Rachel Woods
North Down · Green Party · Northern Ireland
“We have to get it right, but we are not starting from scratch. We only have to look across the water or down the road to the public and private sectors that already offer that type of leave. <BR /> <BR />I now turn to the comments of other Members.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is time to end the coercive control that criminal gangs have over our communities. Victim and survivors' voices must be heard and reflected in our laws and policies. Minority groups should not be sidelined or silenced. We need to educate from a very young age.”
“There is no direct cost to employers from safe leave, and it is needed to deal with the issues related to abuse. We need to destigmatise abuse and tackle root causes, misogyny and toxic masculinity. <BR /> <BR />I agree with Mr Weir's comments. We should not need to have the protections in place.”
“I thank every Member who spoke during the debate for their comments and support for the Bill. I will address the Minister's comments first. I thank him for being here, and I am glad that he is feeling better. <BR /> <BR />The Assembly cares, and we need to work constructively together to help.”
“<BR /> <BR />As I said at Second Stage, period poverty must be viewed through the lens of children's rights and how the Bill meets our obligations under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC).”
“<BR /> <BR />I take this opportunity at Final Stage to thank officials and members of the councils who took the time to discuss with me their policies, the background to them and how they are working in practice: thank you for everything that you are doing for your staff, and I hope that, should the Bill pass, your regional Parliaments an…”
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Every one of 1,434 lines we hold for Rachel Woods, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 28 of 29.
“<BR /> <BR />Legally, interfering with a landlord's right to evict could raise the prospect of a judicial review on the basis that the state cannot determine how an individual's property is to be used. As the amendments could allow a private tenant to live in a property without paying rent for a considerable period, could the amendments be subject to legal challenge? The original intention of extending notice periods as soon as possible would therefore become difficult to enact. We need further clarity on that. Given the impracticalities of the proposed extensions to the notice period and the emergency period, it would be difficult to support the amendments in their current form. <BR /> <BR />Assembly oversight is worth discussing further; it is an interesting point to raise.”
“In submitting them, Mr Carroll makes his good intentions clear. However, they raise a number of issues. Extending the notice period to one year means, in effect, that a tenant could accrue significant arrears by not paying rent for months and months and a landlord would not be able to seek a court order for eviction until the year was up. Given that many private landlords in Northern Ireland own only one property or a small number of properties and pay mortgages through rental income, the potential loss of income could mean a serious level of repossession and landlords losing their property. As I said earlier, since the private rented sector is crucial to housing in Northern Ireland, that is problematic.”
“Nor does it mention licensees and the risk that they will face homelessness. I wish the Minister to address that later. <BR /> <BR />The Bill does not apply retrospectively, and that is something that Mr Carroll's amendments, on my reading of them, try to address. I wonder, however, while this does not take away from the stress of an awful situation that people may find themselves in, whether we know how many people could be affected if the date was changed to the 21 April. Legally, can that be done? That is crucial to this. We do not want to see tenants, landlords or, indeed, the Department being dragged through a legal battle. I hope that the Minister, landlords and tenants will take that on board. <BR /> <BR />The amendments would provide much-needed long-term security and peace of mind for those experiencing financial difficulties.”
“The Bill does not change the process for eviction, nor can it be described as a ban on evictions. It is important to reiterate that and to make it clear to as many people as possible. It simply changes the length of a notice to quit to 12 weeks, with two circumstances that mean that the notice cannot last longer than 12 weeks. It does not prevent tenants from being evicted through the emergency period. However, it is unlikely that any evictions will take place until the guidance to the court changes, due to the current guidance from the Lord Chief Justice, which is welcome. However, it does not protect tenants from eviction. The Bill does not protect those who commit serious antisocial behaviour during this period, but, without being too prescriptive, who decides what serious antisocial behaviour is?”
“We do not wish for this to happen and the best of a bad situation must be reached. <BR /> <BR />A number of people are not protected by the legislation. That must be noted from the outset, as Members have done today and last week. For students, including those who are on fixed-term tenancies and those people who are guarantors for students, not being released from the tenancies early, negotiations with landlords are recommended and anything that is agreed needs to be in writing. Unpaid rent can constitute a break in the agreement and non-payment could open up legal proceedings. I hope that the Minister can engage with the Minister for the Economy and others to try to address issues for student tenants who are facing this, and I welcome the financial support payments that the Department has put in place so far.”
