Eóin Tennyson
Upper Bann · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Those who have come forward only now, saying that they are not surprised or that they always suspected that something was wrong, simply to use this as part of a grudge match and settle old scores, should hang their heads in shame, as should those who have attempted to use this matter for party political point-scoring in the Chamber today.…”
“Jeffrey Donaldson and Jeffrey Donaldson alone is responsible for his heinous abuse. We know that abusers lurk in the shadows and that this could have befallen any organisation, community or political party. The allegations that came to light in the 'Spotlight' documentary, however, go beyond the actions of one individual.”
“Scandal after scandal has shown that those who push puritanical, sanctimonious and hostile rhetoric towards the LGBTQ+ community are guilty of nauseating hypocrisy. All Members, including those in the DUP, should reflect on that, on the harm caused, apologise to the LGBTQ+ community and change course.”
“We owe it to them to ensure that, never again, will an institution be prioritised over the protection of victims and to make policy change to ensure that faith-based counselling is regulated, safeguarding procedures are followed and, importantly, that reforms are made to our RSE system so that, never again, will a child or young person no…”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. This is an unconventional intervention, but we are in unprecedented times. I ask for your assurance that you will engage fully with any investigations or inquiries that come about as a result of matters that were raised over the weekend.”
“The response from statutory agencies is consistently inadequate. Despite it being an offence under article 87 of the Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1993, we see no enforcement action whatever from the Department for Infrastructure. I call on the Infrastructure Minister to set out what she will do to start to tackle the issue.”
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“I thank the Member for giving way. I know that he likes to see himself as a modern-day Nostradamus, but most of the rest of us in the Chamber are self-aware enough to know that none of us can predict the future. The Member may be right in his analysis that Farage will sweep the board and become Prime Minister, but it is equally possible that pro-European parties will end up in coalition, so can we not debate where we are as we stand rather than what will happen 10, 15 or 30 years down the road, as none of us knows the answer to that question?”
“That is an interesting strategy to persuade people to come around to your side of the argument. Crucially, however — I would expect the SDLP to know this — the motion is not inherently divisive. If it were simply a question of having a non-binding vote in the Assembly to determine our constitutional future, we would have sorted it out a hundred or more years ago. The only outcome of the debate will be that people will discover that the DUP and UUP are unionist, the Alliance Party is non-aligned and Sinn Féin and the SDLP are nationalist. You could have asked a school student that and got the same answer. <BR /> <BR />We implore all Members to support the amendment as an inclusive —”
“The coalition for Remain in Northern Ireland drew support from across our community from people who are nationalist, people who are unionist or people who do not fit comfortably into either of those boxes. Our amendment recognises the diversity in that coalition, which has been the strength of the pro-European Union movement in Northern Ireland over many years. <BR /> <BR />I will reflect on some of what was said in the debate. I agreed with Cara Hunter when she talked about respect for different constitutional perspectives and about constitutional change not being inherently negative or divisive, with people being entitled to express their view. I agree with that, but she proceeded to deride, insult and dismiss those of us who are non-aligned as fence sitters.”
“Those are either via the UK as a whole reconsidering its position or via constitutional change under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. We can quarrel in the Chamber over which of those is the more likely, but that is a factual statement. Our amendment recognises, with parity of esteem and without diminishing the motion, the opposing aspirations of some Members. More fundamentally, irrespective of whether Northern Ireland is in the UK or part of a united Ireland, I do not want to see borders or barriers anywhere on these islands. It is in our interests, as an interdependent society, therefore, for both the UK and Ireland to be full EU members. That would avoid those tensions and frictions, irrespective of our constitutional position.”
“<BR /> <BR />In an increasingly uncertain and unstable world, where there is war in Europe, tech broligarchy threatening to interfere with democracy and an unpredictable occupant in the White House, the reset of the relationship between the UK and the EU is more important than ever. However, we want to go further. We want to build a closer and more dynamic relationship with Europe, with progress being made on issues such as veterinary medicines, forming a customs union and, ultimately, reversing Brexit, as that is the only way to deal with the tensions, contradictions and frictions that have been posed for Northern Ireland in particular. <BR /> <BR />In coming to the debate, we felt that an amendment was necessary for a number of reasons. I will walk through those in turn. The first is the fact that there are two routes back to the EU.”
“Meanwhile, as we heard today, those who cheerled Brexit are in complete denial about how we got here and where we should go next. The DUP continues to engage in the same fantasy politics that walked us into this position in the first place, calling for the removal of the Windsor framework in the absence of any credible or workable alternative. The recent UK-EU summit was undoubtedly a step in the right direction, finally embracing the veterinary agreement, which Alliance was the first party to call for. It has been remarkable to watch the longest U-turn in history by Members from the DUP, who now seem to also embrace that solution.”
