Rachel Woods
North Down · Green Party · Northern Ireland
“We have to get it right, but we are not starting from scratch. We only have to look across the water or down the road to the public and private sectors that already offer that type of leave. <BR /> <BR />I now turn to the comments of other Members.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is time to end the coercive control that criminal gangs have over our communities. Victim and survivors' voices must be heard and reflected in our laws and policies. Minority groups should not be sidelined or silenced. We need to educate from a very young age.”
“There is no direct cost to employers from safe leave, and it is needed to deal with the issues related to abuse. We need to destigmatise abuse and tackle root causes, misogyny and toxic masculinity. <BR /> <BR />I agree with Mr Weir's comments. We should not need to have the protections in place.”
“I thank every Member who spoke during the debate for their comments and support for the Bill. I will address the Minister's comments first. I thank him for being here, and I am glad that he is feeling better. <BR /> <BR />The Assembly cares, and we need to work constructively together to help.”
“<BR /> <BR />As I said at Second Stage, period poverty must be viewed through the lens of children's rights and how the Bill meets our obligations under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC).”
“<BR /> <BR />I take this opportunity at Final Stage to thank officials and members of the councils who took the time to discuss with me their policies, the background to them and how they are working in practice: thank you for everything that you are doing for your staff, and I hope that, should the Bill pass, your regional Parliaments an…”
The complete record
Every one of 1,434 lines we hold for Rachel Woods, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 24 of 29.
“They tell of day centres being used as storage units, with no firm reopening date, and of the day-care hours that they need being reassessed and reduced. They talk of inconsistencies between trusts and the inflexibility of individual budgets. They talk of the reassessment process for day care being redone and not on a needs basis. I want the Minister to confirm how assessment for future access to day centres and day care is being done and how the people who need it most and who need more care will be able to avail themselves of it.”
“I spoke to FINI yesterday and heard the stories and experiences of those women from before COVID and during this time. It was an emotional conversation, in which the realities of their lives were discussed. I thank them for their honesty and openness in engaging with me. What was loud and clear is that they need to be heard. They have ideas and solutions to problems, but many feel that they are not being listened to. They need support, but it must meet the needs of their family members and their needs as carers. They talked about the support that they have received through this time. Some said that they had had none — one or maybe two phone calls in 14 weeks from the statutory bodies. That is not good enough.”
“I also implore the Minister to continue to engage with the sector, commit to co-design, truly listen to the voices of those who are supporting our most vulnerable and build back a better system that is supportive of our carers and those whom they care for. <BR /> <BR />The organisations that have contacted us are clear: they wish to be fully involved in long-term future solutions and to work in actual partnership and not just as part of a tick-box consultation. Additional funding and flexible finances must also be looked at in the short term for those who need to plan alternative arrangements for care and support to alleviate the pressures that are faced and for trusts to rebuild and deal with the long-term issues that face the social care sector and that predate COVID.”
“The Assembly must recognise that and do something to help ease the pressure and burden that exists. <BR /> <BR />Local care and support services were closed, and health regulations have meant that key supports that some were able to access have been removed, including day opportunities and short breaks for respite, which are crucial for health and well-being. Members will have received briefings from FINI, the RNIB and the Coalition of Carers Organisations in response to the motion, giving their support for it and further recommendations. I hope that the Health Minister and other Ministers will take their points on board and commit to meeting all the groups that have come forward with ideas.”
“Thank you, Mr Principal Deputy Speaker, for the opportunity to sign and speak on the motion. <BR /> <BR />As other Members have said, it is estimated that up to 310,000 people in Northern Ireland may be providing unpaid care to a family member or loved one and a significant number of people have become carers since the outbreak of COVID. Because of COVID, many families have had to make hard decisions about whether they wish to continue with some of the care that they had coming into the house. They have had to consider their safety and keep family members free from infection and face the closure of community, domiciliary and statutory support services. The effect on children and adults with a disability and the impact on family carers should not, therefore, be underestimated.”
“The proposed office for environmental protection will never fulfil the potential of the independent environmental protection agency that the Executive parties agreed to and the Assembly voted for. The governance gaps, the lack of an environmental improvement plan, targets and principles all need to be addressed. The Bill's architecture is not suited to the Northern Ireland context. It is not tailored to Northern Ireland's needs, so we call on the Minister to fix those problems through engaging with Westminster or bringing forward a Northern Ireland environment Bill. We need substantive commitment to non-regression. When it comes to our environment, we must not accept less protection or risk the erosion of our current standards. We must demand more. For those reasons, I will not support the LCM.”
