Eóin Tennyson
Upper Bann · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Those who have come forward only now, saying that they are not surprised or that they always suspected that something was wrong, simply to use this as part of a grudge match and settle old scores, should hang their heads in shame, as should those who have attempted to use this matter for party political point-scoring in the Chamber today.…”
“Jeffrey Donaldson and Jeffrey Donaldson alone is responsible for his heinous abuse. We know that abusers lurk in the shadows and that this could have befallen any organisation, community or political party. The allegations that came to light in the 'Spotlight' documentary, however, go beyond the actions of one individual.”
“Scandal after scandal has shown that those who push puritanical, sanctimonious and hostile rhetoric towards the LGBTQ+ community are guilty of nauseating hypocrisy. All Members, including those in the DUP, should reflect on that, on the harm caused, apologise to the LGBTQ+ community and change course.”
“We owe it to them to ensure that, never again, will an institution be prioritised over the protection of victims and to make policy change to ensure that faith-based counselling is regulated, safeguarding procedures are followed and, importantly, that reforms are made to our RSE system so that, never again, will a child or young person no…”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. This is an unconventional intervention, but we are in unprecedented times. I ask for your assurance that you will engage fully with any investigations or inquiries that come about as a result of matters that were raised over the weekend.”
“The response from statutory agencies is consistently inadequate. Despite it being an offence under article 87 of the Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1993, we see no enforcement action whatever from the Department for Infrastructure. I call on the Infrastructure Minister to set out what she will do to start to tackle the issue.”
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“The UK must work with its European partners and allies on a robust response and make it clear that there will be no state visit this year if that course of action continues. <BR /> <BR />If we are serious about protecting jobs and businesses, we must deepen cooperation across the Continent and rejoin the customs union so that we are not dependent on the fleeting favour of one unreliable ally. It is telling that many in the Chamber who claim to put Northern Ireland first, including the Member who spoke previously, are such fanboys of Donald Trump and fanboys for his dangerous approach to politics that they can barely utter a word of condemnation of the tariffs, which will hurt businesses and consumers in the United States and here in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />To repeat a phrase, it is time to take back control.”
“Trump's assertion that he no longer feels an obligation to think "purely of peace" just because he did not receive the Nobel Peace Prize shows how much the president's strategy is driven by vanity and self-service. The Prime Minister's policy of appeasing the increasingly erratic and self-serving president has failed. Flattering a man who has bullied the democratically elected leader of Ukraine, been found liable for sexual assault and torn up international law and is overseeing democratic backsliding in his own country does not go far enough; Starmer must now stand up to the bully in the White House.”
“Donald Trump's latest threat to impose tariffs on the UK and a swathe of European NATO allies is an outrageous abuse of power and an attack on the principle of national self-determination. That hostile act will ultimately lead to higher costs for ordinary workers and families, including those in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />Let us be clear: the sovereignty of Greenland is for the people of Greenland and the people of Denmark to decide. While we have long enjoyed a close relationship with the United States, which has supported jobs, investment and our political process, it is increasingly clear that this president is no ally of Northern Ireland, the UK or Europe.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. Given that she seems to be opposed to the idea of removing the small parcel threshold, is she similarly opposed to the proposals that the UK Government are consulting on for the same measure?”
“I am proud that, under the Windsor framework, Northern Ireland's economy has continued to outperform the rest of the UK, and I hope that that can continue, with a bit of pragmatism and flexibility.”
“That would solve many of the challenges that the party opposite has raised. I just wish that it would join me in my calls and be honest about the steps that need to be taken if we are to remove that Brexit bureaucracy. <BR /> <BR />Far from creating certainty for businesses and enabling further growth for our businesses, simply rejecting the protections in article 5 of the Windsor framework that the Assembly previously voted for would plunge those businesses into the very same chaos and instability. It is time for honesty. It is time for people to own the consequences of their actions and to level with the public about the trade-offs and choices. We have always been honest about those tensions and trade-offs. What we are interested in now is practical and pragmatic solutions, so that we can continue to build a vibrant and strong economy.”