“They need only compare those with the alternative to see the protections that are now in place and the dividends that we are reaping from them for our economy. <BR /> <BR />Of course, the borders and barriers that Brexit has created have been felt most acutely in Northern Ireland. They have threatened the delicate balance of relationships upon which we, as an interdependent and shared society, rely. We in Alliance have always been clear that the key to resolving those tensions is closer alignment with the EU. The people of Northern Ireland know that too. That is why people from across our community voted in 2016 to remain and why they have voted in increasing numbers since for parties that recognise the need for pragmatic solutions.”
“Thank you, Principal Deputy Speaker. In the five years since the UK left the EU and almost a decade since the referendum, we still have no sign of a single, solitary benefit of Brexit. We are still waiting on even a glimpse of the "sunlit uplands" that were promised by the grifters who promoted Brexit in the first place. Brexit has changed our place not only in Europe but in the wider world, and, with that, our ability to respond to global challenges, including climate change, peace and security, poverty and migration. It also damaged the UK economy, contrary to what a number of DUP Members have said. Those Members need only take a cursory glance at the economic growth that Northern Ireland has enjoyed relative to GB, or, indeed, at our export growth under the Windsor framework.”
“Thank you, Minister, for those answers. Will you elaborate and provide an update on the proposed review of further sentencing issues?”
“I commend the Minister for his advocacy on the veterinary and SPS agreement. I am sure that the Minister will agree that the best way to mitigate the tensions created by Brexit is through a closer relationship between the UK and the EU, which, surely, must include negotiations on a customs union.”
“Thank you, Minister, for that answer. Given that, so far, the sole action off the back of the that report on the cost of doing business appears to have been to forward it to the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, is there anything in the document that the Treasury did not already know?”
“Thank you, Minister, for that answer. The strategy was heavily trailed in the media last week ahead of the Executive meeting, yet, as we stand here today, neither Members nor the sector have seen a copy of that document. Why the delay, and does that speak to a disrespect for those of us in the Chamber?”
“I thank the Minister for that answer. Minister, will you give us a timeline for when we can expect to see that primary legislation? What assurances can you give that proposals for closure will command the confidence of the Assembly this time?”
“I thank the Minister for giving way. He is right: we have met on one occasion, and there is another meeting in the diary to discuss my private Member's Bill. However, surely he will accept that engagement with me is not tantamount to engagement with the LGBT sector organisations and that that should be prioritised over a year into his tenure as Minister.”
“Does the Minister acknowledge that almost two decades is sufficient time for consideration and proper scrutiny and that, perhaps, a little quicker than that would be good?”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.”
“I am also proud of the fact that my colleague Naomi Long is committing to —.”
“Instead of making progress on those issues, the Communities Minister has refused to meet LGBT organisations since taking up office over a year ago. That speaks, from where I am standing, to a wider disregard or disrespect for sections of our community. I ask the Minister to reflect on that. <BR /> <BR />For my part, however, I am proud of the fact that Alliance is taking forward measures where it has the power to do so. In the absence of action from the Communities Minister, I have recently completed a consultation on proposals to end so-called conversion practices, which are cruel and archaic, send a message to LGBT people that they are ill and in need of a cure or that their identity can and should be changed, and, we know, are deeply damaging to those subjected to them.”
“Some will seek to weaponise these issues and to pit marginalised communities against one another, but rights and equality are not finite. By expanding protections to one section of our community, it does not necessarily follow that we must take them from another. None of us in this society will be equal until all of us are equal. Those of us in the Chamber have a responsibility to represent all our constituents: those who vote for us and those who do not; those who email us or contact us on social media and those who do not. <BR /> <BR />The expert panel report was published four years ago. It includes a range of practical recommendations across health, education, safety and employment that would improve the lives of LGBT people.”
“As we stand here, almost two decades on from that first commitment being made, we are the only part of these islands never to have published a strategy to advance the well-being and equality of our LGBTQ+ community. As is so often the case with equality and inclusion in Northern Ireland, we are falling desperately behind. Some have been more interested in frustrating progress, be it by wielding vetoes in the Chamber to block marriage equality or frustrating and delaying efforts to lift the ban on gay men donating blood.”
