Aengus Ó Snodaigh
Dublin South-Central · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“In a reply to a parliamentary question on MetroLink in April of this year, the Minister, Deputy O'Brien, again stated his belief that the MetroLink terminus can facilitate any potential future MetroLink expansion to serve the south west, south or south east of Dublin should sufficient demand develop. That demand is already there.”
“A millennium and a half later, with Ireland serving as the President of the Council of the European Union, it is the same law we want to see enforced in the era of AI. In the words of the author Scott Turow, in paraphrasing The Atlantic's Alex Reisner, the bold future promised by AI has been "created with stolen words".”
“Tá roinnt samplaí anseo agam. Glacaim leis gur chuir an conradh agus BÁNÚ roinnt samplaí eile chuig an Aire ag léiriú an damáiste a dhéanfaidh sé sin. In ainneoin an méid atá ráite aige, i gceantair áirithe, tá coinníollacha ar leith ann ó thaobh forbróirí atá ag forbairt iliomad tithíochta faoi láthair.”
“Theft is being rewarded and creativity is being punished to the tune of €22 billion globally in music and film, according to the International Confederation of Societies of Authors and Composers. The European directives are no longer fit for purpose because of the exemptions granted to train AI.”
“Cloisim é seo. Chuala mé é thar na blianta ó dhaoine a bhí ag iarraidh go laghdófaí teorainn na Gaeltachta. Bhí siad ag iarraidh díriú isteach ar na ceantair a bhí in ísle brí ó thaobh labhairt na Gaeilge chun iad a chaitheamh amach ón nGaeltacht. Bhí siad ag iarraidh go mbeadh an Ghaeltacht srianta go dtí ceantair ina bhfuil 50% ann.”
“Bhí líne den scoth sa leabhar Ag Caint Linn Fhéin , a scríobh Joe Steve Ó Neachtain, laoch an Ghluaiseacht Chearta Sibhialta na Gaeltachta agus ealaíontóir ildánach, "Is é an croí atá i gceol na hÉireann a dhéanann náisiún mór den náisiún beag seo ar fud an domhain." Tír gan teanga, tír gan anam. Tír gan ealaín, tír gan chroí.”
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“I have not seen a clear explanation as to what was faulty about that process or what the problem was with the controller of intellectual property. In the briefing note on the Bill, the Minister indicates that the Department has concluded that the controller of intellectual property is unable to fulfil the function conferred on him by the Copyright and Related Rights Act as he is deemed not to have the necessary judicial competence to exercise that function. Rather than give additional powers to the controller, this function is to be shifted to the Circuit Court. Anybody who knows the courts system in Ireland knows it is slow, burdensome and costly. In recent years, the general trend has been to seek to ensure people do not end up in the courts system.”
“RAAP, the Irish Music Rights Organisation, IMRO, and Hot Press have highlighted these issues over the years. It fell on deaf ears in some ways because we were awaiting the ruling of the court, which was made in 2020. We have waited for this Bill and its introduction represents a good day for the music industry as a whole. It clarifies where the funding should go and I hope performers and producers will benefit accordingly. It will make things easier for all. We welcomed the ruling at the time and we welcome that it is finally being implemented five years later. However, we have concerns, as already stated, regarding the fourth and final objective set out in the Bill, as detailed in the explanatory memorandum, which is to improve the dispute resolution process.”
“The Minister of State might clarify whether it is a given in the case of our signing up to these international obligations that all those we are respecting will also respect Irish nationals in such cases. The third aim of the Bill is to provide for a default equal sharing of royalty payments between producers and performers of sound recordings. This is a commendable and hard-fought win for Irish performers. I commend RAAP on taking its case against the representatives of the major music labels and the State all the way to Europe and winning it. Practices introduced by major record labels had, in effect, reduced the share of earnings for sound recordings paid to performers from what should have been half to approximately 20%. I have heard over the years from recorders and performers about how they have been treated.”
