Rachel Woods
North Down · Green Party · Northern Ireland
“We have to get it right, but we are not starting from scratch. We only have to look across the water or down the road to the public and private sectors that already offer that type of leave. <BR /> <BR />I now turn to the comments of other Members.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is time to end the coercive control that criminal gangs have over our communities. Victim and survivors' voices must be heard and reflected in our laws and policies. Minority groups should not be sidelined or silenced. We need to educate from a very young age.”
“There is no direct cost to employers from safe leave, and it is needed to deal with the issues related to abuse. We need to destigmatise abuse and tackle root causes, misogyny and toxic masculinity. <BR /> <BR />I agree with Mr Weir's comments. We should not need to have the protections in place.”
“I thank every Member who spoke during the debate for their comments and support for the Bill. I will address the Minister's comments first. I thank him for being here, and I am glad that he is feeling better. <BR /> <BR />The Assembly cares, and we need to work constructively together to help.”
“<BR /> <BR />As I said at Second Stage, period poverty must be viewed through the lens of children's rights and how the Bill meets our obligations under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC).”
“<BR /> <BR />I take this opportunity at Final Stage to thank officials and members of the councils who took the time to discuss with me their policies, the background to them and how they are working in practice: thank you for everything that you are doing for your staff, and I hope that, should the Bill pass, your regional Parliaments an…”
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“Another expert panel tasked with looking at a sexual orientation strategy has advised that RSE should not be dependent on school ethos. What more do we need? <BR /> <BR />Our young people tell us that RSE is not sufficient. Research by Belfast Youth Forum showed that only 66% said that they had received RSE in school, and 60% felt that the information they had received was either "not very useful" or "not useful at all". We need age-appropriate, standardised, comprehensive RSE, including the teaching of issues such as gender relations and responsible sexual behaviour, delivered by professionals using a rights-based approach and a gender-focused programme that reflects the realities of society and the relationships that people are in.”
“Misogyny is a blight that affects us all, and I give credit and thanks to the Raise Your Voice campaign and the councils that have led the way on this, raising awareness in the council chambers. I welcome Judge Marrinan's recommendations and urge the Justice Minister to bring forward hate crime legislation as soon as possible with buy-in across the Executive. We know what we need to do, so let us get it done. <BR /> <BR />Earlier this month, the expert advisory panel on a gender equality strategy appointed by DFC described relationships and sexuality education in our schools as "inconsistent and insufficient". There is no uniform pattern to the provision of RSE in schools. Provision is not the same across the board. For every young person who has engaged with some form of RSE, many others have not had anywhere near the same experience.”
“The traditional public-private divide has meant that the legal system is simply not equipped to deal with the issues that affect women and girls more widely, and we have a system that, for too long, has institutionalised gender bias and stereotypes. It is time to change that. I welcome the intervention from Sir John Gillen yesterday, when he criticised the pace of change of the reforms to the justice system, and I fully agree that those recommendations around serious sexual offences need to be implemented urgently. <BR /> <BR />We must recognise abuses that target women, those who are transgender and those who are non-binary simply because of their gender identity for what they are: hate crimes.”
“I am glad that the Executive will look at the issue as a matter of urgency, and I hope that any forthcoming strategy will be cross-departmental, fully resourced and effectively implemented with a delivery model that incorporates regular reviews of its effectiveness. I also congratulate and pay tribute to Women's Aid for their campaign to get this to the Executive table. <BR /> <BR />We need to recognise the specific nature of the context in which we live. Studies have shown that it remains the case that the legacy of the conflict, such as paramilitarism, ethno-national antagonisms, party politics and political focus on identity issues at the expense of others, continues to have a negative implication for victims and survivors of domestic abuse.”
“and about grasping the facts and reality in order to develop evidence-based interventions. <BR /> <BR />We discussed an amendment to the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Bill to introduce a strategy but were advised that it would fall outside the scope, and we did not pursue it. With the help of Assembly staff, I drafted an amendment and published it on 2 November 2020. It was there for every MLA and Minister to see, but it was not selected.”