“I support the Bill. I will set out some views on the amendments, while supporting amendment No 13. I wish to thank the Minister for introducing the Bill, and for the countless other measures that she and her Department have announced recently. They have been extremely active and willing to move on many issues, and it must be noted that the Bill is another measure that has been introduced to try to protect people in light of the pandemic. <BR /> <BR />Northern Ireland is highly dependent on the private rented sector to meet housing need in the absence of a robust social housing new-build strategy. This is a wider issue but it must be recognised that the potential loss of a section of the private rented sector leaves the market open for large-scale investment by absentee landlords more interested in profit than people.”
“Very quickly, I have two points. Is there any indication of how the £20 million of COVID-19 funding, not included in the Budget outcome here, will be spent? Secondly, I note in the statement the information about the domestic rate freezes and non-domestic rates issues. I also note that previous civil contingencies grants and supports for councils were through the Department for Communities, but what support measures are in place through this Budget today for our local councils that are facing financial difficulties now?”
“I thank the Minister for her statement. We are so desperately in need of the continuing flow of information from the entire Executive, so I appreciate her being here today. I will get straight to the point with two questions. I note that departmental officials are working closely with energy suppliers: will anything in the continuity plans for energy suppliers mean that they will be compelled not to cut people off? Secondly, does the Minister have any information on any support that is going to be in place down the line for those who are self-employed, and when does she envision that information being issued by the UK Government, if available?”
“<BR /> <BR />As I said in opening, appropriate and necessary measures need to be taken by the Government, but we need to continue with appropriate checks and balances. Ordinarily, I could never support something like this that is so far-reaching and life-changing. I note that Scotland are supporting the LCM, but they are also working to bring their own emergency legislation into play. I welcome the comments from Mr Givan earlier and wonder if this Assembly could not do that too. Are we content to follow Mr Johnson? Never before have we been asked to provide consent to so much curtailment in society. Only in these exceptional circumstances can this happen.”
“Gardeners, builders, carpenters, plasterers, plumbers, electricians, personal trainers, musicians, therapists, counsellors, photographers, yoga teachers, make-up artists, beauty therapists, comedians, suppliers, middlemen and women, the small business owners with no staff, those with no premises: the list is not exhaustive, but it is a taste of the people who have been reaching out for help. Do they get a business loan that they will have to pay back, which is not a wage but just kicks the financial can down the line? MLAs have been inundated with queries, and, of course, we have our own. We have constituents asking what will be in place for them, and we still do not have answers. Why did we not use the opportunity to put in a universal basic income? It was a complete missed opportunity.”
“I noted the comments made by Mr Nesbitt about the construction sector, but how am I supposed to advise my father when he wonders if he should go to work as a self-employed builder, if he cannot get the materials that he needs? How are they to pay their bills, their rent and buy their food and necessary items? It certainly will not be covered by statutory sick pay. No matter when it can be applied from, it is simply not enough. Could anyone in the Chamber live on £94 a week and meet their financial commitments?”
“I have been asking, but I still have not received any answers. <BR /> <BR />Will the Government increase funding for staff workers in refuges and hostel provision and ensure that those front-line workers are also protected in the crisis? Will we have a fully funded and resourced mental health system to deal with the reality of what we face now and in the future? Where is the support for the zero-hours contracts, the agency staff, the freelancers, the self-employed, like my father, the sole earner of his household, who will now have to make the difficult choice not to work with minimal future income to protect himself and my family.”
“How will front-line workers being drafted into full-time work or increased hours pay for increased childcare? Will the childcare even be open? <BR /> <BR />What are the provisions for those who have no recourse to public funds or those in the precarious immigration system? What of those in poverty, who struggle daily and face the crisis too? What of those currently in an abusive household, as well as those who may find themselves in an abusive household throughout this time? Will someone who lives in a violent domestic situation be forced back into that home by the very authorities that are there to protect them? What about those who are homeless? How will they be supported in a safe, secure and rights-based manner? How can we protect them and ensure that they can be safely isolated?”
“There is limited detail on who public health officers are and where people go after testing. Where are the test centres? How are the risks being managed? We have little clarity here on how this will be enforced and no clarity on the legal boundaries. <BR /> <BR />We also have to be mindful of what is not in the Bill, specifically protections for our most vulnerable and any further clarity that we so desperately need. Where are the protections for those who rent, even if they are lucky enough to receive wages from an employer? What do we about those who have to continue to pay landlords who are receiving a mortgage holiday and about those already facing eviction in the private rented sector? How can this be managed to ensure that we do not have people losing their homes in general, especially at this time?”