“I also support its second aim, which is to ensure copyright law is compliant with our international obligations under the World Intellectual Property Organization Performances and Phonograms Treaty and the Rome Convention. Nationals of other countries who have signed up to these treaties will now be able to vindicate their rights under Irish law. It is welcome and only right that we recognise the rights of other nationals who avail of those rights in Ireland. However, we need clarity from the Government that the principle of reciprocity will be respected. If Irish nationals from other contracting powers can vindicate their rights here, Irish nationals should also be able to vindicate their rights in those states. That might not need to be stated in the legislation.”
“It is worrying that just as the RTÉ solicitor and head of the regulatory section began telling me categorically that the organisation does not engage in this practice, RTÉ's director of video cut her off mid-sentence to state that there are different forms of different contracts which might be required. I did not get what I wanted, which was that RTÉ would be able to fundamentally state that it is not involved in such buy-out contracts. What sort of culture of omerta exists in RTÉ if its own solicitor is cut off while explaining to an Oireachtas committee exactly what has been happening regarding the buying out of people's rights? The effort to reinforce the rights of performers under EU copyright law in Irish legislation is welcome. I support that aim of the Bill.”
“Last week, the Dáil passed First Stage of the Bill I introduced to ensure respect for the copyright of performers in the film sector when granting tax relief. My proposal was on foot of a campaign by Irish Equity and the cross-party recommendations of the budgetary oversight committee. Respect for the legal rights of workers should not be optional for employers. Amid all the other scandals engulfing RTÉ, I have heard disturbing reports of the national public broadcaster requesting that performers waive their unwaivable rights to future residual payments by way of so-called buy-out contracts. I raised this directly with RTÉ representatives at the media committee last week.”
“Why were stakeholders in the industry, particularly the individual representative organisations for creatives, not consulted before the proposed overhaul contained in the Bill was put forward? The court case made its findings a number of years ago. We have had enough time in which to tease out exactly how to progress this issue and give full effect to the ruling without blindsiding people. It is worth noting the objectives of the Bill as laid out in the explanatory memorandum. The first objective is that the 2006 copyright rental and lending directive be fully transposed. That is vital. The directive sets out that authors and performers have an unwaivable right to equitable remuneration. We have been making the case for some time that the right to fair remuneration under EU law copyright law must be respected.”
“If pre-legislative scrutiny had been undertaken, we could have heard various voices comment on this and the Minister of State would have had an opportunity to explain in greater detail the wide-ranging changes that are proposed. The stakeholders should have been consulted. I will continue to engage with them in the coming weeks before we get to Committee Stage, unless that is fast-tracked as well. I have already spoken to quite a number of stakeholders across the music sector since the Bill was published. While there is consensus that it is broadly welcome that the Government is finally acting on the RAAP case, many of the key players in the sector feel completely blindsided by some of the changes that the Minister of State has suggested, especially in relation to the courts and who can take cases.”
“The approach up to now has been mediation and arbitration because once something goes to the courts and the courts have oversight, things become a lot more legalistic and costly. The parties who generally have the funds to take that approach are big companies and those with wealth behind them rather than individual creatives who are producing or writing the music or who benefit in some way from copyright or related laws. As important as copyright is, this is not an emergency situation. As a result, we could have teased matters out further. I know that pre-legislative scrutiny was waived by the relevant committee, but I do not think it was informed of the fundamental changes provided for in this Bill.”
“Previously, the Controller of the Intellectual Property Office had oversight but all of a sudden we are moving towards the Circuit Court having oversight. That is hugely challenging and is not fully explained here. Indeed, I do not think most people have grasped that fundamental change. Hopefully the Minister of State will elaborate on Committee Stage as to why such a fundamental change is being presented as a minor one. It could have huge cost implications for creatives. Another concern is the fact that the Government is moving to a system of individual cases. People will have to take individual cases rather than have representative organisations take cases on their behalf. Again, that is a fundamental change.”