“As Women's Aid explained to the Committee, a gendered strategy:”
“The response that we received from the Department was deeply disappointing. I will quote from the Committee's report on the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Bill, which was published in October 2020. The Department said:”
“We have, it seems, a plethora of gender-neutral policies and strategies but nothing that really recognises gender-based violence. The question, therefore, is this: what is going on? I welcome the debate and recent statements to the media by many Executive Ministers on a strategy. However, after everything that has happened, and, in the past year, for example, woman after woman being murdered, the fact that it has taken so long for us finally to kick into action is disappointing, frustrating and absolutely disgraceful. <BR /> <BR />In June 2020, I listened carefully to Women's Aid call for a strategy on violence against women and girls, and, as a member of the Justice Committee and as an individual Member, I made representations to the Minister of Justice to bring one forward. We pressed for that continually in Committee.”
“<BR /> <BR />The unfortunate circumstances in Northern Ireland are compounded by the fact that we have always lagged behind when it comes to legislation, policy and change. Other jurisdictions moved to criminalise coercive control many years before a Bill was brought before the House. Criminal offences such as stalking have been introduced previously in other places. England introduced a strategy to end violence against women and girls in 2010, Scotland in 2014, and, in 2015, Wales passed the Violence against Women, Domestic Abuse and Sexual Violence (Wales) Act, which imposes a duty on the Government to prepare, publish, review and implement a national strategy. <BR /> <BR />What do we have in Northern Ireland? Very little.”
“<BR /> <BR />Globally, one in three women has been subjected to physical or sexual violence in her lifetime. Research from the femicide census shows that, on average, a woman is killed by a man every three days in the UK. The report makes for grim reading. From 2009 to 2018, 1,425 women were murdered. Almost half of the men who killed women during that 10-year period were known to have a history of violence against women. Seventy per cent of the killings took place in the home that the perpetrator shared with the victim or in the victim's own home. The sad reality is that violence and abuse against women and girls is endemic across the world, and responses to it are woefully inadequate legally, institutionally and societally.”
“Throughout history, women and girls have been subjected to patriarchal structures in society, which give men the social power and legitimacy not only to make the rules but to police them. That is the firm reality of the society in which we live, not just in Northern Ireland but globally. The system is not working. It is a fact that, in most societies, men have power over women. That is shown in many ways: in spheres of influence, in the so-called traditional roles in the home, in relation to children, in the division of labour and in wages and property rights. The global average for women's income is around half of what men are paid. In the midst of those inequalities, and practically symptomatic of that gender imbalance, we have a problem. The problem is male violence: that which is perpetrated by men against women and girls.”
“Over the weekend, I was chatting to my partner about this public debate. I asked him whether he had ever been taught or warned about not running at night, keeping to well-lit areas and avoiding going out on his own. Had he ever had his choice of outfit commented on, been verbally abused or victim-blamed, been inappropriately touched or warned about being sexually assaulted? Never: not once. That is the polar opposite of my and many other women's experiences, not because we went to different schools or were brought up differently, but simply because he is a man and I am a woman. <BR /> <BR />Violence against women and girls has been described as:”
“It is my understanding that funding for specific project work such as that on the protocol has been cut or is proposed to be cut. I appreciate that it may not be a departmental core funding matter, but does she appreciate that any reduction in funding for restorative justice organisations such as Bangor Alternatives will mean a cut in project work, such as community resolution notices and work on the protocol?”
“I thank the Minister for her statement. I welcome all attempts to demystify the courts, no matter at what level. Across society, we need to learn about them, and know about them, especially for children and young people who are involved in the civil and family courts. I hope that resources and information will be made available for children and young people to access. The Minister said that delay is a key factor of interest in the family courts and has answered a few questions on budgeting and resourcing already. Has she, however, had agreement from her Executive colleagues, or does she intend to put in a bid to fund and deliver the necessary changes? On what specific mediation proposals will the Department be consulting?”