“We should be vigilant, of course, as the EU legislation progresses, so that the UK Government stand up for our concerns and ensure that there are no additional barriers. I absolutely would support a call for that, but that is not what the motion seeks to achieve. <BR /> <BR />The obvious solution, which the DUP is not prepared to grapple with, is a UK-EU customs border to ensure that the UK and the EU collaborate on the issues and that there are no barriers, checks or tensions anywhere on these islands. That is essential for us as a shared and interdependent society and a shared and interdependent economy. I welcome the fact that a ten-minute rule Bill was moved in the House of Commons by the Lib Dems — it passed narrowly, by one vote — to introduce a Bill to open negotiations on a UK-EU customs union.”
“We are now being told, quite openly, by Members from the same party that that was not true. <BR /> <BR />Let us ground ourselves in the facts of the issues. The fact is that, when you come out of the customs union, you create a customs border. It then becomes a question of whether that customs border is on land, at a porous land border that people and communities cross daily, or whether it happens in the Irish Sea. The Windsor framework, which the motion decries, includes flexibilities and safeguards, and the legislative text of the EU customs reform says that it will not diminish the protections that have arisen from the Windsor framework, such as the UK internal market scheme for business-to-business trade and the UK carrier scheme and arrangements for business-to-consumer and consumer-to-consumer parcels, so there will be protections.”
“In February 2024, Gavin Robinson, crowing about what the DUP had delivered, said:”
“I agree that it was not, but the rest of us knew. The rest of us knew not to throw our lot in with Nigel Farage, Boris Johnson or the European Research Group (ERG). The rest of us knew that, no matter what was written on the side of the big, red bus about £350 million for the NHS, the DUP would inevitably end up under that bus. <BR /> <BR />I take issue with what was said on consistency. It was claimed that the DUP has always been consistent on these issues, so let us put that to bed. In January 2024, the then leader of the DUP, Jeffrey Donaldson, said:”
“In a similar vein to Ms Ferguson, I say, "You won, lads. Cheer up". You won the referendum; you got the Brexit that you wanted. I appreciate that Mr Brooks said:”
“Thank you for your statement, Minister. It is now 10 years since it was suggested, in a report that your Department commissioned, that we were squandering hundreds of millions of pounds by running a divided society and by delivering services in key areas on a segregated, duplicated basis. In the spirit of doing things differently, do you agree that, in such a constrained financial environment, it is time to do something to tackle the cost of division?”
“When were you specifically made aware of the DFI underspends? Do you agree that it is substandard that significant capital reallocations are being made in the absence of an overarching investment strategy?”
“When Sinn Féin had the choice between standing with the Venezuelan people or a brutal dictator, it chose the brutal dictator. Sinn Féin owes the people of Venezuela an apology. We cannot cherry-pick when we apply international law and human rights. As a party on these Benches that is committed to international law, human rights and a rules-based order, we want to see free and fair elections held in Venezuela without delay.”
“Anybody who believes that President Trump will stop here has not been paying attention: they clearly have not read his own national security strategy. Already, he has issued threats to countries including Cuba, Colombia and Greenland. <BR /> <BR />There are two great hypocrisies on display in the Chamber. The United Kingdom was key to setting up multinational institutions and a system of international law. Today, we have already heard two unionist politicians cheerleading Donald Trump in ripping down that international order. We also have a so-called progressive party in the form of Sinn Féin that cannot utter a word of condemnation for Maduro and his illegitimate regime. When Sinn Féin had the choice, it stood alongside him at his inauguration and claimed that it was open and democratic.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is abundantly clear that, for Donald Trump, this was not about liberating the Venezuelan people. He has praised authoritarian regimes and dictators around the globe. If democracy had been the objective, the United States would not have sidelined Nobel Peace Prize winner María Machado and other key opposition figures — individuals who have risked their lives for democratic reform. Instead, in order to get his hands on Venezuelan oil, Donald Trump is happy to do business with Delcy Rodríguez from Maduro's very same brutal and illegitimate regime. Nor was this action about tackling drugs, given the fact that Donald Trump has used his executive powers to pardon narco-terrorists and drug dealers during his time in office. It was about proving that might is right and defending only the interests of American oil companies.”