“As the Minister of State mentioned in his introduction, the Irish High Court referred a question to the CJEU for a preliminary ruling on a case taken by the Recorded Artists, Actors and Performers, RAAP, and Phonographic Performance Ireland, PPI. At question in case C was ensuring that those involved were properly funded and proper rights were given. The approach that the Government is taking here is as a result of some of the findings of that court. While the Minister of State is trying to present this legislation as a tidying up of the law and arguing that it is a technical measure arising from the case taken by RAAP, the Bill in fact sets out to fundamentally alter how disputes around copyright in music and sound recordings are resolved.”
“While I would usually welcome any move to address some of the lacunas in our copyright law which ensure that creatives do not get their just desserts, there are parts of this Bill that concern me. We only got sight of it for the first time last Friday, and I have made a complaint to the Government Whip about that. The convention is that Bills are produced at least two weeks before they are discussed. That is not a political charge but applies to all TDs. If TDs, including backbenchers and Opposition Deputies, are to do their work properly they need time to address issues contained in legislation. While this is a short Bill, it provides for fundamental change in terms of the approach to copyright.”
“That means the services it hoped to deliver from the property tax income cannot be delivered, particularly for houses, roads and community services. That is why the condition of some roads across the city is deteriorating and community services, and some positions which are vital to those services, are under threat. It is why Dublin City Council struggles to manage its budget when it comes to maintenance services. It does not have any additionality for the tenant in situ scheme. It does not have additional funding to deal with the shortfall from Government funding to purchase properties that are being advertised. At this stage, or at any stage, this is a retrograde step. A different approach to taxation that does not include taxing the family home is needed.”
“Local authorities are not benefitting from this measure. They have never benefitted in this city. In the past, there was the equalisation fund where Dublin property owners paid - or deferred if they wished, but they ultimately paid - money which did not all go to Dublin City Council to provide services. In fact, it went to other councils throughout the country. The equalisation fund or system was gotten rid of. The increase has not happened since. The officials in Dublin City Council have been complaining continuously, even since the equalisation, that when the increase in funding comes, the grant from central government is reduced accordingly. It is hard luck if Dublin City Council receives an extra €20 million because the funds it will receive from the Government will be reduced by the same amount or more.”
“In my area of Dublin 12, one of the auctioneers was boasting recently about the houses sold, although I am not giving out about the estate agents as they are only doing their job. For example, for anyone who knows Dublin 12 and Dublin City Council homes, a house on the Galteymore Road in Dublin 12 listed at €365,000 was sold for €490,000. That is an increase of more than 25% in the space of a year. It is not the only house advertised that is going that way. That is the scale of the jump. When the valuations happen, everyone in Dublin will be moved up two or three bands. That is the effect of it. While the Minister may say in his presentation that it will only be an extra €5 or €10, when you look at the bands, people will be jumping up quite a substantial amount. That is what people will be liable for.”
“Someone owning their own home does not necessarily mean they have ready income or can afford this jump, even if it is only a modest or small amount, as the Minister has said. It may be a small amount if one stays within that threshold or band. The vast majority of homes in this city will jump substantially, however. They will jump up one, two and, in many instances, three bands. That is a huge increase for those people, especially for those who do not have additional funds or have already been hit hard by the cost-of-living crisis. The cost of fuel and food is substantially increasing, as is basically the cost of living in every way. The cost of material, if someone needs to fix up a home, has increased.”
“I dtús báire, regarding this legislation as well as a number of other pieces of legislation produced by the Government this week, there has been a protocol in this House that legislation is produced two weeks before it is brought before it in order to allow us and the public to look at that legislation, especially in the case where there is no pre-legislative scrutiny. In this instance, this Bill was produced last Thursday or Friday. The copyright Bill, which is coming up on Thursday, was produced on Friday. This affects all Deputies, not just me, in our ability to do our work. That time issue needs to be addressed. This issue may have been flagged for years. Maybe the Minister will address that. In this instance, this is a cost-of-living measure because the Government is attacking those people who often cannot afford it.”