“Where is the oversight? <BR /> <BR />After Boris's statement last night, I got messages from concerned parents asking whether they would be allowed to bring their children to another parent's house. How does it work for family members who care for one another but do not live together? Will they be fined for bringing their kids to their mother's house or vice versa? That, not to mention the fact that we do not know how long this will in place for, is putting fear into the heart of our society. <BR /> <BR />Under the Bill, the PSNI will be given new powers to enforce isolation when a transmission control period has been declared. It is presumed that police officers and public health officers will consult before people are taken in for testing, but the lack of a stringent protocol in that regard is striking.”
“I noted the Minister's earlier comments on introducing the LCM, but is it enough? The Bill does not adequately address how to prevent such abuses, nor does it include provisions to protect the most vulnerable in our society, who will undoubtedly be the worst hit during the crisis. I encourage the Government to put all necessary provision in place to ensure that all people are protected at this time. <BR /> <BR />With the Prime Minister's statement last night, the country is in a state of lockdown. There are some serious restrictions on movement to be enforced, but we do not know what that means for people who need to put food on their tables. We must get detailed information for the people who need it most. How will that be enforced? When? What does the Bill mean about the use of force? Will it be equal across the board?”
“If any prisoners, including those who are in for sexual or domestic violence offences, are subject to early release, we must be ensure that that does not have adverse impacts on victims. I encourage the Department to ensure that the description that it uses for those categories of prisoners is fully checked, balanced and necessary. <BR /> <BR />Many of the measures in the Bill raise concerns over human rights and personal liberty by removing individual freedoms. While it is understandable that the Government have serious concerns about the system's capacity to cope, which is inherently true of our health service, that should not result in a lack of scrutiny, oversight or protocol for people's protection and regulation that could lead to abuse of power and unnecessary suffering. <BR /> <BR />What of the testing levels?”
“We have just under 1,600 people in custody, and we know that many of those suffer from mental health conditions, have addiction issues and have a history of self-harm. Many of those in prisons fall into the high-risk category in terms of age and medical condition. Given the daily struggles around mental health and attempts to continue some sort of family and social structure, we need to ensure that visits from families and others continue in different forms and that all measures are put in place to facilitate that contact. We must ensure that there is support for our prison staff, many of whom face difficult decisions as regards family and childcare issues and safety in work.”
“Fewer doctors' opinions are required. There will be fewer certifications and the extension or removal of certain time limits for detention and transfer. In Northern Ireland, it will also remove the need for an approved social worker to carry out certain functions. Timelines will be changed, and people with mental health conditions can be detained longer. We must proceed with extreme caution here. In Northern Ireland, we do not yet have any independent mental capacity advocates. Do unapproved staff have the experience and expertise to make such decisions? Will there be a review after this period to ensure that all those placed under a deprivation of liberty safeguard were placed under it properly? <BR /> <BR />We heard from the Minister yesterday that the challenges faced by the Prison Service should not be underestimated.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Government wish to have the Bill in place for two years, which is far too long. They want parliamentary scrutiny after one year: again, that is far too long and raises significant concerns over necessity and proportionality. I welcome the six-month amendment, but we have to ask ourselves whether it goes far enough. What we need in the Chamber and Westminster are frequent reviews of the provisions so that they are switched on at the time. We need to ensure that human rights are complied with and that there are proper checks and balances on what government powers are utilised for. <BR /> <BR />Provisions allow for the detention of people who are potentially infected, with police and immigration officers empowered to use reasonable force to implement the laws, but what of those with mental health conditions?”
“Businesses are offering free services to coordinate help. Community groups are doing the rounds to identify people who need help. There have been offers of dog-walking, shopping or just a chat on the phone. It is heart-warming to say the least, and it will not be forgotten. Our condolences must also be extended to families who have already been bereaved by COVID-19. <BR /> <BR />I turn now to the Bill. Appropriate and necessary measures need to be taken by the Government and Governments across the UK and Ireland to protect our health and protect our lives, but we have serious concerns about the Bill, most of which have been covered either in this Chamber or the House of Commons yesterday. I will not go over old ground and address what other Members have already spoken about, but I need to highlight some key issues.”
“Like others in the Chamber, I pay tribute to the NHS staff, the key workers, the front line, the blue lights, those who go over and above at this time. Just a few short months ago, those people had to take strike action in order for their voices to be heard on equal pay. Now, we are calling on them, and extreme pressure is being put on them. They are literally tasked with saving people's lives. They are the ones coming in on their days off to record powerful social media videos to encourage people to do the right thing. Nurses and healthcare staff are having to be redeployed and retrained in an emergency situation. There have also been great examples across Northern Ireland of community cohesion, with people volunteering their time and services to help the elderly, the vulnerable and those who are isolating.”