“<BR /> <BR />DAERA should commit to working with the UK Government, the Republic of Ireland and the European Environment Agency to ensure that a common approach to data is adopted and enable effective, cross-cutting solutions to be devised on the basis of a shared understanding of the problem and consistent measurement approaches. The Northern Ireland Act 1998 provides for cross-border cooperation in environmental protection, so we already have it there. <BR /> <BR />The question before us today is a simple one: will we accept a future outside the EU with fewer environment protections? We, as Greens, will not accept that. The Bill and its provisions relating to Northern Ireland are not good enough.”
“Northern Ireland should then, at a minimum, set legally binding environmental targets for those priority areas. <BR /> <BR />The Bill fails to include priority areas such as soil quality. Soil health is an essential element of our environment and should be included in environmental targets. The lack of EU-derived legislation on that issue makes the role of targets here even more important. <BR /> <BR />Ideally, targets should be time-bound and front-loaded. Any review of an environmental improvement plan should be undertaken by an independent regulator or statutory nature conservation body. Policy statements developed on the environmental principles should not be subject to vague proportionality reasoning that allows for a trade-off between environmental principles and economic considerations.”
“The draft Northern Ireland environment strategy could be developed into a Northern Ireland environmental improvement plan if it contained clear targets and addressed some of the core concerns highlighted in the consultation. The Department has already indicated that the environmental strategy could be redesigned and redesignated as an environmental improvement plan without the need for further consultation. <BR /> <BR />Northern Ireland must introduce specific targets, not a copy-and-paste from the Bill proposed for England but targets that address the core issues for Northern Ireland. The Minister and Department should, therefore, identify suitable priority areas, building on those in the Bill for England and extending them to include Northern Ireland's core issues.”
“If a similar approach were taken in Northern Ireland, the already weak approach to environmental protection would not improve, especially if political will in favour of environmental protection declines. Greater reference should be made to the international standards based on expertise with minimum standards and more aspirational targets such as the UN sustainable development goals. Part 1 of schedule 2 leaves it up to the Department to decide what data it considers appropriate for the purposes of monitoring environmental improvement, but that should not be done without requiring coordination with other parts of the UK, the Republic of Ireland and the European Environment Agency. <BR /> <BR />Where is Northern Ireland's environmental improvement plan? The Department must bring one forward as soon as is feasible.”
“<BR /> <BR />I turn now to the environmental targets and principles. No specific targets are provided for in the provisions for Northern Ireland, nor are any timelines specified. Without targets and timelines, the system of environmental governance proposed for Northern Ireland will be significantly weaker than that for England. It will leave Northern Ireland's environmental governance architecture incomplete and potentially ineffective. Clause 1(2) only requires that at least one matter within each priority area be addressed, which leaves open the possibility of a piecemeal approach. The Secretary of State is responsible for ensuring that the targets are met and can also revoke or lower them where costs are deemed inappropriate.”
“but there is no indication of what "significant" means or how improvement will be measured and against what benchmark. Lack of specificity — I will move on, as I cannot do that word — in the wording allows scope for trade-off, weakening or poorer performance in some sectors against better performance elsewhere so long as the vague overarching goal of improvement is achieved. Improvement from a low benchmark would satisfy the requirements of the Bill but arguably fail to deliver the environmental improvement that is required to meet the Government's commitment to a net zero by 2050, amongst others. This is particularly relevant for Northern Ireland, as it comes in a context of poor environmental history and considerable environmental issues. Northern Ireland needs to improve, but, more than that, it needs to be ambitious.”
“Clause 45 and schedule 2 contain provisions on environmental improvement plans that require DAERA to take forward a policy statement on environmental principles. Unlike England, Northern Ireland does not have a current environmental improvement plan. Paragraph 1 of schedule 2 provides for a plan to be created within 12 months of the Bill coming into force with the provision that, until then, the current plan is the default. However, as I say, Northern Ireland does not have a plan. This risks an immediate governance gap. <BR /> <BR />Clause 7 states:”
“The OEP proposes to address the gaps that will emerge in relation to enforcing EU law, but it does not do so in a complete fashion. Other gaps, such as the lack of sharing of environmental information through membership of the European Environment Agency, remain unaddressed. There may be governance gaps in terms of the independence of the OEP and Northern Ireland's limited representation on that. A number of stakeholders have expressed their desire for greater emphasis to be placed on the Assembly's oversight and scrutiny role over aspects of the Bill such as the OEP. COVID-19 and time pressures resulting from the pandemic may also impact on the time frame required to make provision to deal with potential governance gaps. <BR /> <BR />I turn now to the environmental improvement plan.”