“Crucially, one day after the vote two weeks ago, Israeli forces also shot at brave Irish peacekeepers. That could not be more serious or more grave. The Irish Government voted to facilitate the funding of attacks on Irish soldiers because it voted to fund Israel's war efforts. Article 39 of the Constitution quite clearly states that assisting another state to levy war against this State is nothing less than treason. Is the Minister happy to assist the funding of a state that shoots at Irish soldiers? That is what Government Members will be doing if they vote against this motion. An bhfuil sibh sásta leanúint le ligean do bhannaí cogaidh Iosrael a bheith díolta sa tír seo, ag ligean don tír seo tuilleadh buamaí, piléar agus diúracán a cheannach agus a úsáid i gcoinne páistí agus pobal neamhurchóideach Palaistíneach i nGaza?”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis na Daonlathaithe Sóisialta as an rún seo a chur os ár gcomhair. Tacaím go huile agus go hiomlán leis. Two weeks ago, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael clubbed together to vote down Sinn Féin's Bill to stop our Central Bank from facilitating the sale of Israeli war bonds. What have those war bonds funded since that decision? The Israeli state killed 17 Palestinians on 29 May; 72 on 30 May; 54 on 1 June; 27 on 3 June; nearly 100 on 4 June; 52 on 5 June; 42 on Eid, 6 June; 70 on 7 June; 47 on 8 June; 27 on 9 June; and 36 on 10 June. In fact, in under two years those war bonds have funded the killing of 65,000 Palestinians. This is the exact toll that is being wrought upon the Palestinian people in a genocide and yet the Government is facilitating that.”
“It is bad form two years on that the Minister for justice still has not responded or has not met any of the men or their representatives.”
“Why, even when the initial convictions were overturned, did the State continue to go after Nicky Kelly and then pardon the men with no apologies to any of them for the trauma they went through, for the brutality and for the fact the State's case was that they inflicted the wounds on themselves, despite it being virtually impossible for them to do so because they were in Garda custody the whole time? There has been no apology. The State is living in denial. The inquiry being sought is into the treatment of the men and not whether they were guilty. That has already been well established at this stage. As I said, there has not been an apology. It is not just the men themselves seeking an inquiry. Human rights organisations that are well respected not only in Ireland but abroad have demanded that the State look into this matter.”
“The Minister received this correspondence almost two years ago, so it is taking a long time to receive attention. The matter itself should be receiving attention even though it is 50 years on. There is no doubting the innocence of the men; that is not why we are seeking an inquiry. The reason is the fact that the State had a system where there were rogue gardaí and non-rogue gardaí. Did the heavy gang exist at all and was it State policy? Why was it not accepted that there was a judge asleep on the bench? The reason the first case collapsed was that the judge died. Despite the denial, why was there torture of the men in question? Why, despite the fact it was obvious to everybody that the Irish Republican Socialist Party, IRSP, was not involved in the robbery, did the State continue with the convictions?”
“Last year, Claire McEvoy, acting co-director of the Irish Council for Civil Liberties, ICCL, stated: The human rights violations inflicted upon the Sallins Men by An Garda Síochána and accepted by other parts of the Irish criminal justice system were part of a systemic pattern of human rights violations endemic across many years in Ireland’s history. The Irish State has systematically failed to address their treatment and the systems which enabled this treatment to occur. This, in a nutshell, is why there needs to be an inquiry into this.”
“RTÉ broadcast a documentary a number of years ago, "Crimes and Confessions", which outlined the existence of a Garda "heavy gang" that seemed to be a law unto itself and seemed to have the cover of the political masters of the time. That has been followed up recently by a podcast by the Irish Independent newspaper, which further outlined the failures in this instance and the need to address these failures. It is not just myself asking. Obviously, the men themselves, namely, Brian McNally, Nicky Kelly, John Fitzpatrick, Mick Barrett and Osgur Breatnach, have relentlessly campaigned to get the State to acknowledge the truth of what occurred to them.”