“We live in extraordinary and worrying times. This is a period of great uncertainty and of the unknown. We have so many questions and so few answers. We now enter a time, with the legislation, that we would never have thought of only months — if not weeks — ago.”
“How are they employed, to whom are they responsible, and how are they being appointed? It just begs further questions. <BR /> <BR />This Bill is required. It is timely and has advantages. I will not go into the issues that the RHI inquiry has brought up or the whole RHI experience. We briefly discussed this today, and it is not the time to rehash what has already gone on. We know what the issues are. <BR /> <BR />If RHI has taught us anything — it has and will continue to teach us a lot — about the way in which government works, and, importantly, does not work, we must restore confidence in politics in the eyes of the public. <BR /> <BR />We support the principles of Mr Allister's Bill.”
“We need an independent, open and transparent process for investigating Ministers and their staff and, if required, especially spads. Given the closed-off nature of their appointments and the lack of public scrutiny, people will very reasonably expect that Ministers and staff should be held to account by an independent investigator, just as MLAs and councillors are, should any allegations arise. <BR /> <BR />Minister Murphy's written statement, received this afternoon, is timely, in that there are new codes for Ministers agreed, but again this leaves it all up to personal responsibility that the highest standards should be expected and upheld. Of course they should. There is no question about that. I further welcome, in the statement, the establishment of a panel to include the Commissioner for Standards. Who else is on this panel?”
“In effect, we would be hiring more people, paying more public money for investigations into people that could be done by the Commissioner for Standards, which is something that the Green Party has been calling for since 2015. Is there any need for further duplication of work at further cost? <BR /> <BR />What of this code? It is not on any statutory basis, so where is the enforcement? "A code is a code", as we have heard, and we know from previous experience that these codes can be broken and have been broken. Legislation, on the other hand, is binding. <BR /> <BR />In January 2017, the Green Party's motion on ministerial accountability was passed, and I am very supportive of my colleague Mr Allister in bringing this into effect in clause 5.”
“<BR /> <BR />As we know, the Finance Minister has already reduced the salaries of spads, introduced a new code and altered somewhat how spads are appointed. However, this lacks any independent enforcement mechanism and leaves many more unanswered questions about the process, as it is not transparent and the decision to hire ultimately rests solely at the Minister's discretion. Do we honestly think that this is the correct way of hiring people, at such expense to the public purse, given their role in advising Ministers? There would also be room for appointing extra commissioners to investigate breaches of the code and the spad code.”
“I rise in support of the principles of this Bill, and of the possible amendments which have already been addressed. I look forward to engaging with Mr Allister on the Bill, especially on the issue of whistle-blowing. <BR /> <BR />The Executive parties made commitments in the NDNA, one of which was to establish a subcommittee to consider the findings of the RHI inquiry report, which, as we know, was released on Friday past. The Committee would propose reforms beyond that published in the 'NDNA' document, and I look forward to learning the terms of reference for this group, who will be a member of it, and what the recommendations will be, further to Friday's report. However, this is long term, and we do not have any details on it yet. It is really important that legislation like this is brought forward.”
“When will we get sight of the fiscal plans that the Minister of Finance and the Minister for the Economy mentioned to stimulate and support business and staff in Northern Ireland? How long do you envisage that recovery package lasting?”
“Notwithstanding the clear need to address plans for schools and our children, as well as those providing childcare, I ask the Minister about the community and voluntary sector, which is engaged in providing after-school clubs, detached youth work and children and family mental health services. I am aware of a letter issued by the Education Authority to Youth Service providers on Friday. It stated that educational visits were to be immediately postponed until September. Does the Minister believe that that is satisfactory? What communication plan is being put together by the Department for the Youth Service and the youth, community and voluntary sector to let them know and keep them updated on their services and what they should do?”
“Does the Member agree that the Executive's failure to amend legislation to ensure that schools take account of section 75 has contributed to the negative stereotyping of LGBTQ students and has had some negative effects on their well-being?”
“Research for the 'Through our Minds' report found that 61·2% of LGBT people had been called hurtful names that related to their sexuality. Such experiences in our schools are not totally down to the inadequacy of RSE, but that is a start, and it opens up the wider issue of the equality and quantity of RSE in general.”
