Eóin Tennyson
Upper Bann · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Those who have come forward only now, saying that they are not surprised or that they always suspected that something was wrong, simply to use this as part of a grudge match and settle old scores, should hang their heads in shame, as should those who have attempted to use this matter for party political point-scoring in the Chamber today.…”
“Jeffrey Donaldson and Jeffrey Donaldson alone is responsible for his heinous abuse. We know that abusers lurk in the shadows and that this could have befallen any organisation, community or political party. The allegations that came to light in the 'Spotlight' documentary, however, go beyond the actions of one individual.”
“Scandal after scandal has shown that those who push puritanical, sanctimonious and hostile rhetoric towards the LGBTQ+ community are guilty of nauseating hypocrisy. All Members, including those in the DUP, should reflect on that, on the harm caused, apologise to the LGBTQ+ community and change course.”
“We owe it to them to ensure that, never again, will an institution be prioritised over the protection of victims and to make policy change to ensure that faith-based counselling is regulated, safeguarding procedures are followed and, importantly, that reforms are made to our RSE system so that, never again, will a child or young person no…”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. This is an unconventional intervention, but we are in unprecedented times. I ask for your assurance that you will engage fully with any investigations or inquiries that come about as a result of matters that were raised over the weekend.”
“The response from statutory agencies is consistently inadequate. Despite it being an offence under article 87 of the Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1993, we see no enforcement action whatever from the Department for Infrastructure. I call on the Infrastructure Minister to set out what she will do to start to tackle the issue.”
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“That means that completion is unlikely before 2030, which will be a full 23 years since plans were first touted. <BR /> <BR />Those delays are happening in the absence of a multi-year capital Budget and without an overarching investment strategy to guide long-term infrastructure decisions. Those are systemic issues that must be addressed. Whilst many of them are beyond the control of the current Minister, the decision to pause progress on the A1 whilst awaiting the outcome of the A5 appeal is a decision of the Minister that is profoundly disappointing and unjustifiable. The A1 and A5 projects are not in any way comparable. The A5 is a new 58-mile road, costing £1·7 billion and requiring 800 hectares of land. The A1 scheme is an existing road's being upgraded over 13 miles, costing £120 million.”
“Then came the collapse of the Assembly in early 2022 and, with it, further delay. In February 2024, my Alliance colleague Patrick Brown presented the Chamber with a petition that was started by Monica and Ciara. It had 12,738 signatures, which was a testament to the strength of public feeling and the determination of campaigners to deliver change. In July of that year, just ahead of the general election, the then Minister announced that the embargo on the phase-2 scheme had been lifted, raising hopes that change would finally be delivered. Procurement began in December, and we were told that construction would start in early 2026. However, here we are, Minister. We have been told that the project will be delayed again until 2027, pending the outcome of the A5 appeal.”
“<BR /> <BR />Plans to upgrade that section of the A1 have been under discussion, in one form or another, since at least 2007. A public inquiry, which began in March 2020, concluded that there is significant support for the proposed scheme across the community, including from public- and private-sector organisations. The inquiry noted that it did not receive a single submission objecting to the principle behind the scheme. Despite the urgency, cross-party support in the Chamber and clear demand for change from the public, progress has been painfully slow, however. <BR /> <BR />In 2021, the then Minister for Infrastructure, Nichola Mallon, responded positively to the inquiry, accepting its findings and approving the scheme. Without funding being secured, however, the project continued to stall.”
“Every household has a story of a near miss, of a frightening moment or of a loved one who narrowly escaped harm. We know why that is. It is because the gaps in the central reservation along the A1 are directly linked to the severity and frequency of collisions. A Department for Infrastructure submission to the 2020 public inquiry stated that 45% of collisions occurred adjacent to a central reservation gap: places where right turns, U-turns and slowing for private entrances are all possible but are deeply unsafe and dangerous actions. The proposed upgrades would close all the gaps on the carriageway through having a continuous central reservation barrier and provide four new grade-separated junctions. Those are not cosmetic changes but life-saving interventions.”