“Nicolás Maduro was a brutal and illegitimate dictator, and the Alliance Party certainly sheds no tears for his downfall. For years, the Venezuelan people have been subject to repression, corruption and economic collapse, with families torn apart and millions displaced. However, the crimes of a dictator do not give Donald Trump carte blanche to break international law or disregard the UN charter. No state, no matter how powerful, is entitled to run roughshod over the rules that safeguard global stability. We know what happens when American presidents take illegal action under the pretext of an imminent threat. This illegal action sets a dangerous precedent for Russia, China or any other Government that might now be emboldened to violate sovereignty. It makes the world more unstable, more unpredictable and more dangerous.”
“I thank the Minister for his statement, and I welcome the funding that has been allocated. Minister, following the leaked exchange of letters between you and the Education Minister, how confident are you that the multi-year Budget will proceed at pace? Will those disagreements impede agreement on that?”
“We have an opportunity to give that to them today by, for the first time as an Assembly, calling on the Secretary of State to convene a reform process that enables us to move beyond what passes for politics in Stormont at the moment and beyond a power carve-up to true power-sharing so that we can finally deliver a form of government that represents everyone and delivers for everyone. I commend the motion to the House.”
“Instead, weighted majority voting would enshrine cross-community protection whilst incentivising cooperation and genuine equality in the way that the Assembly operates, rather than the mutually enforced sectarian vetoes that have not done so and cannot do so. <BR /> <BR />There can be no more time for prevarication. The Secretary of State has said that the issue is in the hands of the local parties, just as the Good Friday Agreement was. That is not true. Without an active and engaged Secretary of State and Irish Government pushing the parties in the right direction, we would never have achieved the Good Friday Agreement. Many of the people out there who were horrified by the COVID inquiry report — they will be equally horrified, I might say, by some of the contributions to this debate — are looking for hope.”
“No, I will not give way because I do not have time. <BR /> <BR />Our proposals enshrine the right of parties to be in government based on the strength of their mandates but remove the right of any single party to exclude everybody else from government, as is currently the case. They would not remove cross-community consent, but they would remove parallel consent as a measure of that cross-community support. Ironically, cross-community votes, as they are currently structured in the Assembly, are the least cross-community votes that can happen, because they exclude the voices of genuinely cross-community parties like the Alliance Party.”
“It is simply to acknowledge that, with the passage of time and the changes in our society — evidenced not least by the growth of this party — and with the benefit of hindsight, having tested the structures in practice — in some cases, almost to the point of destruction — there is room for change and, indeed, change is a necessity. Our proposals are consistent with the Good Friday Agreement. The principles of power-sharing, inclusion, interdependence and respect are necessary if we are to realise those ambitions and those principles —.”
“Failure to act is ruining lives, eroding public confidence and jeopardising the Good Friday Agreement. If the institutions cannot deliver, or, worse, are allowed to collapse once again by those who poke and prod one another across the Chamber in sham fights, I fear that devolution will not return. By pandering to those who upend the institutions or block progress, the Secretary of State is not only rewarding bad behaviour but condemning devolution to death by a thousand collapses. <BR /> <BR />To argue for reform is not to undermine or reject the Good Friday Agreement.”
