Rachel Woods
North Down · Green Party · Northern Ireland
“We have to get it right, but we are not starting from scratch. We only have to look across the water or down the road to the public and private sectors that already offer that type of leave. <BR /> <BR />I now turn to the comments of other Members.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is time to end the coercive control that criminal gangs have over our communities. Victim and survivors' voices must be heard and reflected in our laws and policies. Minority groups should not be sidelined or silenced. We need to educate from a very young age.”
“There is no direct cost to employers from safe leave, and it is needed to deal with the issues related to abuse. We need to destigmatise abuse and tackle root causes, misogyny and toxic masculinity. <BR /> <BR />I agree with Mr Weir's comments. We should not need to have the protections in place.”
“I thank every Member who spoke during the debate for their comments and support for the Bill. I will address the Minister's comments first. I thank him for being here, and I am glad that he is feeling better. <BR /> <BR />The Assembly cares, and we need to work constructively together to help.”
“<BR /> <BR />As I said at Second Stage, period poverty must be viewed through the lens of children's rights and how the Bill meets our obligations under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC).”
“<BR /> <BR />I take this opportunity at Final Stage to thank officials and members of the councils who took the time to discuss with me their policies, the background to them and how they are working in practice: thank you for everything that you are doing for your staff, and I hope that, should the Bill pass, your regional Parliaments an…”
The complete record
Every one of 1,434 lines we hold for Rachel Woods, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 16 of 29.
“How many more blows will be suffered by people who have struggled financially and emotionally throughout the pandemic? The approach has been inconsistent and incoherent. The regulations paint that picture very clearly. The Executive published plans and frameworks for decision-making on easing and tightening restrictions and we did not follow them. Ministers argued and fought about reopening non-essential services that would have increased the transmission of the virus, and then, faced with the complete implosion of our health service, they rushed to backtrack and impose tighter restrictions. The competing priorities of each of the Executive parties have compounded attempts to deal with COVID-19. There has been a failure in the most basic duty to communicate simple, consistent messages to the public and to give relevant information.”
“We were all contacted throughout the holidays by many people who were panicking because their children, for example, could not get home or would be turned away from the boat. <BR /> <BR />Examine the regulations and the amendments before us today. What do they show? The amendment (No. 19) regulations to the amendment (No. 25) regulations tell a story; they illustrate precisely the problems that the Executive have had in dealing with the pandemic and their inability to get on top of the crisis. We are debating amendments to regulations that were brought in to ease restrictions and also some that constitute the shutting down of society and the economy. <BR /> <BR />As Colin McGrath said, it is rather convoluted, if not highly confusing. How many more lockdowns will there be?”
“When the new variant began to cause widespread panic on 19 December, Ministers suggested that people should consider mixing on only one day over Christmas. That is outlined in the amendment (No. 22) regulations onwards, which we are dealing with today, but it was not formally agreed by the Executive until 21 December and was communicated via a press release that was published just after 1.30 am. They advised against non-essential travel, but, like many decisions and messaging in that regard, it was too little, too late. It sent many people into a panic. Some had arrived home to Northern Ireland but were due to go back to university or to where they live. Others made the horrible-but-necessary decision to cancel their visit to their family at Christmas.”
“and that it would provide "much-needed certainty and comfort", but, less than a fortnight later, the deputy First Minister said:”
“Let us think about that for a moment. On 4 December, the First Minister said that we had:”
“Similar concerns were raised by others, such as Dr Tom Black of the BMA. Time and again, we were told that the Executive's decision to reopen non-essential services before Christmas and their easing of restrictions to allow for social mixing over five days during the festive period set us on the course for the crisis point that we are experiencing at present. The result was entirely predictable, yet we ploughed on. <BR /> <BR />Less than a week after relaxing restrictions, there came a completely different message; on 17 December, the Executive agreed a full lockdown to come into effect from Boxing Day. The deputy First Minister said:”
“There was little comfort in those words for those working in our health service. As scientists and medical professionals pointed out at the time, transmission of the virus remained steady and the lifting of restrictions could have only one effect on spread; it would allow the virus to circulate even more widely. Professor Gabriel Scally said back then:”
“These regulations were to be expected. We were warned that infection rates would rise and that our health service would become dangerously overwhelmed. Around the middle of December, there were, on average, around 500 positive tests per day, according to Department of Health figures. By 27 December, that had doubled to just over 1,000 per day, and, on 29 December, there were 2,300 positive COVID test results. In the week commencing 28 December, over 12,000 people tested positive for COVID-19. The previous week, there were just 5,000. How did that happen, and what were the Executive doing about it? At the beginning of December, the Executive agreed what they called the Christmas household bubbling arrangements from 23 to 27 December. They also announced that non-essential shops and services would reopen from 11 December.”