“I thank the deputy First Minister for her answer. I would certainly welcome a commitment from the Executive Office to introduce a duty to conduct a climate impact assessment when it comes to policymaking, for example. Regarding another recommendation from the research, will the deputy First Minister support proposals to establish a new Department of climate and energy transition? What discussions is she having with her Executive colleagues to make that happen?”
“I thank the deputy First Minister for her answers so far. Today, we have the return of many children and young people to face-to-face education. Last week, during the ministerial statement, the First Minister informed me that a decision on the return to the Sure Start developmental programme for two- to three-year-olds has been referred to the COVID-19 task force. Has a decision been taken on that? If not, when is it expected?”
“A strategy that is not gendered does not state the facts or name the structural inequalities that exist, let alone deal with them. The Executive must act. Societal problems like domestic abuse and sexual violence are gendered issues. If we fail to recognise that in government, we fail to effectively tackle such issues. <BR /> <BR />Again, I offer my thoughts to the family and friends of everybody who has been affected. If you do need support, please reach out to the many support agencies that are out there.”
“My thoughts are with the family and friends of the two women, Karen and Stacey, who lost their lives this weekend. I offer my sincere condolences to everybody who has been affected. <BR /> <BR />It is most shocking that we are here again this week, the second week in a row, to discuss yet more violence against women. Last Monday, through another Matter of the Day, we discussed the murder of Sarah Everard and the lack of a violence against women strategy. We know that this is not a rare event. Violence against women is endemic in our society and across our globe. We must recognise that. <BR /> <BR />Without a gendered resource strategy to tackle violence against women and girls, the issues are not addressed properly.”
“I thank the First Minister and deputy First Minister for coming here and for their statement. I am looking forward to getting my football boots back on. With your indulgence, Mr Speaker, I have two detailed constituency queries that I received this afternoon to ask about. First, Mr Stalford mentioned Sure Start, so when will the Sure Start development programme for two- to three-year-olds begin? Secondly, does the outdoor sports training from 12 April include outdoor yoga that adheres to social distancing? If not, could it?”
“It is a just transition that will address poverty, redirect wealth into the local economy and improve health and well-being. It is needed now more than ever.”
“<BR /> <BR />As the Executive chart a course for recovery and look to longer-term economic planning, will they prioritise health and well-being, or will they continue on an obsessive quest for growth and GDP that will only exacerbate and entrench inequalities? We must rethink what we value as a society and an economy in the light of what the pandemic has laid bare. We need a radical overhaul of how we do business that will reduce inequalities in wealth and income on the basis of a just transition where no one is left behind. We must build an economy where markets are designed and public money is used to conserve and regenerate resources rather than squander them. It is not rocket science; it is strategic investment in public services and green jobs.”
“We know that there is a link between independent advice and welfare mitigations, especially with universal credit managed migration to come down the line, which will have a huge impact on many people. That will stop people's core benefits and then move them onto universal credit, so there is scope for things to go badly wrong, especially for vulnerable people who are on income-based employment and support allowance. We must protect funding for our independent advice sector. Appeals should not be rushed through as we reopen from the pandemic, as representation is so important for people and for their appeal result.”
“The most shocking statistic in the survey was that one in 10 young people who were asked about the problems that were facing them at the moment selected food, feeling unsafe at home, housing rights and homelessness. <BR /> <BR />Legislation must be introduced and passed in order to extend the welfare reform mitigations. The Minister has committed to closing the loopholes in bedroom tax and benefit cap mitigations, but that has yet to be delivered. The five-week wait for universal credit must be amended. The disgusting and shameful two-child cap needs to go, as must the six-month rule for terminal illness.”
“In 2019-2020, the Trussell Trust food banks alone gave out over 45,000 three-day emergency food parcels in Northern Ireland. One in five children here were already in absolute poverty, and 42% of people in Northern Ireland were already in fuel poverty. Navigating the complex web of social security was already a challenge, especially for vulnerable persons or those with complex needs. To those of us who listened to the young people who made a presentation to the Executive Office Committee on 17 February, it was no surprise that, of those who were surveyed by the Northern Ireland Youth Forum, 74% did not have faith and confidence in leadership from government.”