“I have no doubt that people in our community died because of the way that they were treated and because of toxic public discourse. Of course, we must come to the Chamber and debate these issues, and, of course, people are entitled to different views. However, I ask Members to be mindful of how they approach these issues. That is exactly what an LGBTQ+ strategy is about: addressing the issues and making life better for a small and marginalised group in our society. <BR /> <BR />It is a sad indictment of the Assembly that this debate is even necessary. Consultation on a sexual orientation strategy was first launched in 2006. Indeed, this is the second time that my party has tabled a motion that calls for progress. The first was tabled 11 years ago.”
“It is about the fact that more than 40% of LGBT young people have experienced bullying in schools. It is about the fact that LGBTQIA+ people are more than one and a half times more likely to experience depression and anxiety than the rest of the population. It is about the fact that gay and bisexual men are four times more likely to attempt suicide in their lifetime and that 46% — almost half — of our trans community have thought about ending their life. <BR /> <BR />I plead with Members: while it is, of course, right that we debate these issues, which are sensitive and complex, we must approach such debates with the compassion and empathy that they require, as has been referenced by other Members. In debates about section 28 and other issues, we failed a generation.”
“As we debate such issues, each of us in the Chamber has a duty to be mindful of the impact of our words, because, whilst this debate is just one of many that we will have, for young LGBTQ+ people out there who are listening, what we say is everything. For them, it is not a debate about political hypotheticals or a culture war; it is about the real challenges that they face as they seek to go about their day-to-day lives. It is about the two thirds of LGBT people in our society who do not hold their partner's hand in public for fear of negative reaction. It is about those who have suffered verbal abuse or physical assault because of who they are. It is about those who have experienced discrimination in the workplace or faced barriers in accessing public services.”
“Thank you, deputy First Minister for that answer. I express my solidarity with you on the threat and abuse that you received. Hopefully, the individual in question will be held to account for that. <BR /> <BR />There has been speculation that tech regulation and online safety regulation may be on the table as part of trade negotiations that the UK Government have undertaken with a number of countries. Do you agree that we should not sacrifice online safety regulation and the safety of women and girls online as part of those negotiations? Have you made representations to the UK Government to that effect?”
“<BR /> <BR />The Government must, as a bare minimum, suspend arms sales to Israel and recognise the state of Palestine. It is only through a sustained ceasefire; the cessation of hostilities; the flow of humanitarian aid; and a two-state solution recognising the rights and dignity of both Israelis and Palestinian people, that lasting peace and security can be delivered.”
“Reports over the weekend of the far-right Israeli Government's plans to expand and prolong their illegal occupation of Gaza, which are tantamount to ethnic cleansing, are deeply concerning. Far from delivering peace and security, those plans will only add to the mounting civilian death toll and the destruction of the Gaza Strip. <BR /> <BR />It has been more than eight weeks since humanitarian aid entered the Gaza Strip, which is the longest blockade on aid since the start of the war. Children are starving, and hospitals are running out of basic medications. The situation unfolding before our eyes is unconscionable, as Palestinians are subject to collective punishment in breach of international law. The question is how much more suffering people in Gaza have to bear before the UK Government and the international community act.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. He quotes figures that relate to people in Northern Ireland paying proportionately less in terms of the revenue raised. Does the Member concede that there is an issue around taxable capacity? Disposable incomes and property prices are comparatively lower in Northern Ireland. In some sense, the comparison with other jurisdictions is unfair.”
“Whilst we are involved in ongoing engagement with the UK Government on our fiscal framework, I agree that our immediate priority needs to be our needs-based formula. There may, however, come a time when we can move beyond that debate and start looking at wider fiscal devolution powers. The very least that the Minister could do is to set out his priorities in that space. On that basis, we are content to support the principle of the motion, notwithstanding some practical considerations and our concerns about the risks that come with fiscal devolution, which need to be seriously thought through.”
“As we do not have sustainability of the institutions, I fear that they could be absent in the face of an economic downturn or crash and, therefore, that we could not respond adeptly and quickly enough to those challenges on behalf of those whom we represent, or, indeed, that we simply would not find agreement amongst the Executive and vetoes would be deployed on key issues. Fundamental reform of our public finances cannot, meaningfully, be decoupled from reform of our governance structures or political institutions to ensure that they are sustainable and stable. <BR /> <BR />I am disappointed that the Minister, irrespective of his views on the debate, is not here to respond. The very least that the Minister could do is to come to the Chamber and set out his priorities for fiscal devolution, given his party's apparent commitment to it.”
“If we conflate fiscal devolution with a fair funding formula for Northern Ireland, there is a risk that we could find ourselves landed with trade-offs that do not serve our public finances well. That risk is evident if you look to the experience of Wales. It is important, therefore, that we decouple those two arguments. Secondly, a fact that has been skirted around is that, frankly, the Executive do not have a good track record when it comes to dealing with the revenue-raising powers that they have currently.”