“Their advocacy, supported by people including Sinéad Lunny and my colleague Councillor Joy Ferguson, has ensured that critical safety improvements remain at the top of the agenda in the Assembly. We owe them our thanks and our respect but also our commitment finally to deliver the safety improvements for which they have fought so hard. <BR /> <BR />The A1 phase 2 safety upgrade is not an optional luxury or an extra. Rather, it is essential for promoting road safety and saving lives. It is a priority for people in Upper Bann, as it is for people in other constituencies such as South Down and Lagan Valley and for everyone who travels along the Belfast to Dublin economic corridor. In Banbridge, it is an issue that I am asked about more than any other.”
“<BR /> <BR />I pay particular tribute to Monica Heaney, who joins us in the Public Gallery. Members will know Monica's story. Her son, Karl, was just 27 when he was tragically killed in a collision near Banbridge in May 2018. In the depths of unimaginable grief, Monica and Ciara Sands, Karl's partner, channelled their loss into action through the campaign group A1: How Many Must Die?. No parent, partner or family should ever have to endure what Monica, Ciara and so many others have faced. Monica and Ciara have carried their grief with extraordinary courage, dignity and determination. The memory of their loved one has become a quiet but powerful force for change.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I welcome the opportunity to have this important debate. I thank Minister Kimmins for being here to respond to it and also colleagues from the Upper Bann constituency, from across all parties, for being here this evening. <BR /> <BR />The A1 is one of the busiest arterial routes in Northern Ireland and a strategic transport corridor. Every day, 40,000 vehicles travel along it. Despite its importance, it remains one of the most dangerous roads in Northern Ireland and has been the scene of far too many tragedies and far too much heartbreak. In the past 17 years alone, more than 40 road users have lost their lives on the A1. I express my sympathies to all those who have suffered loss or bereavement as a result of accidents on that road.”
“I also hope that the family feel the support for them from right across our community as they grieve Natalie's untimely loss and murder. <BR /> <BR />We must take this moment to reflect on what we can do, in the Chamber and outside of it, to tackle violence against women and girls. We must all reflect on our actions and attitudes and commit ourselves, in Natalie's memory and in memory of all the women who have been so tragically murdered, to build a society that is kinder, more compassionate and inclusive and in which men treat women with the dignity and respect that they deserve.”
“I rise to remember the life of Natalie McNally. It has been a privilege to get to know Natalie's parents, Noel and Bernie, over the past three and a half years. In that three and a half years, they have, alongside Natalie's brothers Declan and Niall, carried themselves with immeasurable strength, dignity, courage and grace in the face of the most unimaginable horror and loss. We have all been moved by the stories that they have shared about the happy memories that they shared with Natalie — her sense of humour, her belief in equality, her love of sport — and it was very clear that she had a positive impact on so many people during her short but brilliant life. Although justice was served yesterday, that will not bring Natalie back, though I hope that it brings the family some comfort and closure.”
“<BR /> <BR />All of the conversation about reform and transformation in public services comes back to reform and transformation of these institutions. In 2019, the Confederation of British Industry (CBI) estimated that the collapse of the Assembly at that time had cost Northern Ireland almost £1 billion. The DUP's response was to collapse it again a few years later. We need stability to underpin our society, our economy and the long-term reform of our public services that is so desperately needed. <BR /> <BR />I will not support the DUP motion, which is a crass attempt at a culture war, but I will support the Sinn Féin amendment, which is a much more genuine attempt to start to deal with some of the issues.”
“All parties need to get serious about efficiency; transforming our public services; delivering on the ambition of the Bengoa review and the independent review of education; and tackling the scandalous cost of duplication and division in our society. We need — some of these issues have been mentioned in the debate — a properly baselined funding formula to deliver more and better public services; an enhanced transformation fund to build on the progress that has been made under the public-sector transformation board; and, as Alliance has consistently called for, real effort and energy towards commissioning an independent review of the cost of division in our society so that we can finally bring those costs down and fund public services rather than segregation.”