“I will not, sorry. I have no time. <BR /> <BR />We politicians talk about building back better, so I ask the Minister and those who tabled the motion this: should any attempts be made to scrap the UC uplift in Westminster, what will she and they do to ensure that claimants here are protected and keep the rate that they are on? <BR /> <BR />The question for the Executive as a whole is whether they will dig deep and organise their budgets to effectively safeguard our most vulnerable people from the cruelty of imposed austerity. We urgently need better self-isolation support for those affected by COVID, as current discretionary payments are too difficult to access, are costly to administer and often cover only short-term expenses. That is not just because of the pandemic.”
“Research by the Trussell Trust shows that the uplift has provided vital breathing space to hard-pressed budgets, with seven in 10 people on universal credit since early 2020 saying that the increase has made it easier to afford essentials. That anyone would even countenance taking the uplift away from the poorest and most vulnerable in our society is shocking. We know that there is no going back to the way that things were before the pandemic.”
“<BR /> <BR />The most recent social policy update from Community Advice Ards and North Down, which gives incredible help to people in my constituency, found that the most significant concerns raised during quarter 3 in 2020 were employers having to contribute more to the coronavirus job retention scheme in late October; ongoing difficulties with the five-week wait; welfare payments being insufficient to live on, often requiring charitable support; and the difficulty in accessing discretionary support. <BR /> <BR />The £20 uplift in universal credit at the start of the pandemic was a clear recognition that the basic payments were not enough, and to go back to what it was is unthinkable.”
“Thank you, Mr Principal Deputy Speaker, I fully appreciate that. <BR /> <BR />COVID-19 has plunged so many into hardship here, and the reality of the pandemic's impact is that it has fallen disproportionately on the most vulnerable individuals along racial, ethnic, occupational, gender and socio-economic lines. Inequalities in people's protections show the urgency of the changes needed to protect people and put them at the forefront of our population's health and well-being in future.”
“It will negatively impact on our most vulnerable women, disabled and not disabled. For those reasons, we will not support it.”
“<BR /> <BR />If the Bill is passed, it will breach the human rights of women and girls in Northern Ireland, and it will force those in the most difficult circumstances to travel to where they will be treated differently. It will be a return to unequal access to reproductive healthcare, and that will be detrimental to our most vulnerable women and girls, particularly those from low-income backgrounds and those without family support. We cannot and must not go backwards. We should be discussing the real issue at the moment, which is the failure of the Executive to commission services. It is absolutely disgraceful that that has not happened despite the new law coming into force last March. <BR /> <BR />This Bill breaches human rights and will entrench health inequalities.”
“<BR /> <BR />If the Bill has been introduced to address something that has no basis in fact, what is it really about, and what does it actually do? As I said in my opening remarks, it is no coincidence that the Bill is supported by those who do not support reproductive choices for women. In my view, too many do not pay enough attention to the work of government yet are happy to thrust themselves into decisions that are best made between a woman and her doctor. <BR /> <BR />Again, I speak to all our women and girls out there. No matter what your background, disability, age, religion or income, when it comes to your health, no politician should decide what is best for you. It is 2021, and we should not have to remind people of that. The only person who should get to make decisions about your health is you.”
“No, I will not. <BR /> <BR />This is an extremely important point because, as I have said, it is the ground on which the Bill stands, which is very shaky, to say the least. The current law was designed to meet the recommendations of the UN Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women 2018 report, which stated that it was for the UK Government to ensure that legislation did not perpetuate any disability stereotypes, and that is what has happened. It is a similar model to the model in GB, whose regulations were tested in 2011 by the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which found that disabled people have the same right to life as non-disabled people and are not subject to arbitrary deprivation of life.”
“<BR /> <BR />At a time when we should be looking to improve healthcare options and commission services for women, the Bill seeks to restrict and limit them. The entire basis for the Bill rests upon a false claim that the current regulations discriminate against disabled people. That is wrong. It is a completely flawed argument to begin with and exposes the falsehood upon which the Bill has been presented to us. <BR /> <BR />If the current legislation breached the human rights of disabled people, the relevant statutory bodies tasked with advising government on compliance with human rights frameworks would have made such a public determination, but they have not.”