“Those shameful abuses are a perversion of democracy, and the displays of arrogance that often accompany them have contributed directly to the collapse of the institutions in previous mandates. Therefore, we all have to learn lessons about where this show inevitably ends. <BR /> <BR />It is long past time that we had a system of government that prioritised the interests of the people whom we represent ahead of the interests of the DUP and Sinn Féin. The current system of up-down, stop-start government and ransom politics needs to end. No single party should have the ability to hold decision-making in the Executive or the Executive itself to ransom. I am weary of successive UK Governments telling Alliance that we have won the academic argument on reform because this is not merely an academic exercise.”
“No, I will not. <BR /> <BR />Whether it is those making the rules in the Executive breaking them outside of the Executive, or those abuses of rules in the Executive to block vital public health measures, the people of Northern Ireland deserve better. <BR /> <BR />Those displays of division and dysfunction are not the preserve of times of global crisis. Since the pandemic, we have experienced yet another walkout of the Executive, this time by the DUP. Then, just this week, we saw the petition of concern deployed on the Floor. In previous mandates, we have seen those mechanisms being used and abused to prevent accountability, frustrate the rights of LGBTQ+ people in our society and frustrate the democratic will of the Assembly.”
“No, I will not. <BR /> <BR />COVID did not discriminate between nationalists and unionists. It struck indiscriminately and demanded a united response. The sheer folly of DUP Ministers deploying a cross-community vote against a fellow unionist Health Minister was not only farcical but exposed just how warped the so-called cross-community mechanisms in the Chamber had become.”
“Of course, those were not just failures of leadership, integrity or preparedness, but failures of the current power-sharing structures. Baroness Hallett was clear in her report that the abuse of cross-community votes resulted in dysfunctional decision-making and undermined the ability of the Executive to respond effectively. At the height of the pandemic, sectarian vetoes were being thrown around the Executive like confetti. That led to there being gridlock in one Executive meeting for four days, when swift and decisive action was so desperately needed to protect lives.”
“It is true that the political vacuum created by Sinn Féin's boycott of the Assembly between 2017 and 2020, right before the onset of the pandemic, weakened preparedness, damaged public services and contributed to a chaotic response. It is equally true that, as the pandemic progressed, and when the public were asked to make some of the most difficult sacrifices, the actions of some Sinn Féin Ministers who broke the rules undermined public confidence and deepened the hurt of families who had been denied the very same opportunity to have a funeral and grieve their loved ones. <BR /> <BR />We saw Ministers seeking to sectarianise the virus, with a DUP Minister claiming that one section of our community was spreading COVID more than others. That rhetoric was reckless and corrosive at a time when clarity and unity were so desperately needed.”
“It is a damning indictment that, even in the face of a global pandemic, when our people and public services were on their knees, the institutions descended into more chaos and dysfunction.”
“There is a balance to be struck between the economy and health. Various models operated across the world, and we are still analysing their impact. It would be wrong for me to prejudge that at this stage, when the inquiry has not entirely concluded. <BR /> <BR />I can understand why the DUP's attacks on the Alliance Party are so vociferous today. The DUP led the Executive during the pandemic as the largest party, and some of the most stinging criticism is reserved for the two largest parties in the Executive at that time. Do not just take my word for that; the inquiry described decision-making in the Executive as "chaotic" and marred by political disputes, and it found that, at critical junctures, Ministers from the DUP and Sinn Féin:”
“It is the experiences, the sacrifices and the voices of those who bore the greatest cost that must be at the heart of the discussions as we reflect on the pandemic, chart a way forward and prepare for the future. <BR /> <BR />COVID-19 was, in every sense, unprecedented. No event in living memory has reshaped our lives so suddenly, profoundly and universally. Mr Buckley said that every Government struggled; I agree with him. No Administration emerged from the crisis without mistakes to acknowledge or lessons to learn, and it would be wrong to pretend otherwise. However, the findings that relate to the Northern Ireland Executive in particular are stark.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. In closing the debate, first, I pay a heartfelt tribute to those whose lives were irrevocably changed by the pandemic; to the families who lost loved ones, often without a chance to say goodbye, we hold you in our thoughts today; to those whose lives and livelihoods were upended, we acknowledge your resilience in the face of hardship; and to those front-line workers — our doctors, nurses, carers and key staff — who went above and beyond in a time of crisis, we owe you a debt of gratitude that can never truly be repaid. Given that neither the First Minister nor the deputy First Minister has said it — at least, not jointly — I will: I am sorry, and I am embarrassed by the way that the institutions operated during that period. All those people deserved better from the House.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. I appreciate what she said about the spirit of reform, but I am still not clear on whether her intention is to support the motion.”