“DAERA has also indicated that, if the Bill gets legislative consent and is implemented, that will not prevent Northern Ireland making changes to it or doing additional things that it wants to. However, while the Bill offers opportunities to address governance gaps that may arise as a result of leaving the EU, gaps may still arise; for example, during the period it that takes to develop an environmental improvement plan for Northern Ireland or until an OEP is established here to take over the functions currently performed by the EU. <BR /> <BR />If the Bill passes in its current form, there will still be governance gaps in places where EU institutions have exercised governance functions, such as preparing legislation, conducting evaluations, sharing data or overseeing enforcement.”
“<BR /> <BR />Our core objective for environmental governance in Northern Ireland should be to establish an independent environmental protection agency that supersedes all other bodies. That was agreed in 'New Decade, New Approach' and voted for by the Assembly, I reiterate, five months ago. <BR /> <BR />I turn now to the governance gaps. As it stands, DAERA does not have any plans to take forward an environment Bill for Northern Ireland. If the UK Environment Bill does not go forward, it says that it is unlikely that there will be governance arrangements in place in time. We may end up with a gap at the end of this year where we do not have environmental principles or oversight.”
“<BR /> <BR />Schedule 3 does not refer to the interim environmental governance arrangements in the time following the transition period, so the OEP must be operational by 1 January 2021 to a avoid gap. Paragraph 4 of schedule 1 gives powers to DEFRA to appoint an interim chief executive until the OEP becomes operational, but there is no provision for an interim NI member, something that has been suggested by the Northern Ireland Environment Link. However, overall, having a token member on the OEP will not suffice. An office based in Northern Ireland would be required with appropriate staff and the resources to ensure effectiveness. Reporting restrictions on individuals who exercise "function of a public nature" should be removed, and there should be an alternative enforcement to judicial review with at least the power to issue fines.”
“That is simply not good enough. <BR /> <BR />A crucial element of environmental enforcement is the ability of ordinary individuals to provide information and to help initiate actions by an enforcement body. That process is currently facilitated by a complaints procedure to the European Commission. The Bill provides for complaints by individuals to the OEP but includes an unnecessary restriction through excluding individuals who exercise "functions of a public nature". That will surely limit the number of admissible complaints and, therefore, enforcement. Judicial review is an option only where there will be serious damage to the environment and/or human health. It remains the strongest tool for the OEP and is very insufficient.”
“Paragraph 3 of schedule 3 provides for the OEP to offer DAERA advice on changes to environmental law, but there is no automatic requirement that that advice be communicated to the Assembly; instead, DAERA:”
“None of those provisions adequately ensure or protect the independence of the proposed body. <BR /> <BR />There is provision in the Bill for a specific Northern Ireland member to be appointed to the OEP board, but the Northern Ireland member would be appointed by DAERA. No provision is made for the appointment to involve or to allow involvement and oversight from the Assembly. Part 1 of schedule 3 provides for the OEP to report on environmental improvement plans, and part 2 provides for the OEP to report on monitoring and reporting of environmental law. Those reports are to be laid before the Northern Ireland Assembly, and yet, for some reason, the reports on environmental law are optional. I ask the Minister why that is.”
“the OEP's independence. However, that could easily be eroded in practice. The Secretary of State plays a major role in the appointment of members. They will appoint non-executive members who will then appoint the executive members. With regard to funding, paragraph 12 of schedule 1 states that the OEP will receive:”
“Those parts of the Bill do not address the potential for overlap between the work of an OEP, as proposed, and, indeed, an independent environmental protection agency, as was promised in the 'New Decade, New Approach' document and that the Assembly voted for five months ago. Let us be clear: the OEP, as proposed, will have no powers to issue fines. Even though fines from the EU are rare, this removes the threat of fines, which is a highly effective tool. It will simply have no teeth. <BR /> <BR />The Bill attempts to address the concerns over the OEP's independence by requiring:”
“Like many others in the Chamber, I understand the urgent need to plug the legislative gap that leaving the EU will create with regard to environmental protection, but, unlike many here, I will not endorse the extension of the provisions of the Environment Bill as they stand. The Environment Bill in its current form and its provisions relating to Northern Ireland are insufficient and wholly inadequate to enable us to protect our environment. <BR /> <BR />Clauses 45 and 46 and schedules 2 and 3 deal with environmental governance and the office for environmental protection.”