“I intend to keep my comments on Second Stage very short. As a woman and someone who trusts women, I believe in a very important principle: women should be allowed to make their own decisions when it comes to their health. <BR /> <BR />I want to be clear with all the women who are watching this debate, and I believe that those who support the Bill should be equally honest. The Bill is saying to women who find themselves in really difficult circumstance with their pregnancy that they are on their own. If passed, the Bill will do nothing more than shut women out and cut them off from reproductive healthcare services when they need them most. It is a deliberately orchestrated attempt to roll back on hard-won rights in women's health. For that reason, the Green Party Northern Ireland will not support it.”
“I thank the Minister for coming to the House today and for his answers so far. I thank those involved in the roll-out of the vaccine. I am not in the new cohort but look forward to my turn. <BR /> <BR />I was contacted by a person currently in my constituency about access to the vaccine. From Scotland, he is in Northern Ireland temporarily and cannot return due to the restrictions. He is eligible for the vaccine because of his age. However, he has been told that he is not entitled to a temporary GP registration or vaccine appointment because he is a permanent resident of Scotland, not Northern Ireland. Can the Minister outline what advice I can give him so that he can get his first jab?”
“Has the Minister or his Department considered the 'Energy Governance for the Northern Ireland Energy Transition' research report, which was commissioned by the Northern Ireland Executive? What is his position on the recommendation that a new Department for Climate and Energy Transition be set up?”
“I thank the Minister for his statement. So many businesses and people have been unfairly excluded, so I welcome the support that they have been given. <BR /> <BR />The Minister refers to lessons learnt from the previous scheme. Is there any legal basis for recalling grants that may have been given in error? <BR /> <BR />Will the Minister outline whether dry-cleaners will be eligible for the third scheme that he announced, as they have had to take loans over the last year?”
“These are our streets, too, and we will reclaim them.”
“<BR /> <BR />My thoughts are with Sarah's family and friends and with every single person who has been a victim.”
“It is not for just one Department; this must be a whole-government approach. As I said last week, on International Women's Day, there is a worrying trend in government policies to neutralise gender and the realities that we live in. If we fail to recognise the gendered nature of specific societal issues, we will fail to deal with them, and it is my firm belief that the blind pursuit of policies that neutralise gendered issues is a failure of government. Gender is not neutral. Societal problems like domestic abuse and sexual violence are gendered issues, and, if we fail to recognise this in our government, we fail to effectively tackle such issues. We cannot bury our heads in the sand any more. We need evidence-based strategies to deal with these issues head-on.”
“How many of us have been groped, touched, told that we were asking for it, assaulted or verbally abused? How many of us have been given a rape alarm? How many of us have been followed home? How many of us have been told, "Don't run at night. Stay in well-lit places. Don't get into the front seat of a car"? How many of us have texted our friends when we got home after a night out or made sure that our friends were safe? How many of us have been victim-blamed or heard that it was our fault that something happened to us? We are not the reason we get attacked. <BR /> <BR />We are the only part of the UK that has does not have a violence against women and girls strategy to take male violence seriously. Despite my attempts in the Domestic Abuse Bill and the lobbying for many years by the women's sector, this is still the case.”
“Last Monday, many MLAs spoke of their experiences as elected politicians. The harassment, misogyny and, at times, abuse are something that we mostly shared, but this is not about us. This is about every woman and girl who has experienced violence or fear of violence against them. According to the WHO, one in three women globally, which is around 736 million, have been subjected to physical or sexual violence in their lifetime. How many of us have been told not to walk home alone at night? I certainly have. My grandmother used to offer to pick me up from finishing my shift in the bar at 2.00 am to leave me literally up the road, and my mother used to do the same when I started in the bakery at 6.00 am.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. The death of Sarah Everard has brought violence against women and girls into sharp focus. This is not a single death, a single incident or a single tragedy. It is not a rare event. We know that domestic abuse has worsened since the start of the pandemic. Many women cannot stay at home and stay safe because of domestic abuse, and we know that women and girls are not safe on our streets. That will not stop when restrictions are lifted. The problem will remain. Where are women safe? <BR /> <BR />The death of Sarah has sent shock waves throughout society. Public debate has ensued throughout the UK, and women and girls in Northern Ireland have spoken out to say that they do not feel safe and have had experience of violence and threat visited upon them. It is our turn to listen.”