“On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. Is it in order for a Member to reference directly another Member across the Chamber rather than engage in the debate through you? I ask because Mr Buckley needs to cool his jets.”
“I thank the Member for giving way on that point. Does she agree that there are different methods of measuring cross-community support, such as a weighted majority vote? In fact, there was cross-community support for Remain in 2016.”
“We come here to work together in a spirit of respect and cooperation to deliver for the people who elected us, not to knock lumps out of one another and trade insults across the Chamber every day. The politics of distraction, fear and division is what upended the institutions in the past. The people whom we represent deserve better.”
“No, I will not give way. I gently say to the Members opposite that we have seen where this has led in the past. In previous mandates, the petition of concern was deployed and abused to deprive LGBTQ+ people of their rights, to prevent Members from being held to account and to derail bread-and-butter politics. That directly led to a breakdown in relationships and a collapse of the institutions. That is simply not good enough. No one should play fast and loose with the operation of the institutions. <BR /> <BR />I also gently say to the Members opposite that there has been an awful lot of sneering and laughing in the debate. This is not a game; this is not debate club.”
“That principle needs to be applied consistently and fairly, but, more important than that, Northern Ireland has evolved and changed since 1998. There is no majority and minority in the House. We are all minorities: those who are unionist, those who are nationalist and those of us on these Benches who do not designate as nationalist or unionist. Our voters deserve better than to be treated as second-class citizens. <BR /> <BR />The deployment of a petition of concern on this vote is a shameful perversion of democracy and an abuse of process. Prior to the debate, the Members opposite complained in their press statement of a rigged debate. There is no clearer way of rigging of a debate than the deployment of a petition of concern, because nobody's vote matters now except for that of the DUP, which wishes to govern by diktat.”
“It was through faithful implementation that we were able to secure trust and confidence for many of the changes that followed in the Windsor framework. Unlike the Member, we are not in the business of championing breaches of international law. In his contribution, Mr Buckley said that the debate was about rewriting the Brexit referendum and misrepresenting the views of the House. Of course, that is exactly what the DUP did when it held the balance of power at Westminster between 2017 and 2019, when it was only the voices of members of the DUP that were heard in the room. They are the architects of their own misfortune in all of that. <BR /> <BR />Mr Brooks cannot claim that there must be cross-community support for how we Brexit but not for whether we Brexit in the first place; you cannot have it both ways.”
“<BR /> <BR />The DUP was warned pre referendum that Brexit would inevitably mean increased friction and barriers and that that would impact on the UK's ability to influence the European Union, to make rules and to contribute on matters of peace and security, poverty, migration and the global economy. That is exactly what has happened. Despite not causing that mess, Alliance has consistently come to the Chamber and other forums with practical and pragmatic solutions that would address the situation in the best interests of people in Northern Ireland. We believe that, by having observer status, we would be able to influence upstream EU law that has an impact on Northern Ireland.”
“As a passionately pro-European party, Alliance supports the motion to secure observer status for Northern Ireland in the European Parliament and, indeed, a European Commission office in Belfast. The debate has highlighted the fact that, despite having campaigned for Brexit 10 years ago, the DUP is still not able to name one solitary benefit of leaving the European Union. You cannot come to the Chamber, having campaigned for Brexit, and pin all its inevitable consequences on the Windsor framework. That is the political equivalent of driving your car into a brick wall and then blaming the airbag for your broken nose.”