“I thank the junior Ministers for outlining the regulations. I welcome the opportunity to speak in the debate and, like others, pay tribute to our front-line and healthcare staff who work extremely hard under immense pressure and stress. Like Kellie Armstrong, I want to mention those family and home carers who are often hidden. I extend my thoughts to families and friends who are suffering because of the passing of their loved ones and those who are unwell.”
“In any review of support for students, does the Minister intend to negotiate with the universities to allow tenancies in university accommodation to be terminated without notice or penalty?”
“The deputy First Minister mentioned the plan for recovering from COVID and the document that was published last year. Are we still operating on that? It clearly did not work when it was implemented last summer?”
“I thank the Minister for her statement and for the reports. I also thank the review team, whom I met, along with a number of constituents, to raise their issues; some of the recommendations reflect the conversations that we had. Like Mr Beattie, I wish to ask about recommendation 6 and the wording of letters sent to staff. I am aware that this falls under the remit of the Department of Finance, but is the Minister content with the revised wording? Is she aware whether the word "inefficiency" is still being used?”
“Reach out to Women's Aid, the Men's Advisory Project Northern Ireland (MAPNI), Rainbow, your GP or social worker or anyone to start the process of getting away from or out of an abusive relationship. I support the Bill's passing Final Stage, and I look forward to it becoming an Act and being fully implemented for people in Northern Ireland.”
“I encourage you all to respond accordingly. <BR /> <BR />In conclusion, we must do all that we can to protect people from harm now and in the future. The passage of the Bill is not the end of the road; it is just the beginning. We have much to do. One in four women in the UK will experience domestic abuse at some point in their life. One in four. We are in the midst of an epidemic as well as a pandemic. As I said previously, women are being killed in Northern Ireland by their partners or ex-partners. We need to do much more to protect them. <BR /> <BR />I must use this time, as others have done, to make this appeal to everybody: if you are going through this or are worried about someone who is at risk, please seek help. Please report to the PSNI through the 24-hour helpline for victims of domestic and sexual abuse.”
“The Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU) noted in its 2014 research that 80% of respondents in Northern Ireland who had experienced domestic violence reported that it affected their work performance, and 99% said that they thought that domestic violence can have an impact on the lives of employees. <BR /> <BR />Paid leave is not a magic bullet, but it is a significant step in the right direction that goes some way to recognising the economic situation that a victim might find themselves in. We discussed that at Committee, but, due to the limits of the Bill and the responsibility for our workers and employment sitting with another Department, it could not go in. However, as many of you know — Linda addressed it earlier — I have launched a consultation on the introduction of paid leave for victims of domestic abuse.”
“Paid leave would support victims and survivors of domestic abuse by giving them the opportunity to seek help and access services and by providing the reassurance that they will not lose out financially or face any disciplinary action for taking much-needed time off work. <BR /> <BR />Domestic abuse is a workplace issue. It must be considered as such given the impact on the individual, society and the economy. According to the Home Office, for the year ending 31 March 2017, it was estimated that domestic abuse cost £66 billion in England and Wales alone. That is likely to be an underestimate. Of that, £47 billion was the cost of physical and emotional harm incurred by victims, and £14 billion was the cost to the economy from lost output due to time off work or reduced productivity.”
“I encourage all those in Westminster to legislate for and implement proper protection for those very vulnerable victims. <BR /> <BR />In July 2019, as many of you know, New Zealand passed legislation that granted victims of domestic violence 10 days' paid leave to allow them to leave their partners, find new homes and protect themselves and their children. That was down to a private Member's Bill from the Green Party MP Jan Logie, which became the Domestic Violence - Victims' Protection Act. The only other country in the world to have such legislation at a national level is the Philippines, with some parts of Canada and Europe having paid leave in various forms.”