“Yet, DUP Members have come to the Chamber and told us that the reason that the Executive has no money is trans people: catch yourselves on. That speaks to an idea that people in Northern Ireland are so foolish that they will not see through a blatant attempt to fight a culture war and distract from the profligate and wasteful spending of successive DUP Ministers. <BR /> <BR />I agree with the thrust of the motion when it says that we need to tackle waste and inefficiency and prioritise spending where it matters most, but Members do not need a non-binding motion in the Assembly for that. Those who tabled the motion simply need a mirror.”
“No, we are not against it; we are against profligate spending associated with those trips. Alliance Party representatives have engaged in international travel to represent Northern Ireland's interests where we feel that that is appropriate. None of them flew business class. Other Members should take note and reflect on that when they spend public money. <BR /> <BR />That is all before we look at the £90 million in forgone tax revenues for the UK annually as a direct result of Brexit; the tens of millions of pounds of lost EU funding; the lost economic opportunities as a result of repeated collapses of these institutions; and the money that went up in smoke as a direct consequence of the "cash for ash" renewable heat incentive scheme that a DUP Minister launched without cost controls.”
“<BR /> <BR />The DUP tells us that it is concerned about the costs associated with hospitality, but there is no mention of the deputy First Minister's junket to Wimbledon to the tune of £1,000 on the taxpayers' dime; the Communities Minister's £40,000 trip to the United States, which included first-class flights; or the £13,000 St Patrick's Day breakfast. Ministers have found £250,000 for magnetic phone pouches; £135,000 for Christmas lights; and £5,500 for a genealogy study of JD Vance simply to conclude that he has no Ulster-Scots heritage.”
“It "expresses alarm" at the number of arm's-length bodies but makes no mention of the same Minister's proposal for a new arm's-length management body for controlled schools rather than consolidating the existing bodies. It criticises spend on legal costs, but there is no mention of the £50,000 of legal costs associated with the unlawful decision to halt Windsor framework checks or the £130,000 in costs incurred in appealing a decision on the need for inclusive RE in schools. That is before we even look at the costs associated with the Communities Minister's action against his Executive colleagues in relation to the Irish language.”
“I welcome the opportunity to respond to the motion about the need to tackle waste and inefficiency in government. Whilst the proposer's remarks at times strayed into the Donald Trump playbook, with a bit of an imitation of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) policies from across the water, the motion is useful in exposing a breathtaking lack of self-awareness from the DUP. <BR /> <BR />In the motion, the DUP tells us that the Audit Office has criticised the delivery of major capital projects, but the DUP makes no mention of the Education Minister's handling of the Strule Shared Education Campus, which, on his watch, is set to overrun by £220 million.”
“I do not have time. <BR /> <BR />I agree with the Ulster Unionist's condemnation of Iranian state-sponsored terrorism through Hezbollah, the Houthis, Iran and the IRGC, and I share the concern, expressed in their amendment, for service personnel in the region, but it removes any criticism of Donald Trump or his disregard for international law and the UN charter, and I just cannot support that. <BR /> <BR />If we believe in the rule of law, then it must be applied equally: to our allies, as much as to our adversaries. I hope that parties across the Chamber can get behind our proposed way forward and send a clear, principled message in defence of international law and the rights of the Iranian people.”
“The motion does not sufficiently address the illegality of Iran's random response. To Gerry Carroll's point, countries have a right to self-defence but not to lash out indiscriminately at other countries in the region. The SDLP amendment does not adequately correct that, although I agree with much of what the SDLP has proposed. <BR /> <BR />Whilst I wholeheartedly agree with the Ulster Unionists' amendment —.”
“There is an issue with consistency when it comes to Sinn Féin's association with despotic and barbaric regimes across the world and its willingness to condone human rights abuses closer to home. I ask the Member to reflect on that. <BR /> <BR />The DUP feigned concern for the people of Iran, but, of course, it is the same party that howls, "Stop the boats", whenever Iranians arrive on our shores to seek sanctuary. It is always on the wrong side of history. It is happy to trumpet President Trump and to support his illegal war. It is always the party of illegal war and higher energy bills, traipsing over to the White House to praise the president's latest reckless action. <BR /> <BR />We need to strike a balance in the debate. The Alliance amendment seeks to restore that balance and consistency.”