“The Bill includes a welcome provision that updates the Civil Registration Act (Northern Ireland) 2011 to enable a second female parent to register a stillbirth without the mother being present. That is a very small but, for those families, hugely significant act of equality. It is a signal of dignity, equality and fairness, and I am very proud that parties have been able to come together to get to this stage and to pass the Bill today. <BR /> <BR />I close by paying tribute to and thanking the other members of the Finance Committee — we worked unusually well together on the Bill — and the Minister and his officials for their engagement. It was appreciated, and it aided the passage of the Bill, which I am really pleased to see here today, so thank you.”
“Even where there were differences of opinion on things such as charging and cost, we were able to set aside the politics and find consensus and common ground. That is an example of how the Assembly ought to function at all times: parties come together and work together, focus on the common interest and the people whom we represent and find ways through our differences where they arise. <BR /> <BR />As Members have also said, the Bill makes other important provisions that modernise the registration process. That will make a real, tangible difference to families in times, good and bad, when they have to visit a registration office to register a birth, a death or a stillbirth.”
“I pay particular tribute to Nikcollette and Louise from the Little Forget Me Nots Trust in my consistency whose insight was absolutely invaluable. <BR /> <BR />I hope that today can be a first step, because, although acknowledgement is important, it was clear from speaking to bereaved parents that they also want to see improvements in women's health and maternal healthcare and to see us make progress on things such as a women's health strategy to ensure that bereaved parents are supported through every step of their journey. <BR /> <BR />As other Members have said, throughout the scrutiny of the Bill, including Committee Stage, there was a perhaps unusual degree of political consensus and unanimity.”
“I, too, welcome the opportunity to contribute to the Final Stage debate on the Deaths, Still-Births and Baby Loss Bill. Too often in our society, baby loss has been met with silence or stigma, and, for many parents, it is one of the most traumatic experiences of their life. Today is therefore a truly significant day, as the Assembly legislates for the first time to offer people voluntary and formal acknowledgement of the loss of a baby before 24 weeks. I pay tribute to the women, the bereaved parents and families, the charities and the organisations that have long campaigned for change and to those who bravely and courageously shared their personal testimony with the Committee and the Department during the scrutiny of the Bill.”
“I thank the Minister for her answer. Does the Minister agree that some of the positive changes in the legacy Bill will be undermined if inadequate funding is provided?”
“I thank the Member for giving way. I agree with much of his contribution about the need for a whole-Executive approach. Does he believe that his colleague the Education Minister has been adopting that approach to his finances?”
“I am resisting the urge to cast a spell across the Chamber. I know that the Minister is very keen to bait the Alliance Party, but the wee graphic that was floating around of me dressed as Harry Potter made me laugh. That is probably the best thing that the DUP has done for the Alliance Party in quite a long time. <BR /> <BR />On the matter at hand, given the strength of the views that the Minister and members of his party have expressed on the issue, does he regard it as being significant and controversial?”
“Will the First Minister and the deputy First Minister call on the Secretary of State to convene a process to reform these institutions in order to ensure that never again is the Assembly paralysed when it ought to be planning for a pandemic and never again can any Executive measure or policy be held to ransom? That is the least that the people whom we represent deserve. Let us set aside the sham fight that is taking place across the Chamber between the two largest parties, and, for once in this Building, let us prioritise the people whom we all represent.”
“That should bring great shame on the House; be it the DUP abusing rules in the Executive to block public health measures or Sinn Féin breaking the rules that it made in the Executive, they ought to be hanging their heads in shame. The people of Northern Ireland deserve better. <BR /> <BR />Today is not just about recrimination and blame, however. We have an opportunity to set aside that party political interest and deliver better for the people whom we represent. Baroness Hallett was clear that the power-sharing structures at Stormont undermined the Executive's ability to respond effectively to the pandemic, which resulted in chaotic and dysfunctional decision-making. People died as a result of the delays in decision-making in the Executive. The report is clear about that. Will we now set aside party political interests?”