“From the outset I reiterate and emphasise that no formal public consultation took place in Northern Ireland around the environmental plans, principles and governance elements of the Environment Bill. Consultation happened UK-wide while Northern Ireland was without an Executive and with no sitting Assembly. It should then come as no surprise that the legislation is designed for England. The Bill is not tailored to the needs and aspirations of Northern Ireland and nor do the provisions extending to Northern Ireland adequately address the major issues that we face in environmental protection and the huge governance and enforcement gaps that lie ahead. <BR /> <BR />The legislative consent motion before us asks if we endorse the principle of the extension of the provisions.”
“If the Executive's decisions on the relaxation of the regulations are informed by scientific and medical evidence, the Executive should publish that advice. Every announcement should carefully consider all those it may affect and give the necessary detail, otherwise it opens wider questions and does not bode well for public confidence at a time when it is needed most.”
“The lack of clarity has led to the police using regulation 6A in the context of protests, fuelled by the inconsistencies that we have all witnessed. Ministers need to address urgently the issues around enforcement, and I hope that the junior Minister can take this back to get actual details for the Chamber. I fully agree with Amnesty:”
“That creates confusion and does not bode well for the people who need certainty in order to reopen safely. <BR /> <BR />We have an issue with restrictions on gatherings and protests as well. I think that everybody here can agree that there have been more difficulties with enforcement than are needed. There have been examples of how the gaps are being tested. Major holes have been identified, and enforcement has not been equal across the board. We have had scenarios where fines have been issued and others where they have not. Some protests and gatherings have been clamped down on, and others have been let go. As has been pointed out by Amnesty International and the Committee on the Administration of Justice, the regulations do not address the right to protest alongside the need to protect public health.”
“The basics need to be covered, and people need assurance that the steps that they take are the right ones not only for their customers but, importantly, for their staff's safety, as I have said. It should not be a copy-and-paste job. The guidance must be issued fully in conjunction with the sectors and with the staff that it affects. <BR /> <BR />As regards today's regulations, every time guidance is issued following an announcement, many more questions need to be answered. People are being left in the dark. Ministers must consider this properly and give us the much-needed clarity, as it is fundamentally missing. We have had situations reported to us that business owners are getting mixed messages and different advice depending on which MLA or MP's office they contact or which council area they are in.”
“I thank the Member for his intervention. I completely agree. I heard his earlier comment, and I could not agree more. That is what the Ad Hoc Committee should be for. It should be used weekly by any number of Ministers. I would be happy to sit here to listen and question them on every question that I get in my inbox or by phone. <BR /> <BR />We really have to think about this. Business owners and employers are doing their best, but some of them are doing a lot more than others, and we really need an opportunity and an open line of communication to get actual answers for business owners. This is a matter of staff and customer safety. This is not about the economy; it is about people's health.”
“<BR /> <BR />Many people that I have spoken to are literally freaking out because they will catch coronavirus by the end of the summer if we are not careful. They are not being given the guidance in the detail that they need, so we are effectively just letting them work. Customers will come in, and we just have to take it that they are following the guidance and are in a bubble or are members of the same household. We do not know. What will happen when there are a few pints in? We really have to think about this. I would love to have a conversation about it. If anybody wants to have a conversation about the realities of working in the sector at the moment, please come and speak to me. My door is open.”
“It is something that I have spoken about many times before, and I declare an interest as a temporary, part-time member of staff in a pub. The guidance issued to the hospitality sector included a section about the use of personal protective equipment (PPE) in hospitals. That does not apply to pubs. I want to reiterate how difficult this will be for pub staff, most of whom are on minimum wage in some of the most insecure employment in our economy. They will have to deal with crowds on a Friday with no security and with guidance that is completely up in the air and left to each owner and manager to do by themselves. They have nowhere to go to get clarity from the Executive, so they come to the likes of me and other MLAs. That is not good enough, because, folks, we are talking about staff safety here.”