“A great number of other issues that did not make it in to the Bill were discussed at length by the Committee. The granting of secure tenancies is not specifically addressed in the legislation, and nor is access to statutory provision for emergency housing. Proper cross-departmental working is required to give the support that victims need. I encourage the Minister for Communities to state what her intentions are with regard to housing points and the availability of secure housing and accommodation for victims and their families. Can we expect an increase in supporting people funding? We could also not deal with victims who have no recourse to public funds. That issue was raised loudly in the House of Lords last week about the Government's Domestic Abuse Bill.”
“We need to make sure that the law works in practice. I believe that a commissioner would play a key role in supporting the sector, the !PSNI and the judiciary in doing that.”
“I believe that that is a gap in our law, and it is one that we attempted to close. I will continue to lobby on the need for such a commissioner. I note that Judge Marrinan, in his review of hate crime in Northern Ireland, suggested a joining of the commissioner office between domestic abuse and hate crime. Perhaps we can investigate that further when we address the comprehensive review. Although I recognise and welcome the fact that the Bill includes independent oversight, it does not go the whole way. A commissioner could be not only an advocate for the sector but someone who could ensure that adequate levels of funding and training were in place to ensure the Bill's implementation. The message about introducing a new criminal offence does not completely solve the problem. We must not take our eye off the ball.”
“Long-term support is required as well as short-term support, and I hope that the Executive can commit to looking at this. It will require an all-Executive approach, working with other Departments and pooling budgets. It is much needed. We cannot have the continued cuts to what are, literally, life-saving services that deal with an epidemic of silent violence on our streets and in our homes. How will resources be allocated to the police, social services, the courts, families, legal professionals, services and support agencies for the roll-out of this legislation? Legislation with teeth, alongside properly funded and resourced services, is required to protect people. <BR /> <BR />Unfortunately, as Mr Beattie mentioned earlier, we do not have a domestic abuse commissioner.”
“For it to work, the proper resources, funding and training must be provided to all the relevant organisations in the voluntary sector and to statutory agencies, health services, the police and the judiciary. I am glad that some of this is included in the Bill, but, again, I urge that the adequate resources must follow the passing of this legislation. In the criminal justice system, we need to focus on expanding the domestic abuse courts pilot. We need to ensure that justice is sped up through the implementation of the Gillen recommendations and that victims have access to all the support that they require while navigating the system. We need a serious commitment to reinvest in refuges and support services for anyone who finds themselves in a position to need them.”
“Northern Ireland is the only part of the UK that does not have a specific strategy to tackle violence against women and girls. Why not? Again, I made an attempt to rectify this gap, but it could not be put into this Bill. I urge the Minister and the Department to work immediately on this matter, and I question whether, without a strategy, we are meeting the requirements of the Istanbul convention. I do not believe that this would be at odds with the strategy that we have in place at the moment. Rather, it would be an addition to tackling the very real issues of violence against women. <BR /> <BR />Having this Act in place will not eradicate domestic abuse.”
“<BR /> <BR />In 2017, according to the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), Northern Ireland had the joint highest level of femicide per 100,000 in Europe. According to PSNI statistics, five homicides with a domestic abuse motivation were recorded in 2019-2020. Of the 29 people killed by their partner or ex-partner, two thirds were women. Up to 2019, most of the19 women killed by their partner or ex-partner in Northern Ireland remained nameless in the press. Although they might not be reported on, each statistic is a person whose life has been taken, whose home was not safe and who suffered at the hands of someone whom she knew. Each one is a family that was torn apart by their loved one's death. We must do better.”
“We must deal with the arbitrary distinction in the Bill between those who are under and over 16 years old, and with the exclusion of parental responsibility. We must not criminalise young people. I fully support looking at and introducing much more effective and holistic approaches in dealing with abusive behaviour to reduce harm while building on the work that is already in place. We need to examine — really examine — why it is seemingly OK for a parent to be abusive towards a child in their home, for example, in the form of smacking, and why that does not legally constitute abuse. I would argue that it does, and I look forward to it coming to the Floor of the House sooner rather than later.”