“I agreed with parts of the Member's contribution, such as when he talked about the impact of sharia law and the human rights abuses that accompany it, but is he seriously claiming that we should just bomb every country that observes sharia law? That is not a credible position for any politician to take. It is vital that the Chamber stand firmly for the people of Iran, for democracy, for freedom and for human rights. <BR /> <BR />I take issue with the proposer of the motion. Mr Kearney made a remark that there is "no alternative to political dialogue". I will be really clear: that is as true of this society, and it was as true in the '70s, '80s and '90s as it is today.”
“Look, there will be a rush to try to take sides, but it is entirely possible to abhor the human rights abuses, murders and oppression carried out by the Iranian regime, to condemn its support for global terrorism and to demand an end to its nuclear programme whilst recognising that the military action taken by the US and Israel is contrary to international law, just as Iran's retaliatory strikes across the Gulf and the eastern Mediterranean are. <BR /> <BR />I ask the Member this: how will sprouts of peace grow from the rubble of a bombed primary school? How will the foundations for democracy be laid on the graves of dead innocent women and children?”
“That is a choice that no Iranian should have to face. Beneath those binaries lies something deeper and far more dangerous: the steady erosion of international law, which is the very framework that was designed to protect civilians, restrain power and hold the powerful to account. The erosion of those protections often accompanies the erosion of civil liberties at home, as we have seen in the United States.”
“However, as with so many of our debates on international conflicts, the debate has descended into petty political point-scoring, overlaid with our own sectarianism and prejudice, at the expense of genuine humanitarian concern and any clear unity or agreement about the way to support families. I do not expect parties in the Chamber to be able to reach consensus on the morality of the conflict, but I expect them to be able to agree a way forward on the practicality of how we support our own citizens. I am convinced that the First Minister played it wrong. When families were crying out for information about how to get loved ones home, she chose ideology over standing up for them and representing their concerns. That was a failure of the people whom we represent. <BR /> <BR />A local Iranian living in Belfast, Azadeh Sobout, told RTÉ:”
“Thank you, Deputy Speaker. The US and Israel are waging a war of choice on Iran, while Iran is engaged in reckless and random retaliation that risks destabilising the entire region. It is an illegal war that is being waged by Donald Trump with no clear goal, no clear exit strategy and no clear basis in international law. Frankly, I am surprised that Members older than me are not more reticent about supporting that illegal action, given its eerie resemblance to the war in Iraq. <BR /> <BR />The war is not some distant abstraction; its consequences ripple far beyond Iran's borders, reaching into homes and communities across the world, including here, where working families face soaring energy costs as a direct result of the conflict and worry about loved ones who are stranded in the region.”
“I thank the Minister for giving way. Mr Carroll mentioned the remarks that the Earl of Shaftesbury made at the weekend. Does the Minister have a response to those?”
“There are two options for the Secretary of State. He could engage the parties in a process of meaningful reform of these institutions. While that would take longer, it would respect the role of the institutions. Alternatively, he could follow the course taken with the then culture and language Bill, which the previous Government passed, and step in to put enabling powers in place to allow the Department to move forward.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. Can the Member list one condition that his party extracted for the SDLP's participation in any Executive in the past 20 years? Does he recall the statements that he published when the Programme for Government was under consideration, which said, in effect, that the Alliance Party should just hurry up and agree whatever the DUP and Sinn Féin put in front of them?”
“Work is under way in a range of areas, such as peatland restoration, the nutrients action programme, the river basin management plan, strengthening penalties and, indeed, ending the bye ball on pollution for NI Water, but an independent agency is the foundation on which the progress must rest and be measured. <BR /> <BR />I commend the motion to the Assembly.”