“I thank the Minister for her answer. A green recovery will involve not just green stimulus and investment, of which there is none in the economic plan, to create jobs; it requires new ways of measuring progress. Will the Minister adopt or consider any alternative economic models in her plans for COVID-19 recovery, including alternative ways to measure prosperity and address inequalities in wealth and income?”
“I look forward, as part of the Committee Stage, to continuing engagement with interested parties, representatives, the Department, the permanent secretary and the Minister and to getting the most appropriate legal framework in place. <BR /> <BR />The Committee has a job to do. It must ask the difficult questions about the proposed new model, such as how the rate is calculated and monitored and how to get the new rate in place as quickly as possible for those who are waiting.”
“Given that I am one of the very few non-Executive party MLAs, I welcome that we, as a Committee, will have the opportunity for further scrutiny, even if it is for a shorter period of scrutiny than normal for the reasons outlined. <BR /> <BR />I am confident that the Committee will be able to expedite the passage of the Bill in order to get the rate set as soon as possible. However, we must provide the appropriate level of scrutiny that the proposal requires, and that goes for every piece of legislation that comes through the House. We have heard from some personal injury lawyers and departmental officials on the main aspects of the Bill, but there is more work to be done and further detail to explore. It will take time, which will be as much as the Committee and the Assembly deem is needed. It is important that that happens.”
“<BR /> <BR />The overriding legal principle is that injured people should receive 100% of the compensation that they are entitled to — no more and no less, as outlined. That is key to ensuring that the proposal meets the relevant legal requirements. The best route to achieve that differs depending on the jurisdiction. I note that there has been some debate over which model is best and over which model, if we use England and Wales or Scotland, we should base ours on. No clear consensus was evident in the consultation responses. The Bill seems to be something of a mix between the English and Welsh model and the Scottish model. Setting the new legal framework on the rate will require scrutiny, and questions should be asked. <BR /> <BR />Most in the Chamber know my position on rushing any legislation through the House.”
“<BR /> <BR />Much has been said about the impact of compensation, so I ask the Minister to touch on that in summing up — I would be happy to take an intervention, but I am mindful of the time — to clarify the position on budgets and the impact. The Minister of Finance outlined in a letter to the Committee that access to the reserve would be sought, in line with that afforded to Whitehall Departments and other devolved Administrations. How does that work with regard to the points that have been made by others during this debate on the financial impact of the Bill? Perhaps I have confused myself; it would not be the first time. However, it brings me back to the point that this is difficult and complex and requires scrutiny.”
“That must take centre stage in getting a correct framework and correct rate set. <BR /> <BR />At the end of the day, this is about people, and compensation does not in any way make up for what has happened to them. This is a difficult and complex area of law and one that I do not even pretend to know every detail of, and I have said that throughout much of the Committee discussions on this issue. I believe that it is a position shared by others, too, but, for the record, I give the Minister, the Department and Committee members my absolute assurance, for what it is worth, that I will not protract or delay any scrutiny of the Bill longer than I need to, but I honestly need time to consider this because I need to understand it properly.”
“I guarantee that I will be finished before 1.00 pm, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank the Minister for bringing this to the House today. The Chair outlined the process by which we got here and the number of issues that the Committee has already considered, including the setting of an interim rate, the issues of certainty about a legal framework, or being without one, amongst other things. I am not going to go over that or replicate much of what has been said, but I welcome the fact that we are here today at Second Stage. <BR /> <BR />Proposed changes have been much needed for years, as we know, and have already been highlighted by other Members. Again, I am not going to labour those points, but the people who have suffered a personal injury and who have been waiting to conclude their cases deserve 100% compensation.”