“As we know, children are often the hidden victims of domestic abuse, and the long-term impacts include detrimental impacts on their mental health, their development, their risk of harmful sexual behaviour, future cycles of abuse and the potential for youth offending. Therefore, it was important that the legislation reflected that a child can be aware of domestic abuse in the home, even if they do not see or hear it or are not present at the moment at which it occurs. I am glad that the amendment that I first put forward, which was then tabled by my Committee colleague Mr Paul Frew, is included in the Bill. I also welcome the inclusion of Operation Encompass and information sharing with the schools, which will be very important for the well-being of children. However, as I have said, there is much more to do.”
“I hope that the Minister of Education will bring forward substantial resources and training to ensure that that happens for every child and young person in our school system. <BR /> <BR />If we want to give children the best start, which we all do, we must look at the effects of domestic abuse on them and ensure that home is a place of safety for children and young people now and in the future.”
“<BR /> <BR />We would all have liked to see much more in the Bill, but it gives us a guide to where the problems lie and what we need to tackle next. We need to look at domestic abuse through an education lens and a health and social care lens and not just through the lens of criminal justice. The issue goes right back to how we help young people to understand what constitutes a healthy relationship, and we must ensure that future generations can avail themselves of a compulsory relationship and sexual education programme in schools, for example. Schools must teach children and young people about how to have a safe and healthy relationship, covering all forms of violence, coercion and sexual abuse, including being safe online and offline.”
“<BR /> <BR />That perpetrators can be barred from cross-examining victims in court proceedings is entirely welcome. That was a non-contentious aspect of the Bill for the Committee; we agreed that it was incredibly important. I am glad that it now extends to family and civil courts. <BR /> <BR />It will come as no surprise that I welcome the changes in the financial protections offered to victims of domestic abuse in accessing legal aid, albeit different from what was imagined at Consideration Stage. That was and, I am sure, will remain a contentious area in justice, but I see it as a first and much-needed step in wider reform. Rest assured that I will not let that go for the rest of my time here.”
“<BR /> <BR />We need post-legislative scrutiny not only to gather more data but to ensure that the legislation is working. This is a new offence that, unlike most that have come into law here, criminalises behaviour that was previously dismissed as something that just happens. It will require a new way of doing things. We need to have more domestic abuse courts, for example. <BR /> <BR />We have, in clause 27, the means to establish new protection notices and orders for victims of domestic abuse, and I look forward to their being established in whatever form. We have to learn from other jurisdictions what has and has not worked. Perhaps they are called DAPOs, perhaps emergency barring orders or something else, but they must provide adequate protection for the victim.”
“We have a reporting requirement, a duty on criminal justice agencies to train their staff in the new offence and detailed data collection requirements on various Departments in order to get a full picture of the roll-out of the offence and new legislation. <BR /> <BR />Although I attempted to get more data points into the Bill, such as information on section 75, I still feel that we need to know more about what we are dealing with. That, in turn, will assist those working with vulnerable and marginalised communities, such as BAME communities. Much more needs to be done to shine a light on abuse in sections of our communities not reported on and to put appropriate responses in place. The more information we have, the better.”
“I thank the organisations that have stepped up and supported victims throughout the pandemic and given a safe place who those who needed one. I note the community response to support victims, such as She Sells Sanctuary, a non-profit organisation established to raise money for domestic violence charities in Northern Ireland. The pandemic has given rise to increased public awareness of domestic abuse and the importance of a safe home. It is imperative that there continues to be a collective effort to ensure that there are safeguards in place for the many people who need them. <BR /> <BR />So, to the specifics of the Bill. Much of what I wished to cover has been covered by other Members. The Bill, as it stands, has been worked on for better outcomes for victims and survivors.”