“If dysfunction, deadlock, delay and the endless cycle of ransom politics are allowed to continue, the Secretary of State will condemn the institutions to death by a 1,000 collapses or death by a slow bleed of public confidence as institutions in which parties cannot deliver on their democratic mandates or even deliver on the least controversial of issues for which there is widespread public support. We must act now to protect our environment for future generations and to protect those whose livelihoods rely on it. <BR /> <BR />We know that an independent environmental protection agency is not the entire solution.”
“Of course, while it falls primarily to local parties to honour the commitments made in 'New Decade, New Approach', it is not solely the responsibility of local parties. The UK and Irish Governments have an obligation to ensure that the deal that they brokered is honoured and delivered. Indeed, when the DUP previously reneged on New Decade, New Approach commitments to the language and identity Bill, the previous Government stepped in and legislated to ensure that it could be delivered. <BR /> <BR />The evidence for the need to reform the institutions is clear and has been well rehearsed.”
“The supposedly "Democratic" Unionist Party is running down the clock and deliberately frustrating the democratic will of the Assembly and the Executive. The abuse of cross-community protections and the joint nature of the Executive Office to block an EPA exposes just how warped these institutions have become and just how far we have fallen from the spirit and intention of the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. <BR /> <BR />The perilous state of our environment is not an orange or green issue. The establishment of an independent EPA will not have a differential impact on nationalists or unionists. All our people have suffered and will continue to suffer if the Assembly fails to act.”
“Many of the challenges that we face today stem directly from the policies that they championed and pursued in office. <BR /> <BR />What I find baffling, however, is that a party that professes to be vehemently opposed to a trade border in the Irish Sea — a border that they created — is now determined to build a sea border for environmental governance brick by brick. It is bizarre that the DUP, as a unionist party, would argue that citizens in Northern Ireland, drinking mouldy water and breathing poor air, are not entitled to the protections and safeguards enjoyed by citizens in England, Scotland and Wales. It is a perversion of democracy that clandestine sectarian vetoes are being deployed to prevent the issue even reaching the Executive table.”
“That review, which included a member of the Ulster Farmers' Union (UFU), has now provided the detail, recommendations and road map necessary to move forward. The model proposed would improve transparency, accountability and consistency, and yet that proposal is being blocked at the Executive. <BR /> <BR />It is no surprise that the DUP would renege on commitments made in 'New Decade, New Approach'. We are all well accustomed to their snake oil salesman approach. It is, however, a staggering display of arrogance and disrespect not just to their partners in government but, more important, to the people of Northern Ireland, that they have not kept their word. Nor is it surprising that the DUP takes a reckless approach to environmental stewardship.”
“We need an agency that is independent of politics, can take decisions on the basis of scientific evidence, can enforce compliance robustly and is properly empowered and resourced to do so. <BR /> <BR />In 2020, every party signed up to establishing an independent environmental protection agency as part of 'New Decade, New Approach' (NDNA). Yet when Alliance sought to amend the Climate Change Bill to secure an agency in the previous mandate, the Assembly rejected it. We were told at that stage that there was not enough detail on the structure, functions or powers of a new agency. That is why, when the Executive returned, as a top priority, Andrew Muir commissioned an independent review of environmental governance.”
“Tourism and recreation businesses lose visitors. Businesses that are the backbone of our rural communities are too often left to carry the burden of environmental degradation and failure. <BR /> <BR />Clean air, safe water and healthy land are not privileges; they are rights, and they must be safeguarded by a body with the independence and authority to hold all of us to account — government, businesses and wider society. An independent environmental protection agency (EPA) would not only act as a watchdog and a deterrent to polluters; it would be a catalyst for restoration, investment and rebuilding public trust. For 30 years, report after report has concluded that our system of environmental governance needs fundamental reform. The case for change is irrefutable.”
