Sinéad McLaughlin
Foyle · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“After decades of silence, being believed matters; having your experience acknowledged matters; and knowing that society finally accepts the truth matters deeply. That is what, I hope, the legislation provides. <BR /> <BR />Throughout the process, I wanted to ensure that, where we could strengthen the Bill, we did.”
“Today is an important day because it is a day of accountability. I welcome to the Gallery all of the birth mothers, all of the adult adoptees and all of their family members. I thank everyone who has journeyed with you and loved you throughout the process.”
“As time passed, I believed that the original figure no longer reflected the recognition as strongly as it should have done, so I was pleased that Members from across the Chamber supported that amendment.”
“Behind every clause is a person; behind every amendment is someone's lived experience; and behind every decision that we make in the Chamber are people who have spent years carrying the consequences of decisions that they never made. That is why the legislation is so important.”
“It is often Members who receive the attention in debates such as this, but good legislation depends on the dedication and expertise of many people working quietly in the background. Today, we complete the legislative journey, but we should not pretend that justice begins and ends with the passing of a Bill.”
“We are here because survivors refused to accept that their stories would remain untold. We are here because they never stopped asking for what should never have been so difficult to receive in the first place: recognition, dignity and justice.”
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“It is just not in the fibre of my being. I reject what was said on the Floor of the House.”
“I really am hurt and angry that there is any suggestion that I have a sectarian modus operandi against any constituent in Foyle or anywhere.”
“In addition, there must be greater clarity on what is considered a major project compared with a minor one. The Minister indicated that the Department's website was wrong and that a minor capital project is now up to £1 million. When was that 100% inflation rate made, and how did it get to that figure? <BR /> <BR />Since the announcement, the Education Authority has had to clarify that the football pitch in question is still in use, despite saying that, due to a failed health and safety check, it has been out of use since 2019. Again, I fully support investment in school facilities, but there needs to be clear and transparent decision-making when it comes to such funding allocations. <BR /> <BR />When I asked those questions yesterday, the Minister said to me:”
“Yesterday, the Minister of Education came to the House to make a ministerial statement on controlled schools and on the announcement of £710,000 in funding for a new football pitch at Lisneal College. I want to be clear: Lisneal College is a fantastic school. It has made huge strides in recent years, thanks, in no small way, to the dedication of an excellent leadership team. Whilst I welcome any funding that comes into my constituency, I cannot ignore the wider context. That is why I am still calling for full transparency around how the decision was made, what criteria were used, how Lisneal compares with the schools that were rejected, and, crucially, what steps will be taken to ensure that other schools in Derry and elsewhere get the funding that they so desperately need.”
“— formalisation of North/South structures.”
“Those changes are in all our interests, and, most importantly, they are in the interests of the people of Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />This is an opportunity to go further than that. Each of the agreement's strands is interlocking and independent. Reform of the agreement is relevant to all three strands. To that end, the AERC is a toothless Committee, and to pretend otherwise would be disingenuous. This is an opportunity for the acceleration and deepening of cooperation between all parts of these islands, including the deepened —”
“It is clear to us that the best way to reform this place is to undo the damage that the St Andrews Agreement did to the original premise of the Good Friday Agreement on the joint election of First Ministers. We should end for good the veto on government by reforming those formal processes, unlocking progress and allowing for this place's evolution. We should reform the manipulated and misused petition of concern and make substantial changes to cross-community voting to end the excessive focus on designation. We should make fundamental changes to improve the way in which this place delivers and, through a new Budget Committee, strengthen oversight and accountability. We should improve the Pledge of Office so that it emphasises collective action.”
“Once they had done that, they should have started the work of putting right the instability of this place through a proactive programme of reform so that we could give the public a guarantee that veto is no longer the name of the game and that government is treated as a serious business in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />Of course, the exact form of that reform is the subject of the process itself. It might be in other parties' interests that the posts of First Minister and deputy First Minister simply pass on to the next biggest party, but this is about the interests of people, not parties. The SDLP has put forward very clear proposals for the common good.”