“The Department of Education's research, published in 2017, raised serious concerns about the inadequacy of relationships and sexuality education (RSE) in our schools and how that puts young people at risk. The report noted that half of respondents were bullied because of their sexual orientation or gender identity, and 92% said that there was insufficient information available on LGBTQ issues in their post-primary school. Two thirds of those who identify as LGBTQ do not feel welcome or valued in their post-primary school. Some decided not to come out because of the negative attitudes of others. Such attitudes, it appears, are based on a lack of understanding. That, in turn, can lead to stereotypes and, in some cases, intolerance. Some 88·6% of LGBTQ people have heard homophobic or transphobic language in school.”
“The figures for boys are also stark, with less than half — 44% — of those from lower-income backgrounds getting that level of post-primary qualification, compared with 75% of their peers who are better off. It is not possible for wider socio-economic inequalities to be addressed through a single education system, but early intervention makes a big difference, and that must be considered in any review. <BR /> <BR />It is not just the set-up of the system that we need to look at, though; it is what our children are being taught or, in many cases, not taught in our schools, and we need to reform the curriculum. There are many examples, but I will briefly address the shortcomings of the educational experiences of those who identify as LGBTQ.”
“Integrated education facilitates societal change, unites people and encourages a more positive social attitude of tolerance, understanding and mutual respect. A recent study showed that two thirds of respondents would not want to send their children to a school that is based on their religion. Further research shows that a majority of parents want their school to become integrated. Therefore, we must ask: what or who is stopping them? <BR /> <BR />The education system continues to fail children and young people from lower-income backgrounds. In 2017-18, 54% of girls who were entitled to free school meals obtained five GCSEs at grades A* to C, compared with 83% of girls who were not.”
“Ideally, students should attend local, community-based schools and receive outstanding levels of education. In our segregated society, the integration of students and children is vital to making it more peaceful, cooperative, progressive and safe. How can we expect to move on from our past and from the divide if we continue to separate our children from the age of four? <BR /> <BR />We have 65 integrated schools in Northern Ireland. According to Integrate My School, the Ulster University estimated that the additional cost of a divided education system is between £16 million and £95 million a year. That money should be spent where it is needed — for example, on improving SEN provision — not on continuing separation. However, if a financial argument alone will not change our system, perhaps a more qualitative one will.”
“That included the prospect of moving towards a single education system. It is good news that we are able to debate this motion here today, but we must kick-start the commitments in the 'NDNA' document and start a review of education provision as promised, and that must be done quickly. I am honoured to be standing beside one of the first 28 pupils to attend Lagan College, but she had to attend that integrated school surrounded by armed RUC guards, so we have much to do. <BR /> <BR />An ambitious, single, publicly funded and secular education system for Northern Ireland is required. Academic testing should not be used to determine admissions to post-primary schools, and the well-being of the students who have to take those tests to conform to the system, and that of their parents, must be addressed.”
“According to the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS), Northern Ireland has experienced the largest cut in education spend since 2009-2010 — 11% in real terms — compared with other parts of the UK. Due to the complicated structure of education in Northern Ireland, it has long been argued that money is not being spent in the most efficient way. Whilst it is important to consider the ongoing demand for the way in which education is currently delivered, it is of equal relevance to look at what would best benefit our children. The stark reality of our system and the quality of our education need to be reviewed, root and branch. <BR /> <BR />It was good news to read in the 'NDNA' document that the five parties committed to:”
“That is a very simple sentence in the opening of a House of Commons briefing paper on the school system here. It just about touches on the complexity of how we educate our children. The report of a 2019 inquiry by a House of Commons Select Committee stated:”
“Thank you, Minister, for your statement, and thanks to those working at the front line, tackling COVID-19. Given that the advice from professionals is to self-isolate if required, how does this work for those who live in hostels, shelters or refuges — for instance, victims who have left a violent domestic situation — or who live in other shared accommodation or, indeed, in our prisons? Will the Minister ensure that consideration is given to those who cannot self-isolate due to the nature of where they live and, should that be required, will he ensure that shared accommodation, shelters and refuges are equipped to deal with this?”
“Both fathers were denied bereavement support payments on the basis that they were not married to the mother of their children, despite living with them for 14 years and 10 years respectively. <BR /> <BR />More recently, the Department for Work and Pensions was refused leave to appeal that decision, so we need to ask: what steps is the Minister discussing with DWP to amend the legislation? In addition, this question needs to be asked: what measures has the Minister explored to assist that family and others in the same situation in Northern Ireland while they wait for the legislation to be amended? For example, could an extra-statutory payment be made? <BR /> <BR />Grieving children's needs are no less for the fact that their parents did not marry.”