“Importantly — this is, perhaps, the most important argument for fiscal devolution — it gives the Executive and the Assembly an opportunity to levy taxation in a way that is more progressive and fair, that supports economic growth and that aligns with our social and economic priorities. Particularly at a time such as this, when all the parties in the Chamber are so critical of the UK Government's response, we should all want more control over those levers. <BR /> <BR />I am not glib about the complexity or the dangers associated with fiscal devolution, some of which Diane Forsythe set out. It is important that we approach this in a balanced and measured way. The first challenge is that the most important factor affecting our public finances is our needs-based formula, which affects the block grant.”
“As other Members have said, this motion comes at a time when our finances are in a precarious position, following 14 years of Tory austerity that has now turned into Labour austerity, which carries grave consequences for the Executive and for households and businesses in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />I am a supporter of increased fiscal devolution for a number of reasons. First, it is more democratic to bring decisions about tax and spend closer to the people whom we represent and those we elect so that they can have more say over those policies through the democratic process. It also offers more incentive for the Executive and the Assembly to prioritise things such as productivity and growing our economy, because there will be rewards through the taxation system.”
“I thank the First Minister for that answer. Given what we have seen over the last week and the role of dissident republicans in that activity, do you stand by your support for the UK and Irish Governments' interlocutor, whom they are appointing to engage with those very organisations?”
“Tory austerity has, in many respects, been replaced by Labour austerity, with government decisions compounding rather than easing pressures on communities and public services in Northern Ireland. The UK Government have a crucial opportunity to do the right thing by revisiting their economic strategy to ease pressure on businesses and workers, to pursue progressive taxation and to revise our relationship with the EU to secure economic growth.”
“While I welcomed the appointment of Professor Holtham to conduct a review of our relative need, it is disappointing in some senses when compared with the experience of the Welsh Government, who appointed an independent commission that was, at least at first glance, superior in the resource and time that was available to it to complete its work. I fear that we are, as I said yesterday, at the eleventh hour as we rapidly approach the second stage of the spending review, in which we can secure changes to our funding formula. <BR /> <BR />While much has changed at the Assembly over the past year, it is unfortunate that the wider context of the UK public finances has not changed.”
“It is true, of course, that our finances are constrained, but those constraints cannot be trotted out as a lame excuse for indecision or lack of delivery, as we witnessed recently with the Minister for Infrastructure blaming austerity for a failure to pedestrianise Hill Street at a cost of £5,000. <BR /> <BR />As the Fiscal Council's report clearly illustrates, we must take action to ensure that we are in a better place ahead of the 2026-27 financial year as regards moving towards multi-year Budgets, which, as the Chair of the Committee said, is essential for forward planning, but also ensuring that we do not face a cliff edge and that our funding is properly baselined and indexed at a level that adequately reflects our relative need.”
“We need a genuine commitment to public service transformation and reform that goes beyond the mere lip service that we are used to. The time for reviews and consultations is over. Meaningful action is required in so many areas, be that hospital reconfiguration; reviewing the funding and governance arrangements for NI Water, where the status quo is hampering economic development, contributing to a housing crisis and destroying our environment; the approach to major capital projects, which has resulted in an overspend of £3 billion, as highlighted by the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) this week; or, as we have debated, meaningful action to tackle the cost of division in our society so that we fund services and not segregation.”
“It is welcome too that additional funding has been secured for safer communities, although it is imperative that the business case that is with the Department of Finance, as presented by the Chief Constable and the Minister of Justice, is progressed as swiftly as possible to support stabilisation of the PSNI and to ensure that policing can meet the needs of our community. I welcome the efforts of the Minister's predecessor in acknowledging the underfunding of policing and justice, and I hope that the Minister will continue in that vein. <BR /> <BR />While difficult choices have been made on prioritisation, it is vital that we see the same step change in approach from all Ministers in how they spend their allocations, if we are to deliver on the Programme for Government commitments.”
“<BR /> <BR />We know that, as has been referenced, too many of our constituents languish on hospital waiting lists, so it is right that £215 million has been ring-fenced to tackle waiting lists and invest in elective care. Overall, the Department of Health's budget has been uplifted by over £600 million from its opening position in 2024-25, which complements the £60 million that has already been invested for GPs and primary care in public service transformation. <BR /> <BR />Considerable steps have been made, such as the more than doubling of the earmarked funding for early years and childcare to £55 million, with an additional £15 million being allocated to special educational needs (SEN).”