“He ended up having to go on hunger strike because all appeals failed, despite the fact that the others had their convictions overturned. Eventually, the only way to free him was to pardon him. These men are elderly at this stage with broken health. It is not just about those who are convicted. There were others who did not receive the full sentence of the court who were broken and tortured. Nobody can deny the world has moved on from the 1970s. Oversight and transparency is the name of the game, in many ways, and are more respected. There is intolerance of any type of misbehaviour or criminal acts in An Garda Síochána, not only by members of An Garda Síochána but by the public and the political sphere. At the time, however, there seemed to be an acceptance of it.”
“I do not know how much the Minister of State knows, or even remembers, about what occurred in 1976 and thereafter following the robbery by the IRA of €150,000 from a train at Sallins, County Kildare. It was an audacious robbery at the time that hit all the headlines. What did not really hit the headlines afterwards was the Garda Síochána arrest, torture and beating of confessions out of six men. There was also a sleeping judge in the Special Criminal Court who subsequently died, a retrial thereafter, convictions and the overturning on appeal of those convictions. There has been a failure since to acknowledge the miscarriage of justice and the cruel and inhuman treatment of the men. The Minister of State might know of Nicky Kelly, who went on the run during the first trial and returned when the convictions of two others were overturned.”
“Deputy Gary Gannon - To discuss the urgent need for regulation and a statutory framework around commercial drone delivery services in residential areas. Deputy Claire Kerrane - To discuss the Government response to recent wildfires in Gortaganny, County Roscommon. Deputy Roderic O'Gorman - To discuss the provision of an emergency works grant to a community school in Dublin 15 (details supplied) to undertake repairs to its roof. Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire - To discuss the interception by Israel of the Madleen ship which was travelling to Gaza with vital humanitarian supplies. The matters raised by Deputies Moynihan, Stanley, Rice, Ó Snodaigh and Kelly have been selected for discussion.”
“Deputy Alan Kelly - To discuss the need for greater investment to resource An Garda Síochána. Deputy Aindrias Moynihan - To discuss the up-to-date position on Veoza being made available on the drugs payment scheme. Deputy Pádraig O'Sullivan - To discuss the establishment of a new secondary school in Cork for students with complex needs. Deputy Aidan Farrelly - To discuss current and planned school building projects and related matters in Kildare. Deputy Pádraig Rice - To discuss providing extra time to students with dyslexia when sitting State examinations. Deputy Mattie McGrath - To discuss a sustainable funding stream for Cluain Training and Enterprise Centre in Clonmel, County Tipperary. Deputy Louise O'Reilly - To discuss the need for disability services for residents of Lusk.”
“Deputy Erin McGreehan - To discuss use of Louth County Hospital in Dundalk as a surgical hub for the north east. Deputies Pádraig Mac Lochlainn, Pearse Doherty and Pat the Cope Gallagher - To discuss the need for a surgical hub to be located at Letterkenny University Hospital. Deputy Brian Stanley - To discuss the implementation of safeguarding policies in nursing homes owned by (details supplied) following HIQA reports on nursing homes in Portlaoise and in Beneavin, Dublin. Deputy Louis O'Hara - To discuss the need for redress for the former patients of an orthodontist. Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh - To discuss the need for a public inquiry into the miscarriage of justice for those convicted of the Sallins train robbery in 1976. Deputy Danny Healy-Rae - To discuss the use of the district hospital in Killarney for respite care.”
“I wish to advise the House of the following matters in respect of which notice has been given under Standing Order 39 and the name of the Member in each case: Deputy Michael Cahill - To discuss if the N70 national secondary Ring of Kerry road can be brought up to an acceptable standard. Deputy Malcolm Byrne - To discuss the planned extension of a secondary school in Carnew, County Wicklow, and to provide an update and timeframe on project completion. Deputy James Geoghegan - To discuss the need to expand the access and inclusion model to support children below the current age of eligibility which is two years and 8 months. Deputy John Brady - To discuss provisions for children in Greystones, County Wicklow, still without a secondary school place for the upcoming academic year.”