“<BR /> <BR />Instead of pandering to whomever shouts the loudest, we need a strategic and coherent approach that takes into account the cross-cutting nature of measures to reopen our economy and support our families. A strategy for childcare and schools, comprehensive workplace guidance and support mechanisms should be in place before we expect people to fully return to work, not thrown together afterwards. Guidance should be sector-specific and work for people in that industry. My inbox has been filling up with emails from business owners who are not only confused by the guidance and its lack of detail but are reading pages and pages that do not apply to them. <BR /> <BR />Like my colleague who spoke about the reopening of pubs, I want to mention the hospitality sector and the guidance specifically.”
“That raises questions about how they use scientific and medical evidence to come up with that plan and how they use it to make decisions as we speak, given that we do not have the evidence to look at. The manner in which the amendments are made show clearly that the five stages of the plan have not been followed in a linear way and that the recovery plan is not joined up. It seems that some of the most important issues, such as childcare and worker safety, are being treated as afterthoughts, following the relaxation of restrictions on workplaces. The approach that the Executive are taking of picking and choosing what to do next is resulting in more questions than answers and sowing confusion among those seeking clarity on their circumstances on what they should do after each announcement.”
“Like others, I will comment on the retrospective relaxation of regulations stemming from an announcement made some weeks ago and on the opening of certain types of retailers, amendments 5 and 6 allowing elite athletes to restart training and certain groups of workers to access childcare, which has been circumvented by further announcements by the Executive last week. There are issues around the restrictions on gatherings and enforcement powers that need to be addressed. <BR /> <BR />The Executive seem to be picking and choosing which restrictions to lift from the menu of options laid out in their plan. I find the announcements made so far hard to correlate with the five-step approach.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. Would the Member agree that it is crucial that staff safety is at the heart of the reopening of the pub and hospitality sector and that it was a missed opportunity not to have the voice of staff heard on the reopening before this Friday? Would he also agree that no jobs should be lost in that sector after its reopening?”
“Mr Principal Deputy Speaker, it is good to see you back in the Chair. <BR /> <BR />I thank the Minister for his statement. The Minister has outlined a number of departmental bids received and accepted or surrendered. In light of safety concerns for employees returning to work this week, notably in the hospitality sector, some businesses are introducing COVID training. Have the Minister or his Department, through the June monitoring round, received any bids from the Department for the Economy to fund this training, or other similar training? If so, does the Department for the Economy intend to spend it? Who is to deliver it? Has he any information on that?”
“I will. <BR /> <BR />There must be no more cuts to the very organisations that exist to help others and support must be available for people of all ages, especially children and young people. We must not continue to prioritise gross value added (GVA) or GDP as the marker of societal progress but see health and well-being as key to the just and green recovery for our generation and the generations to come.”
“The Children's Commissioner has also been clear about the need for a children's rights-compliant mental health system that is responsive to children and young people as their needs arise. <BR /> <BR />The challenges of the aftermath of COVID-19 are very real in all aspects of our lives, but our health and well-being should be at the forefront of any recovery. As the Minister has said, we have a massive task in front of us. There are competing demands for additional spending across many key areas. The Government need to live up to the commitments that they made, but the Executive need to deliver and refocus the goals to where they need to be and properly resource services for people who need them.”
“Sixty-two per cent of respondents to the COVID survey said that mental health was the main issue that they faced as a young person right now. Some 332 responses said that it was loneliness and isolation, and 361 said fear and uncertainty, all of which we know have impacts on mental health. <BR /> <BR />This not the first time that we, as Youth Champions, have engaged on young people's mental health. In January, we attended a meeting at its head office on the crisis that was being felt among young people. We heard horror stories about what people were going through and how important support was for them. We heard loud and clear that youth mental health services were unable to meet the demand.”
“At a follow-up event in October 2016, over 100 young people expressed their frustrations at the lack of mental health education and support services available here and called for the UN's recommendation to be fully implemented. I reiterate that call in the Chamber today. <BR /> <BR />A number of months ago, some Members took part in a political panel organised by the Northern Ireland Youth Forum to try to answer young people's questions and concerns about COVID. It covered issues such as the economic impact, homelessness, housing, exams and schoolwork. Continually raised in the young people's survey and in the discussion was mental health and well-being, how young people are coping with COVID and what will happen after.”