“I will concentrate my closing remarks on reform and how we do government. We are 27 years on from the Good Friday Agreement, and it feels like we are still shackled to our past by a politics that belongs in the past. Let us change the approach. The anniversary of the return of these institutions is the right moment to once more press the issue of reform and to demand accountability and leadership on this issue from the two biggest parties in this place. The First Minister and deputy First Minister, despite their warm words on the day that Stormont was restored, were unable to give a commitment not to collapse this place. They should have corrected that today, had they been here.”
“People out there know that politics have real consequences, including the longest waiting lists anywhere across these islands, with people in all our communities waiting in chronic agony for years; childcare costs that have spiralled to more than £10,000 a year, even with interventions having been made; housing bills that fall far short of the targets that we set; and no clear pathway to tackling poverty in our communities, allowing the gap between the haves and the have-nots to grow. It is shameful. Those are the consequences of the lack of reform, and, if another crisis comes along, we will see those metrics fall still further behind. No one can say what that crisis might be, but we all know that it could come tomorrow, and these institutions are as stable today as they were the day before they last collapsed.”
“That low level of trust is the direct consequence of the political cynicism and poor faith that, all too often, have characterised how the biggest parties have treated the institutions. Today's debate illustrates that fairly well. The fact that no Ministers from the Executive Office are here shows contempt for the Opposition. Indeed, earlier, the Education Minister practically called most Members of the House sectarian because we questioned the decision mechanism for school funding. <BR /> <BR />Our politics has prioritised dramatic stop-start, cyclical collapse over the hard graft of good government.”
“Thank you, Principal Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />As many Members have mentioned, it is positive that the Executive have been in place for a year with a sense of relative stability. In Northern Ireland's politics of low expectations, I have no doubt that some people, if asked about how our Government are doing, will shrug their shoulders and say, "At least the Government are sitting". They are accustomed to the bar for politicians here being set at the level of simply taking their seats around the table. <BR /> <BR />It is scarcely a surprise that we have the lowest level of democratic well-being in the UK, with 54% of people expressing low trust in the Executive.”
“What process did your Department go through to establish a 50% inflationary increase on minor works? How and when was that increase communicated to the schools, and how many schools are currently engaged in minor works in excess of £500,000?”
“Minister, the DUP could have a branch meeting at the Education Authority. Nepotism is alive and well”
“I thank the deputy First Minister for the statement. She referred to the need to work in collaboration with the private sector. I have spoken to multiple companies in the energy sector. One of the main things that they tell me is that the grid is not fit for purpose. What lessons have you taken from how other jurisdictions develop their grid? Exactly what actions are the Executive taking to make Northern Ireland an investor-friendly destination?”
“<BR /> <BR />We have spent decades talking about transforming the health service. Reports have been commissioned, consultations have been hosted and debates have been —”
“For a hospital to rely on social media to ensure that it could provide basic care to its patients is a stark illustration of how close to breaking point our health service has come. <BR /> <BR />As others have articulated, we are consistently witnessing bottlenecks in the emergency department. That is not just in our emergency department; it is across the region. Those bottlenecks are not just a capacity problem but a symptom of the failure to reform the system to deliver a preventative approach. If we want to break the cycle, we need to start addressing the root causes. We talk a lot here about those root causes. It means investing in community care, expanding GP services and tackling chronic staffing shortages. It also means tackling poverty and its symptoms, including poor health.”
“The Health Minister has indicated that it could be five years before a new emergency department is built — five years. That is five years of continued overcrowding, patients waiting for hours without care and staff battling to provide dignity and support in conditions that would challenge the most robust system. I have heard a GP call the situation in Altnagelvin "Third World healthcare". She had to go there to advocate for her patient, who she knew was having a stroke, because they had nobody else to turn to in that situation. That is not good enough. <BR /> <BR />The delay is unacceptable. It fails the people of our city and region. The situation has become so critical that, over the recent holiday period, Altnagelvin was forced to issue an appeal for staff on Facebook.”