“Teresa's Gardens was knocked down ten years ago, but again the hoarding has only gone up recently. It is time to act. It is time to ensure that a housing emergency is declared and that this Government is got rid of. That is why I support the Raise the Roof campaign and I support those who are going to be here next Tuesday at 6 o'clock in their rally to demand action is taken and money is properly spent.”
“It must be heartbreaking for those on the housing waiting lists to daily pass boarded up homes or the many derelict, abandoned or underutilised private homes on their way to bringing their kids to school, day in, day out and year in, year out. It is scandalous in a housing crisis - an emergency - that all homes connected to sewers, water and electricity do not have families in them. The laughter of children should be heard in all homes - public or private - rather than the echo of emptiness. I firmly believe in the "use it or lose it" concept. It breaks my heart to see flat complexes in my own estate which have been long promised regeneration that are limping along. The regeneration of St. Michael's estate was promised nearly 25 years ago and it is only now that the hoarding is going up. St.”
“Impím ar dhaoine brú a chur ar an Rialtas seo ionas go n-admhódh sé go bhfuil géarchéim ann agus gá le gníomh láithreach chun an fhadhb a leigheas, seachas an tslí a bhfuil sé á déanamh atá ag cur leis an bhfadhb seo in ionad a fhadhb a leigheas.”
“Every home I know of in Dublin 10 and 12 is going for 15% to 20% over the advertised price for the last five years or so and the agents know this is happening. They also know the amount couples have and can go up to because people must produce their mortgage approval in advance of any bidding as part of the documentation. Agents then play those couples off against each other. The advertised prices should be the price that is got so people cannot play around. It is absolutely obscene what is happening. Tá ceisteanna eile maidir leis an Ghaeltacht, maidir leo siúd atá gan dídean, maidir leo siúd atá ina gcónaí ar na sráideanna agus maidir le tithe sóisialta. Is gá dúinn díriú isteach ar na ceisteanna seo. Tá géarchéim ann.”
“Young people are competing against vulture funds, AHBs, landlords, scrupulous or unscrupulous, and councils, which are buying up new and second-hand homes. Many even consider giving up work on the presumption they may get a home quicker on the council list. Many couples are earning too much for the affordable homes threshold and too little for a mortgage for even a modest house, even after qualifying for the State's inflationary subsidies, such are the obscene prices being sought for homes. It is €450,000 for a two-bed 1930s Dublin Corporation home with a BER of E or less and in need of modernisation. That is madness and unsustainable. Another €100,000 will be required to modernise those homes. There is also a need to address prices from estate agents.”
“Tá an oiread sin gnéithe den cheist tithíochta seo nach féidir liom iad ar fad a chlúdach san am atá agam. Déanfaidh mé déileáil le gné amháin ach cosúil le mo chomhghleacaí tá mé ag iarraidh ar dhaoine teacht le chéile anseo Dé Máirt seo chugainn ar a 6 a chlog mar chuid den Raise the Roof campaign. Tens of thousands of young couples are locked out of renting, never owning their own homes. These couples have okay wages but because of Government policies and the wholesale subsidisation of private landlordism by successive governments, these couples face a dilemma - live apart in their parents' homes with their parents and siblings or, as in far too many cases, move out of their local areas or emigrate.”
“That investment is vital and we welcome its extension, with EU approval last week, to the unscripted sector. However, we need to know funding is supporting Irish performers, not facilitating the denial of their rights. My Bill aims to ensure those rights. It seeks to ensure Irish performers enjoy their full intellectual property rights as laid down in the report of the budgetary oversight committee and as set out in the EU copyright directive.”