“That is as true for everyone here as it is for children and young people. Like my colleague Mr Lyttle, I wish to use my brief time to focus on them and how they are still waiting. <BR /> <BR />According to the 'Elephant in the Room' report:”
“<BR /> <BR />There is not one of us in the Chamber who has not been directly affected or impacted by mental health issues personally or through family, friends or constituents during and before COVID. Many aspects of mental health can be discussed. Some have been, and there were issues before 2 March on what we need to do about perinatal mental health, tackling suicide, addiction, the absolute need for harm reduction, gambling, domestic abuse, living conditions, workplace stress, those feeling lonely and anxious, not to mention the fear that is very real at the moment because of the potential mass redundancies being talked about in certain sectors. The COVID crisis will have psychosocial impacts on people for years to come. As we emerge from lockdown, the changes will pose more difficulties for mental health.”
“Thank you. I was almost saying I was glad to see you up there giving us a wee bit more say, but not. <BR /> <BR />Despite the need, we do not talk about mental health enough, so I welcome the opportunity to do so in the context of the COVID pandemic, but a word of warning: we must not just talk about this; we need to deliver something. <BR /> <BR />There is strong evidence that Northern Ireland has very high levels of mental illness, and suicide rates are the highest in the UK, regardless of COVID. Despite that, Northern Ireland is the only region that does not have an overarching mental health strategy, and the delivery of mental health treatments and care is fragmented and not properly resourced. That must change.”
“However, I also note that the draft Westminster Bill mentions the word "protection" 168 times, whereas our draft Bill mentions it only once. Is the Minister content to broaden the scope of the Bill if the Committee deemed that additional provisions were necessary to strengthen it? <BR /> <BR />I am fully supportive of the LCM, and I hope we can resolve the ETJ issue. However, it is also clear that there is more work to be done if we are to get this right for Northern Ireland.”
“<BR /> <BR />I also note that the Westminster Bill includes the creation of a Domestic Abuse Commissioner and a statutory duty on local authorities to provide domestic abuse support. It includes other provisions aimed at supporting and protecting victims and survivors. It begs this question: why does our Bill not include such measures? Is our Bill not as comprehensive in its approach to legislative provisions as that of our counterparts? <BR /> <BR />I note the Minister's comments that she would like to review how certain measures, such as protection orders and notices, will work in England. I note her assurance that she will bring forward a miscellaneous provisions Bill and stalking legislation to address outstanding issues.”
“That is a horrific position for anyone to be in, and failure to provide protection for such victims is a contravention not only of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) but of the Istanbul convention. <BR /> <BR />I have asked the Minister for Communities what measures are in place and what specific assistance is available for people affected by COVID who have no recourse to public funds. However, I also appeal to the Minister of Justice, the Minister for Communities and the wider Executive to enable those in such difficult circumstances to leave an abusive household or relationship. I welcome the work of the Step Up Migrant Women coalition, Amnesty and a cross-party group of MPs who are lobbying the Westminster Government to do something about this.”
“This year, 8 June marked the eighth anniversary of the UK Government signing the Istanbul convention on the protection of women and girls from violence. It is still not ratified, which is extremely disappointing, to say the least. We must make sure that the Government protect survivors of abuse. That includes access to refuge and welfare and the creation of a firewall between support services and immigration control, which is particularly important for those who have insecure immigration status. Not only are they at risk of being reported to immigration authorities, but, if they have no recourse to public funds, they cannot access support from refuges, floating support or housing support and are extremely vulnerable.”
“Can the Minister confirm if the LCM addresses the competence issue in clause 10 of our Bill, or does she intend to engage with those working on the Westminister Bill to ensure that the issue is addressed?”
“He referred to legal opinion that deems that clause 10 purports to change the domestic law of a country outside the UK in which domestic abuse occurs. The Committee, I am sure, will look into the issue of ETJ in more detail, but, today, I ask the Minister for some clarity. <BR /> <BR />The AG confirmed last week that the legislative method for introducing ETJ would be through a Bill in Westminster. He confirmed that that would give the Assembly competence. Indeed, clause 61 of the Westminster Domestic Abuse Bill appears to make that provision for Northern Ireland.”
“The LCM relates to the Domestic Abuse Bill progressing through Westminster, which has been described as a once-in-a-generation opportunity for our Government to ensure that all women are offered proper protection and as the vehicle through which the UK Government hope to ratify the Istanbul convention on preventing violence against women. Therefore, I welcome it and the way in which it relates to the work of the Assembly's Justice Committee in considering the development of our own legislation in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />As other Members said, the Justice Committee was briefed by the outgoing Attorney General (AG) on his concerns that clause 10 of our Bill would fall outside the competence of the Northern Ireland Assembly.”