“The restrictions that were brought in and continue to be brought in by Governments here and worldwide to deal with COVID-19 have, without a doubt, increased domestic tensions in households throughout Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK as we were told to stay at home. Home is not always a haven. Staying at home does not mean that you are safe. We have experienced a higher incidence of domestic abuse and violence, including homicide, in the past year. As we know, isolation is a technique used by perpetrators, who often seek to assert control by cutting their victims off from the rest of the world to increase their dependency on the perpetrator and reduce their options to raise the alarm or escape. I welcome the Minister's announcement of the scheme being rolled out across pharmacies, including Boots.”
“In the same period, just over 32,000 incidents were reported. Both figures show increases from the same period in the previous year. Whilst it is easy to quote numbers, percentage increases and statistics, this is not acceptable, even more so as it is only the tip of the iceberg. It is only the incidents that have been reported. Many do not get to that stage. Behind each number is a person. We must address that fact and keep it at the forefront of our minds as we enact the legislation and in all future policies. <BR /> <BR />The need for the legislation to be in place in Northern Ireland is clearer now for many in light of the COVID-19 pandemic.”
“I cannot promise her that I will email her any less this year. In particular, I applaud the courage of the individuals who shared their experience of suffering domestic abuse in order to assist in our consideration, as well as those who reached out to me personally to share their story. Some of their experiences have been heard on the Floor; their stories are harrowing. They have reduced and will reduce the toughest of readers to tears. Theirs is the reality that we are dealing with. That is the whole point of the legislation. <BR /> <BR />The Bill is needed for so many reasons, as we know, but, crucially, for the protection of victims of domestic abuse. PSNI figures from November 2020, which Mr Givan referred to earlier, show that, between October 2019 and September 2020, 18,885 domestic abuse crimes were recorded.”
“I will name a few: Sonya and all the CEOs at Women's Aid Federation Northern Ireland; Rhonda at MAP NI; Victim Support; the Women's Resource and Development Agency; HERe NI; Rainbow and Cara-Friend; the Bar Library, the PPS and the PSNI; those in the Scottish system who assisted me and my team; all the children's organisations; the all-party group; and, of course, Claire Sugden MLA for her work on this as previous Justice Minister. I also thank the Committee members, the Clerk and Committee staff, Assembly staff who were also here until 2.30 am on occasion, all those in the Department and, of course, Minister Long for bringing it forward in this mandate. I also specifically thank the Bill Clerk, Stephanie Mallon, who, as Sinéad said, worked with the Committee members and with me and my team.”
“There has been a tireless campaign for years to criminalise coercive control and domestic abuse and for it to be taken seriously and not as something that is simply referred to, in an off-the-cuff comment, as "a domestic", confined behind closed doors, laughed off or dismissed as being less serious than it is or not the business of society, the police or the criminal justice system. It absolutely is. <BR /> <BR />Like others, I pay tribute to a number of groups and individuals who were involved in getting the legislation to where it is today. This is in no way exhaustive, and I apologise, at the outset, for leaving anybody out.”
“The Bill, which is soon to be an Act, is probably — I would argue that it is — the most important legislation that the House has enacted for the people of Northern Ireland. It impacts on everybody in our society. On 28 April last year, we welcomed the introduction of the Domestic Abuse and Family Proceedings Bill, now called the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Bill, and, today, I thoroughly welcome its Final Stage. It was a privilege to work on the legislation, as a member of the Justice Committee, and a privilege that this is the first proper legislative process that I have engaged in.”
“Will the Minister detail what the economic appraisal that she referenced entails? Has she discussed with Executive colleagues the resource requirements of the Bill?”
“I thank the deputy First Minister for the statement and for her attendance and that of the First Minister. What consideration was given to creating an all-island strategy through the NSMC meetings and outside those discussions since 18 December?”
“There is a lack of a coherent plan, and the Executive are clearly not speaking with one voice on this. Then there is the timing of the announcement, only a few days before the start of term. Did the Minister engage with schools, boards of governors, teaching unions, parents and pupils on this decision? If not, when will he and when will his Department? Is five days enough time to allow parents to make arrangements for childcare? We know that we need the details. We need clarity and we need the Executive to follow the scientific and medical evidence. We need a clear plan and we need the evidence to be published. However, if that is not possible, we need an expert-led COVID task force to do so if we are to curb COVID-19 through effective decision-making processes and a coherent response.”