“<BR /> <BR />Those are not isolated incidents but symptoms of a deeper, systemic inertia that has characterised the approach of successive Executives to environmental protection. However, these are not only questions about our commitment to environmental protection; they are questions about fairness, equality and social justice. When our natural assets are allowed to die in plain sight, the people and communities whom we represent pay the price, and that price is not paid equally. <BR /> <BR />Generations of families who have worked the waters of Lough Neagh as fishermen with pride now find their boats idle. Their identity, income and heritage, all inextricably linked to the lough, are now threatened by toxic blue-green algae. Across our rural economy, the picture is the same. Farmers struggle with adverse and unpredictable weather.”
“It is with some incredulity that I propose the motion. For three years, we have all watched as Lough Neagh turned green in what is now a seasonal spectacle, as the largest fresh water lake in these islands and the source of over 40% of Northern Ireland's drinking water is being choked by putrid pollution. We have grappled with the fallout from Mobuoy, the largest illegal dump in Europe, at staggering environmental and financial cost, and we have witnessed the real impacts of climate change on our communities. Flooding, wildfires and extreme weather have upended lives and livelihoods, not to mention the plight of biodiversity loss and, indeed, the deteriorating air quality that many of our communities contend with.”
“Nor should we stand for a position where people in Northern Ireland are asked to pay more for less or to fill a gap that was created by the UK Government. However, we can, and should, take steps to raise revenue in a fair and progressive way that properly supports our public services. <BR /> <BR />The financial challenges facing the Executive are enormous, of which the 2025-26 financial year is more clear evidence. The challenges that we face, however, are not insurmountable. For our part, the Alliance Party stands ready to work with the Minister and other parties to seek to resolve them and move forward together.”
“In the interim, a rollover of stabilisation funding from the Executive formation package may well be necessary; I am sure that the Finance Minister will make that case. <BR /> <BR />We have gone through yet another year of capital spending in the absence of an investment strategy. Capital spending has often appeared to be completely divorced from Programme for Government commitments, which is a situation that must be urgently addressed. We must — I agree with the leader of the Opposition's remarks in this regard — have a mature conversation about the capacity to raise revenue in Northern Ireland. We should, of course, reject the orthodoxy that taxpayers in Northern Ireland do not contribute their fair share; they do.”
“Any such commitment could and should be supported by an enhanced transformation fund, building on the success of the public-sector transformation board to date. We must also see Ministers get serious about tackling the costs of division and duplication in public services. We need progress towards a permanent fiscal framework with a funding formula that truly captures Northern Ireland's relative need and is properly baselined from the beginning of 2021. It was short-sighted of the previous UK Government not to engage with those issues at the time. <BR /> <BR />It is regrettable that, since the restoration of the Assembly, the Department of Finance has resisted calls for the establishment of an independent commission to jointly adjudicate on some of those matters in order to chart a way forward.”
“<BR /> <BR />The 2025-26 financial year was our tenth single-year Budget in a row, and, as other Members have said, it ought to be our last. Single-year spending envelopes are not an efficient or effective means of managing public money, so, difficult as it may seem at this point, the opportunity of a multi-year settlement must be grasped. <BR /> <BR />In closing my remarks on this financial year, I will, with your permission, Mr Speaker, make some brief remarks on the potential route forward. In any plan for a multi-year Budget, we must learn the lessons that have been taught in debates over the course of the passage of the Bill and, indeed, this financial year. We must see robust public service transformation from across the Executive, meeting the principles of the Bengoa review and the independent review of education.”
“Of course it is reinforced. However, when it comes to significant reform of these institutions, turkeys will not vote for Christmas, so it is not sustainable for the Secretary of State to believe that that can be achieved in the absence of support from the two Governments. The Government have a role to play. They cannot fly in and lecture the Executive about failure to transform public services or to stabilise finances if they are not willing to play their role in stabilising the institutions to do that. There are examples of significant pieces of transformation being blocked by the structures of the Executive. <BR /> <BR />I will return to the reserve claim. It is clear that the £380 million of Barnett consequentials announced last week could easily be hoovered up by repayments in the forthcoming financial years.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Fiscal Council has pointed to what it termed "financial mismanagement" during the year. That was perhaps made most evident by the £450 million overspend that accumulated in the Department of Health and the Department of Education alone. I suggest that that has been driven, at least in part, by a failure of either Minister, in contrast to other Departments, to properly plan for public-sector pay at the beginning of the year. Progress on a Treasury reserve claim to ease those pressures is, of course, welcome but it is not a silver bullet, as it stores up trouble for further down the road.”
