during the Troubles. There are failures on all sides. The challenge with the motion is that it does not acknowledge that shared ownership and responsibility across all parties.”
“It is clear, however, that there has been a significant change in substance and tone. That change is to be welcomed. As part of that framework, there is now a commitment from the Irish Government to investigate all Troubles-related incidents that happened in the state. That is progress, and it must be acknowledged. There is also a commitment to set up a new legacy unit and cooperate fully with any inquiries that happen in the United Kingdom. Let us take time to consider the detail of the legislation that will go through the Dáil. <BR /> <BR />I give way to the Member.”
“The fundamental problem with the motion is that it condemns any bilateral negotiations with the Irish Government. You cannot deliver a comprehensive package and have Irish Government cooperation in the absence of that negotiation between the Secretary of State and the Tánaiste. That is why we will oppose the original text. <BR /> <BR />Indeed, since the motion was tabled, a significant new framework has been announced. Like other parties, Alliance wants to take time to consult victims and survivors, who must be at the heart of our considerations. We want to see the detail of any legislation that will be passed either at Westminster or by the Dáil.”
“We have seen it when perpetrators have been eulogised by some parties in the Chamber or, I have to say, when politicians have stood outside courts alongside alleged perpetrators or, worse, have met representatives of active paramilitary groups, pouring fuel on the flames and causing even further trauma to victims. Allow me to be clear at the beginning of my contribution and say that, since my party's foundation, it has been unwavering in its commitment to the rule of law and that we will take no lectures from any party that flirts with terrorists and paramilitaries. <BR /> <BR />Alliance has also been clear that the border should never be a barrier to victims in accessing the truth and justice that they deserve. The Irish Government have a duty and an obligation to ensure full cooperation and the delivery of reciprocal arrangements.”
“When we discuss legacy, victims and survivors must always be at the centre of our discussions. One of the greatest failures of this place and of the two Governments over the past 27 years since the Good Friday Agreement has been the perennial failure to find a way forward or deliver a comprehensive package to deal with our past and its legacy. That has let down not just victims but wider society. It has acted as a barrier to truth, justice and accountability and to building the truly reconciled, united and integrated community to which we on these Benches aspire. <BR /> <BR />However, more callous is the perennial willingness of Members to use victims as political footballs.”
“The motion also says that it deplores the decision of the Secretary of State to negotiate with this counterpart in the Republic of Ireland. How do you propose that we get full cooperation from the Irish Government in the absence of negotiation?”
“Does the Member not accept that it is completely unacceptable in our society to hate an individual because of the colour of their skin, their religion, their sexuality or their gender, and that surely all of us in the Assembly should be able to agree on at least that?”
“Minister, the IT outage was hugely distressing for patients who have been waiting for, in some instances, a very long time and those who have been red-flagged for cancer and other issues. Will there be a coordinated regional response to the disruption? Will other trusts play any role in rescheduling the appointments that have been cancelled?”
“Minister, I am not sure that you can disaggregate your party's position from your position as Minister. You claim that it is Sinn Féin's position that the pylons be undergrounded. How is that consistent with the position of your colleague the Infrastructure Minister who is fending off legal challenges from those who want the pylons to be undergrounded? To be clear, I want to see the project progress as currently designed.”
“There is no place for political violence in any society. Indeed, a fair and free democracy relies on the ability of all of us — politicians, activists and members of the public — to engage in public life without fear of reprisal, violence, attack or intimidation. It is important to say that political violence is not the preserve of left, right or centre. Irrespective of where we stand on the political spectrum, we have an obligation as democrats to stand against political violence wherever it raises its head, whoever is responsible for it and whomever it is targeted against. At a time when democracies across the globe are under attack, let the loss of Charlie Kirk be a reminder to us all that those democracies are precious: we must all resolve to defend them.”
“The murder of Charlie Kirk is the latest incident in a worrying rise in political violence in the United States and, indeed, across the world. It was an act of political cowardice. I speak as somebody who disagreed with just about every word that came out of Charlie Kirk's mouth, but I can recognise his talent as an orator, debater, activist and organiser. Today, my thoughts are with his young family who are suffering an unimaginable loss.”
“<BR /> <BR />We also need to see action from the Infrastructure Minister to bring forward an expert-led review of NI Water, with a view to finally stopping waste water sewage pollution. Support is also required to hike fines and penalties further and to introduce the long-overdue environmental protection agency, which the Assembly has dithered on in previous mandates. <BR /> <BR />Those are not niche environmental issues but are matters of social justice. The communities who live around the lough deserve clean water, sustainable livelihoods and a Government who do not just talk but take action. I hope that, today, we will move on from this habit of passing non-binding motions and wringing our hands at the crisis in Lough Neagh and instead actually take the action that is needed to deal with the crisis.”