“The EU copyright directive sets out that performers tend to be in the weaker contractual position when they grant a licence or transfer their rights and specifies a requirement for fair remuneration and transparency to remedy this weakness. This is the law of the land. My Bill aims to ensure film productions that receive lucrative tax relief will, at the very least, comply with the law and will not treat Irish workers worse than their colleagues from elsewhere doing the same work on the same job. Equal pay for equal work is a principle everyone in this House should get behind. The Revenue Commissioners valued the payments issued to qualifying productions under section 481 in the region of €130 million per year, which is more than a quarter of the total film production spend.”
“In October 2023, TDs and Senators were presented with a petition by Irish Equity that was signed by more than 3,700 people, including well-known actors Cillian Murphy, Ruth Negga, Colin Farrell, Siobhán McSweeney, David Morrissey, Jonathan Frakes, Jeri Ryan and Adrian Dunbar, to name but a few, and supported by British Equity, the International Federation of Actors and the US Screen Actors Guild - American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, SAG-AFTRA. This Bill is the culmination of their work. I warmly welcome the members of Irish Equity who join us in the Gallery for First Stage. Sinn Féin has heard their demands. We in Ireland take great pride in the success of our acting talent but we neglect the same talent when they need us to stand up for their rights.”
“That compliance is provided for in subparagraph (6) to be inserted by the Bill. Under recommendation No. 9, the committee requested an EU examination of the use of buy-out contracts in Irish film production to address the prevalence of such contracts, which witnesses said had become the norm rather than the exception, whereby performers "must either sign a buy-out contract where there is no variability allowed in what actors get for the exploitation of their work or lose that employment opportunity". I asked representatives of RTÉ at the media committee only a few weeks ago to confirm that their organisation does not force that Sophie's choice on actors. To their shame, they had no answer. Under subparagraph (7), to be inserted by the Bill, this practice would no longer be supported by way of tax relief.”
“This means, "To every cow her calf; to every book its copy", from which it logically follows, "To every actor, his performance". The budgetary oversight committee made three recommendations on intellectual property rights of performance in its May 2023 report on the section 481 tax relief. Recommendation No. 7, regarding films funded by the relief, stated that "assurance must be given that Irish performers will not be subject to lesser terms and conditions relating to their intellectual property rights than international performers in similar roles". That assurance is provided for in subparagraph (5) to be inserted by this Bill. Under recommendation No. 8, "compliance with the Copyright and Related Rights Act 2000, as well as the EU Copyright Directive should be a specific requirement" to obtain the section 481 relief.”
“I move: That leave be granted to introduce a Bill entitled an Act to amend the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997 to ensure the certificate required for Section 481 tax relief is only issued to qualifying companies which afford equal terms to Irish performers, comply with copyright legislation, and do not engage in the practice of so-called 'buy-out' contracts. Yesterday, we celebrated Lá Fhéile Cholm Cille in honour of the great Irish patron saint, born more than 1,500 years ago, who sparked a war over copyright. It it fitting, therefore, that the first Bill discussed by the Dáil this week concerns intellectual property. Mar a dúirt an Rí Diarmuid fadó ina bhreithiúnas, "Le gach boin a boinín; le gach lebhur a leabrán".”
“Bogfaidh muid ar aghaidh go Saincheist Tráthúil Uimh. 3 to the Minister for Education and Youth, Deputy McEntee, to discuss the review of the school transport scheme ahead of the new school year, atá in ainm an Teachta Mattie McGrath.”
“Deputy Rory Hearne - To discuss the allocation of SNAs in a community college in Dublin 9 (details supplied). Deputy Roderic O'Gorman - To discuss the status of the emergency works application for roof repairs for a school in Dublin 15. Deputy John Lahart - To discuss the need to tackle animal cruelty and animal neglect of horses and dogs. The matters raised by Deputies Ciarán Ahern, Darren O'Rourke, Mattie McGrath, John Connolly and Paul Murphy have been selected for discussion.”