“On behalf of the Alliance Party, I support the Budget Bill at Final Stage. The Bill signals that we are coming to the end of another challenging financial year for the Executive, with demand on resources again outstripping, by a considerable margin, the funding available for allocation. That has been driven by inflation and a funding formula that does not properly reflect our relative need and the consequences of stop-start government, along with a failure to properly undertake sufficient public service transformation. I will say again, as I do in all these debates, that our financial stability cannot be divorced from political stability and that reform of public services cannot be delivered without significant reform of these institutions.”
“If we cannot make the most modest of changes and reforms to our rating system and cannot use the powers that we have to deliver better outcomes for the people whom we represent, what message does that send to Treasury about our ability to grapple with greater fiscal devolution or, indeed, to take difficult decisions around reforming public services more broadly? <BR /> <BR />Whilst a majority in the Chamber will likely support the rates order for 2026-27, it is vital that we see significant reform to the rating system in the year ahead. Some have criticised the rates increase before us, but they have offered no alternatives, no solutions and no plan for how they would fund public services, given the many demands that face the Executive.”
“<BR /> <BR />From these Benches, we have consistently called for a short, sharp independent review of the rating process and rate reliefs to ensure that the system is fair, progressive and fit for purpose and can support the needs of our people and public services. In fairness, over the past year, the Minister has proposed making some modest changes to the rating system through small business rate relief, the max value cap and the early payment discount. Those changes would make our system more progressive and fair, and they are changes that I would support. The latter two, though, appear to have fallen victim to Executive dysfunction.”
“The Minister was aware of the emerging valuation impacts on different business sectors in late 2025 but appears to have done nothing in the meantime to mitigate the monumental impact on hospitality businesses. Other jurisdictions have recognised the need for additional support or transitional relief. In Northern Ireland, the Minister seemed to believe that the changes could have been absorbed overnight. The Minister must stop passing the buck to businesses, demanding that they come forward with the evidence that is required. He must stop hiding behind reviews that are ongoing in Scotland and England and instead engage fully with our hospitality sector and commission his own review ahead of striking the regional rate for next year. We have a window of opportunity now to do it.”
“<BR /> <BR />I have consistently spoken about the pressures that face hospitality, retail and leisure businesses on our high streets and the fact that those sectors have not benefited from equivalent reliefs that had been made available in other parts of the UK in recent years. Although it is, of course, welcome that pubs and the hospitality sector are not facing into this rating cycle with the valuations that were previously proposed as part of Reval2026, the shambolic management of that process has hammered confidence, created winners and losers and heaped further uncertainty on publicans and hoteliers in particular. <BR /> <BR />That cack-handed approach could and should have been avoided.”
“The Alliance Party will support the regional rates order and the subsequent orders that will be debated today on the Back in Business scheme and rural ATMs, as we recognise that rates revenue is essential to funding vital public services at Executive and local council level. <BR /> <BR />We are all acutely aware, however, of the need to balance the demands facing our public services and our constituents during the current economic crisis. As has already been said, that crisis has been compounded in recent weeks. I welcome the Minister's decision to decouple the non-domestic rate from the domestic rate. That goes some way to recognising the acute financial pressures that our business community faces, which, again, are challenges that have been compounded by the Labour Government's changes to employers' National Insurance contributions.”
“I thank the Minister for his answer. Minister, you will be aware that many community and voluntary sector organisations are crucial to meeting the targets set out in your disability strategy. What assessment have you made of the impact of changes to the local growth fund on that strategy? Do you plan any changes to programmes such as Workable in the context of changes to the local growth fund?”