“We now have a crucial opportunity to step forward collectively and go further. <BR /> <BR />We often hear the criticism, and we heard it again in the debate, that the focus is too often on agriculture and not on NI Water, and I agree that there is an inherent unfairness in the fact that NI Water gets a bye ball for pollution incidents. However, the Minister has stated multiple times that he wishes to proceed to scrap the SORPI arrangements to ensure that that is no longer the case so that NI Water can face the same fines and penalties as other polluters. We cannot deny the fact, however, that 62% of the nutrient pollution that is causing the blue-green algae blooms in Lough Neagh comes from agriculture, so we have to work with agriculture to set a more sustainable course.”
“I ask Sinn Féin Members in particular to reflect on that. <BR /> <BR />The people of Northern Ireland are not fools. They know that you cannot deal with agricultural run-off without a robust NAP, that you cannot tackle pollution without hiking fines on repeat polluters and that you cannot clean up Lough Neagh with photo opportunities and warm words. Despite the lack of support that we have seen in the Chamber, some progress has nevertheless been made. Northern Ireland's first environment strategy has been agreed, with a focus on improving land, air and water quality. The Lough Neagh action plan is now in place, and a number of key actions are moving forward or have been completed, including the small business research initiative and the new task force, which has conducted over 300 site investigations already.”
“I hope that that amounts to a turning of the page and that there can be a more collective effort going forward. However, that is not what the Assembly voted for. It voted to outright scrap those proposals, and the Minister will not adhere to that request. Mr Kearney said that proposals demand consensus for a situation of this gravity, and I do not disagree with him, but consensus was reached in the Lough Neagh action plan that was agreed at the Executive. That made clear that a nutrients action plan would have to be taken forward. He said that this matter is above party politics, and that is a convenient defence to hide behind when you have aligned yourself with the DUP to block key environmental action despite having promised your electorate that you would clean up the crisis in Lough Neagh.”
“<BR /> <BR />Despite repeated promises and commitments and talk of the need for collective action on Lough Neagh, time and again we have seen responsible environmental stewardship sacrificed on the altar of political expediency, with key reforms being resisted because they would upset powerful interests. When the Minister brought regulations to remove the cap on cross-compliance penalties for repeat polluters, the DUP and Sinn Féin opposed them. When the nutrients action plan went out to public consultation, both parties supported a motion advocating for it to be scrapped. Such posturing stretches credulity to its elastic limit. <BR /> <BR />I note that Sinn Féin's environment spokesperson welcomed the fact that a stakeholder group has now been set up.”
“By this stage, we all know that Lough Neagh is dying in plain sight. For the third summer in a row, toxic blue-green algae has enveloped its waters. That putrid green sludge has suffocated wildlife and upended key parts of our rural economy. However, the ecological crisis in Lough Neagh is not seasonal; its roots are in decades of inertia and neglect in the Assembly. We know the causes: nutrient run-off from agriculture, and sewage and septic tanks. We know the consequences in terms of biodiversity loss, livelihoods being upended and real public health risks. Crucially, we also know the solutions. Those solutions, however, require tough decisions and real political leadership, both of which have been in short supply in the Chamber, particularly from the DUP and Sinn Féin, since the Assembly returned over a year ago.”
“I stand firmly with Northern Ireland's small Jewish, Muslim and Palestinian communities who face trauma and feel vulnerable at this time. <BR /> <BR />When the scale of suffering is so severe and the silence so deafening, it can be easy for us all to despair. One day, everyone will have been against this genocide. We have a duty to speak up for peace, justice and international law now before it is too late. Our constituents expect nothing less.”
“I am not saying that. I am saying that the Government need to assure themselves that the weapons are not being supplied to any states that are involved in potentially genocidal actions. Ministers need to come to the Chamber and make that position clear. <BR /> <BR />When we last debated this crisis, scurrilous allegations of anti-Semitism were made towards those of us who expressed concern at the actions of the Israeli Government — a contribution that conflated the Jewish people with the Israeli Government, but also ignored the plurality of opinion in Israel, where brave activists and organisations have stood up against this genocide. Therefore, allow me to be clear now: I utterly reject anti-Semitism and all forms of racism in our community.”
“I cannot begin to fathom how callous or cruel you have to be to turn away two children — two children — who have faced starvation and require specialist medical support. <BR /> <BR />We also must get assurances from the Finance Minister and the Economy Minister that no public money is being used in any way to support the supply of arms to countries where there is a prima facie case of genocide to answer. When we last debated the crisis in Gaza, scurrilous —.”
“Recognition must, therefore, not be wielded as a bargaining chip or a symbolic gesture, but granted irreversibly and without conditions to keep the very prospect of a two-state solution alive. <BR /> <BR />Whilst those of us in Northern Ireland cannot end the crisis alone, we can and must act with compassion and as part of a broader coalition to stand up for justice, human rights and international law. We have a rich history of providing humanitarian assistance and sanctuary to those in need. That is why I am pleased that the Executive have agreed to participate in the medical evacuations from the Gaza Strip of children who require specialist care. It is shameful, however, that some politicians in the Chamber railed against providing that support.”