“Minister, what, if any, engagement, conversation and consultation on this has there been with children and young people whose voices deserve to be and must be heard? I hope that the Minister will, perhaps, do a youth press conference to answer those important questions.”
“As many will know, in the last Northern Ireland Youth Forum survey, 67% of the thousands of respondents identified education and learning as a key theme that they were worried about. The survey also said that 45% did not feel safe in their workplace, school or college due to COVID.”
“What about our SEN pupils and the most disadvantaged or vulnerable who will be accessing blended learning, as Mr Butler mentioned? <BR /> <BR />I note that childcare provision is to remain open, which is crucial and I welcome, but has additional support been given to the key workers who will look after our children? Some are worried about mixing with pupils who have been mixing with others over the festive period when infection rates were increasing. Someone who contacted me suggested a phased return, with different year groups or bubbles returning from the middle of January. Can that be considered, Minister, and will people be given enough notice? <BR /> <BR />What additional resources can be put in place to ensure children and young people's safety and support for their mental and emotional health?”
“<BR /> <BR />Some children have had to spend their holidays preparing for AQE tests, which I note in the announcement are being pushed ahead with. Why is it that exams are to go ahead in light of this? We have not seen the scientific or medical evidence and advice received by the Minister that says that it is safe for schools to reopen on 11 January for children, teachers, staff, assistants, bus drivers, chefs and cooks, lollipop men and women and so on, let alone what mitigations are in place above and beyond what is there at the moment to reduce the spread of COVID during the period in which the students and staff are required to be in the buildings? What will change the week after next? Have additional resources been given to schools or pupils? Has there been any guidance?”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. That could have been said to other MLAs before me. <BR /> <BR />It is somewhat of a déjà vu that we are here today to discuss our schools and the pandemic. We have been here before. Earlier this year, schools and parents took it upon themselves to take children out of the physical buildings, only to be told weeks later, at the end of March, that schools would be closed and children should stay at home. Parents, if they were not designated as key workers, heeded calls not to send their children to school. Many had already made that decision, well before the Executive, who were somewhat behind the curve in their decision-making, moved. This week, parents have been making the same decision. Many pupils were not going back the classroom next week regardless of any decision taken by the Minister this morning.”
“To finish, I reiterate to those people whom we are trying to legislate for and protect that, if you are at risk of abuse or are a victim of domestic abuse, please reach out. Please make a call or contact someone. Contact the amazing support organisations that are there, be it the police, a health professional or your GP, or somebody whom you trust. If it is an emergency, please call 999. Please do not continue to suffer in silence.”
“I welcome the Minister's adopting part of the amendment on reporting that I brought at Consideration Stage, including the requirement on aggravation, as outlined in clauses 1, 8, 9 and 15. <BR /> <BR />Amendment No 14, which covers the work on the report and the proposals on the availability of legal aid for victims and survivors, will commence straight away, and that is also very welcome.”
“Specific training on domestic abuse issues has also been incorporated, as appropriate, into other training courses, focusing on family cases, vulnerable witnesses, courtroom technology and sentencing. I would welcome our rolling this out as a matter of urgency and as best we can in much-needed legislation. <BR /> <BR />I welcome the Department's changes to amendment No 12 and the fact that reporting will not end automatically, as previously envisioned, but that the Assembly will now have a scrutiny and oversight role in determining when this requirement will cease. Originally, the Department had drafted this with a sunset provision, and I understand that there may be a future scenario in which these monitoring and evaluation exercises are no longer required, but it should not happen automatically.”
“<BR /> <BR />Again, I raise the fundamental issue that goes hand in hand with training: the sufficient allocation of resources so that training can happen in the fullest and most appropriate way for staff in those organisations and bodies. Again, I urge that all members of the criminal justice system also be trained fully in this new offence, including the judiciary, just as happened in Scotland, where the Judicial Institute commissioned training for all judges and sheriffs. Indeed, the courses also gave participants an insight into the impact of criminal behaviour on victims and children. Before the Scottish Act came into force, newly appointed sheriffs and summary sheriffs had received specific training on the issue of domestic abuse as part of their mandatory induction course.”