“Deputy John Brady - To discuss the development of the Greystones media campus, which is partly funded by the strategic investment fund. Deputy Louise O'Reilly - To discuss the need for disability services for residents of Lusk. Deputy Barry Ward - To discuss sustained attacks by the Hungarian Government on LGBTQ+ citizens and how the EU will deal with this. Deputy Joanna Byrne - To discuss the inclusion of a Drogheda school (details supplied) in the pathfinder programme. Deputy Mattie McGrath - To discuss the review of the school transport scheme ahead of the new school year. Deputy Darren O'Rourke - To discuss the delay with payment of ICT and minor works grants. Deputy Jennifer Whitmore - To discuss the overfishing of sprat and its impact on marine tourism.”
“I wish to advise the House of the following matters in respect of which notice has been given under Standing Order 39 and the name of the Member in each case: Deputy Michael Cahill - To discuss transfers between Killarney railway station and Killarney bus station. Deputy Naoise Ó Cearúil - To discuss ongoing issues relating to water pressure and supply in Kildare North. Deputy Shane Moynihan - To discuss the growing demand for a secondary school in Newcastle. Deputy Ciarán Ahern - To discuss water infrastructure in Knocklyon, South Dublin (details supplied). Deputy John Connolly - To discuss the cost of congestion in the Galway metropolitan area, GMA. Deputy Paul Murphy - To discuss the ecological effects of the redesignation of rivers as heavily modified bodies of water.”
“Ireland can also stop allowing the passage of weapons of war and genocide through our airspace, which are used to bomb Gaza. We have these powers and need to take on these issues. We also have the power to ensure Israel’s genocidal regime does not have preferential trade rights in the EU. We have not done anything to suspend the preferential trade agreement with Israel. In the past two years of the genocidal onslaught, or before that, 60,000 Palestinians have died. It is time for us to stop the trade with Israel. It is time for us to sanction Israel. We should compare our actions now with how quick Ireland was to sanction Russia and suspend trade with it.”
“Gabhaim buíochas le Páirtí an Lucht Oibre as an rún seo a chur os ár gcomhair. Tá Fianna Fáil agus Fine Gael ag gníomhú amhail is nach bhfuil an chumhacht acu níos mó a dhéanamh. Tá an chumhacht acu. Dúirt an Chúirt Bhreithiúnais Idirnáisiúnta an-shoiléir go bhfuil dualgas – ní hamháin cumhacht ach dualgas – ar gach uile rialtas stop a chur leis an bhfeachtas cinedhíothaithe atá ag tarlú faoi láthair i nGaza. Ireland has the power to do more. It has a voice at the UN General Assembly and can call for collective measures. Ireland also has the power to stop the investment in illegal settlements. We can ensure that the Irish Central Bank has no role in financing genocide through facilitating the sale, through Ireland, of Israeli war bonds.”
“Tá gá leis an reachtaíocht seo a reáchtáil chomh tapa agus is féidir chun a dhéanamh cinnte de go bhfuil na fadhbanna atá ann faoi láthair, agus a bheidh ann amach anseo mura tarlaíonn sé seo go tapa, leigheasta. Tá an deis ag an Rialtas bogadh de réir seo agus an leasú atá aige a tharraingt siar ag an staid seo.”
“We are saying we should pass this simple legislation to make sure that, from its enactment, RTÉ will come under the remit of the Comptroller and Auditor General. This Bill, as presented, is simple and we should pass it as quickly as possible. As I have said, we can address this in a simple way and quickly. Faoin mBille seo, beidh na rialacha céanna i gceist do RTÉ agus atá ann cheana féin do TG4. D'fhéadfadh RTÉ a lán rudaí a fhoghlaim ó TG4, a dhéanann cláir d'ardchaighdeán a chraoladh go rialta in ainneoin nach bhfuil ach pinginí caite ina threo i gcomparáid le RTÉ agus in ainneoin go ndéanann sé ár dteanga náisiúnta mionlaigh a chur chun tosaigh i gcónaí. Ní raibh aon fhadhb riamh ag TG4 i dtaobh airgeadais toisc go dtagann sé faoin Comptroller and Auditor General cheana féin. Bhí an tuiscint sin ann nuair a bunaíodh é ag an tús.”