“<BR /> <BR />I want to bring the case of Siobhan McLaughlin to the House's attention. Siobhan was denied bereavement support by the then Department for Social Development when her partner of 23 years and father of their four children died in 2014. Eighteen months ago, she won a landmark Supreme Court judgment that the decision to deny her the widowed parent's allowance in respect of her four children was incompatible with human rights law, but she has still not heard how she will be compensated. <BR /> <BR />A recent case was brought by the Child Poverty Action Group on behalf of two families. The mothers had died, leaving the fathers caring for their young children. That case tested the principle that was established by the McLaughlin case.”
“The motion is to maintain parity of payment with the legislation in the rest of the UK. It is a formality of legislating locally now that we have the opportunity to do so, and I am thankful for that. I want to reiterate a point that was brought up by others. The High Court in England ruled that denying bereavement support payments to unmarried cohabiting partners with children is incompatible with human rights. Currently, payments are made to those whose husband, wife or civil partner has died, but not to those who are living with but not married to their partner. That means that, each year, around 2,000 families with children lose out on a payment worth almost £10,000. Grieving children and their surviving parents deserve support whatever their marital status.”
“Yet, we have no new fiscal approach; we have no green new deal; and we have nothing here about a just transition. Is this a fine example of government green-washing? This is more of the same, and it is something that we cannot continue to do.”
“We cannot deal with public transport, the future of infrastructure or air quality and our health issues without dealing with our emissions and climate mitigations, but none of that is apparent here. <BR /> <BR />Yesterday, the Finance Minister responded to issues raised on the Floor over the timing of this, and he mentioned that scrutiny time would be available in the coming months as Committees got the opportunity to pore over the actual Budget before June. How can any great change occur premised on the Budget Bill as it stands today, in which no change and no allocations are detailed? We need to be much more ambitious for the society that we need and want, and, as I stated a few weeks ago in this Chamber, this is not a keep calm and carry on situation; this is not business as usual.”
“There is no clarity for funding on the commitments in the 'New Decade, New Approach' document, and it needs to be asked, "How was this even agreed?". It was not costed, and there was clearly no funding agreed between the parties. How can anyone have signed up to this wish list without doing so? Is that an example of good governance or of doing things differently? I do not think so. <BR /> <BR />As the House debated, we are facing a climate emergency, but there is a complete lack of a mitigation budget. Where are the money and resources dedicated to an emergency that is cross-cutting and cross-departmental? It is not something that we can categorise totally into one Department or another; it needs overarching resources and legislation to drive forward what we need to do.”
“We have an unknown late Budget being announced in Westminster by the Chancellor, with potentially more cuts coming down the line, topped off with years of Tory austerity, risks of further recession and, of course, Brexit. We had the Vote on Account yesterday and will vote on this today, allocating 45% of budgets for Departments to continue their work, which, of course, is needed for financial planning and continuity of services. What we do not have is any detail, and that, we know, is where the devil lies. <BR /> <BR />We are doing more of the same, and this has happened before. We are in a new decade, but this does not seem to mean a new approach, and that is what we have been calling for. We do not have a Programme for Government published, and we were given a limited legislative programme with no costings attached.”
“I will speak very briefly this evening about the process that we are going through and the Budget Bill, because I believe that that is actually the subject that we are speaking about today. Budgeting is crucial for the work of the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Executive. That is a given, but what we have here, after a three-year hiatus when there was no fully functioning Assembly, is a wholly inadequate process with no time for scrutiny. What really is our role here? Are we a scrutiny body that is not being offered the chance to do that? Instead, we are just discussing a process that has already been decided. <BR /> <BR />The Barnett consequentials were made unusually late, adversely impacting the Budget planning timetable.”
“Without going into the previous subject or the importance of listening to our young people, who are leading the way on this matter and are doing a lot of the work that the rest of us are not, does the Minister agree, given the urgency of the issue, that climate science and sustainability should be included in teacher training?”
“Minister, you will be aware of local community-based campaigns against the exploitation and pollution of our countryside by international corporations. Northern Ireland has a major problem with unregulated mines and quarries and the unrecorded impact that they have on the environment. According to the latest annual mineral statement, published in 2018, a total of 157 quarries were contacted but only 115 responses received. What steps is the Department taking to ensure that all information is collected as required under schedule 13 to the Mineral Development Act (Northern Ireland) 1969?”