“I welcome the opportunity to participate in an important debate on the 2025-26 Budget and the reports from the Committee for Finance and the Fiscal Council relating to that Budget. As I prepared for the debate, I revisited discussions that we had on the 2024-25 Budget a year ago. Back then, largely due to the stop-go nature of the Assembly, we were considering a Budget in the absence of any Programme for Government or public consultation. At the outset, therefore, it is important that we acknowledge the significant progress that has been made since. We come to the debate in the knowledge that the views of citizens, stakeholders and organisations have been considered and that the Executive's allocations reflect their priorities and commitments in the Programme for Government.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. For once, I agree with much of what he says. Does he acknowledge, however, that he is not necessarily one to lecture anybody else on growth, given that the Brexit that he championed has reduced UK trade by 15%?”
“<BR /> <BR />In addition to the provisions in respect of deaths and stillbirths, the Bill proposes to update the Civil Registration Act 2011 and the Births and Deaths Registration Order 1976 to enable a second female parent to register a stillbirth without the mother being present and to ensure that same-sex female parents can register a birth or stillbirth in the same manner as opposite-sex parents can. That is a small but incredibly important step forward for equality, ensuring that everyone, no matter their background or identity, will be treated with fairness, dignity and respect as they navigate the registration process. <BR /> <BR />Like every other Member who has spoken, I welcome and support the Bill. I look forward to engaging with it further as it progresses through the remainder of its legislative hurdles in the Assembly.”
“<BR /> <BR />I somewhat share the disappointment that we are debating an enabling function rather than a fully fledged and consulted-on scheme in a Bill. I appreciate, however, the constraints that existed when the Minister and his predecessor took office and that there has been creativity in getting us to this point. I welcome the commitment to public consultation to ensure that families and those who have been affected by baby loss can input fully into the design of the scheme. <BR /> <BR />I welcome the ambitious time frame in wanting to have the scheme up and running by the end of the year. I would be grateful if the Minister, in his response, could detail exactly what we expect the timeline to be as we move from the Bill's Final Stage to getting the secondary legislation passed and the scheme operationalised.”
“<BR /> <BR />From my perspective, the most important element of the Bill is the enabling power to create regulations for a baby loss certificate scheme and finally recognise losses before 24 weeks. Whilst every family will deal with its grief differently and some may not wish to access a baby loss certificate, it is important that that option is there to provide comfort and acknowledgement of a loss for those who wish to utilise it. The scheme will bring Northern Ireland into line with Scotland and England. As other Members have mentioned, it is important that we learn from the experiences of other jurisdictions in respect of the scope and cut-off point for any certification scheme, as the initial proposals in England felt arbitrary and were met with legitimate criticism from campaigners.”
“That is why I support the Deaths, Still-Births and Baby Loss Bill as an important step towards a more compassionate and progressive approach to baby loss in our society. <BR /> <BR />As others have said, the Bill will make permanent the temporary provisions introduced during the COVID-19 pandemic that allowed documentation relating to deaths and stillbirths to be transmitted electronically. Since the pandemic, that has become the norm, and it is important that we make that permanent in order to consolidate the modern and more efficient interaction with the registration service that people now enjoy at the happiest as well as the saddest points in their life.”
“The loss of a baby during pregnancy can be a deeply traumatic experience for parents, but it is too often met in our society with silence or treated as though it is taboo. Pregnancy loss affects approximately one in four pregnancies, yet, sadly, when that occurs prior to 24 weeks, support for and acknowledgement of that loss is, as Members have said, in some cases, non-existent. We have heard repeatedly from parents who experienced loss, from the health professionals and organisations that care for them and from campaigners that much more needs to be done. I pay tribute to and thank the women, parents and campaigners, including my colleague Kellie Armstrong, who, for years, have told their personal stories with enormous courage and selflessness in pursuit of change on this important subject.”
“Given that the independent review of funding in Wales was conducted over 18 months by a number of individuals, is the Minister absolutely confident that the "desktop review", as he referred to it earlier, is sufficient?”
“The Minister lives on another planet. He must not have been engaging directly with teachers and support staff recently: they are not happy with where the situation has landed. What steps will the Minister take to address the workload and caseload issues that teachers have raised?”
“Thank you, Minister, for that answer. Bridge Integrated Primary School, which is in my constituency, submitted an unavoidable minor works application in June 2023 and has been awaiting a feasibility report and business case since then. Do you accept that school leaders' confidence in the minor works system has been shattered? Will you commit to a review in order to restore their confidence?”
“Thank you, Minister, for your statement. You mentioned both our underfunding and the second stage of the spending review, which is due in June. Given that Professor Holtham was appointed only this year to undertake a review, are we in the eleventh hour and is there a risk that we are too late?”