“In the most deprived areas of Derry City and Strabane, people are dying seven years earlier than the Northern Ireland average. <BR /> <BR />Let me be clear that the physical state of the emergency department is no longer fit for purpose. We cannot wait for the long-term solution for this, which is a complete rebuild. We need to think of short-term interventions. It is too small to cope with the volume of patients coming through its doors. Shockingly, as others have said, it has just one toilet, and it is disgusting. I cannot begin to tell you how disgusting it is. It is not only inadequate, it is utterly unacceptable for the staff and patients who rely on this vital service.”
“People are probably quite sick of me talking about regional balance constantly in an economic context, but it is absolutely vital that we have health equity because poverty drives inequalities in health, and we can see that in the Western Trust. It is often under the most severe pressure. People are struggling to meet the demands placed upon them in our growing population and increasing complexity of needs, as others have said. Altnagelvin is situated, as I said, in one of the most deprived places anywhere in the North, where people bear the brunt of health inequalities. The Western Trust has 24 health outcomes that are worse than the Northern Ireland average. Male life expectancy in the most deprived areas is 73 years — five years lower than the trust average. I have heard the Minister talk about those inequalities in the House as well.”
“I thank the proposer of the Adjournment debate. He has clearly articulated the dire state of the A&E facility in the second city. I also thank the Minister for being here and listening to the facts and figures and the testimonials from the citizens of the city and the wider region. It is a regional hospital that is important to many people throughout the West. My biggest thanks go to the chief executive and all the staff in the Western Trust, particularly those staff who are working under really poor conditions in the emergency department. <BR /> <BR />One of the things that has been clearly articulated today is the need for regional balance when it comes to delivering healthcare.”
“Transforming our childcare sector will not be easy, but it is paramount not only for the future of our children but for our economic development. <BR /> <BR />I urge the Assembly to support our amendment, which recognises the work that is still left to be done by the Minister of Education and the Minister for the Economy. It is a whole-Executive policy, and it must be met by the whole of the Executive, including through publication of the strategy. As we go forward, let us seize the opportunity to invest in our future generations and support their education and development. Our children are definitely our future, and, by taking this bold action now, we can ensure that they will continue to have the best start in life for generations to come.”
“<BR /> <BR />We have said many times that we should look towards countries that lead the way in that approach, including Sweden, Finland, Denmark and Norway; indeed, if we look closer to home, we find that the incoming Irish Government are committing to progressively reducing the costs of childcare to €200 per child per month. That approach to childcare has created a double dividend: it has kept childcare fees low whilst growing the economy. <BR /> <BR />We appreciate that public finances are tight, but, as a start, the Minister of Finance must ring-fence the Barnett consequentials received from increased spending on childcare in Britain. Doing so will provide the sector with a further £61 million-plus of funding.”
“I invite the Minister, through the amendment, to set a clear deadline for the publication of the strategy along with a transparent, long-term funding plan. The funding plan must meet the scale of the challenge that we face and provide the opportunity that we need to transform and make life changes. For too long, the Executive have considered the funding of childcare as merely an expenditure. It is long past time to change our approach and consider investing in our childcare sector as an investment in our social and economic infrastructure.”
“<BR /> <BR />In October, the SDLP launched our childcare policy, 'A Childcare Guarantee', which set out how, we believe, the childcare strategy can best support parents and providers. We call for affordability for parents through the halving of costs, ensuring that nobody pays more than they can afford; sustainability for providers through a new funding scheme that allows businesses to provide childcare in a sustainable manner; and the best start in life for children through a new independent body that will be tasked with the development and oversight of a 10-year childcare strategy. <BR /> <BR />Almost a year has passed in the mandate, and the strategy has still not been produced. It has been worked on for years. Parents and providers really cannot afford to wait any longer.”
“The responsibility for that assessment falls squarely on the shoulders of the Education Minister, and it would be wrong to try to shift the Chamber's focus to the Economy Minister on that issue. <BR /> <BR />The business support scheme taken forward by the Minister is not a silver bullet that can meet the needs of all providers. We need to be much more ambitious and to stay focused on the priority in hand; namely, the delivery of a 10-year early learning and childcare strategy. Our ambition with the strategy must not be limited, and we must be transformational in our approach. Parents must be free of the burden of those awful costs. Businesses need greater support, and registered childminders must be allowed to expand their services.”
“Whilst the Northern Ireland childcare subsidy scheme (NICSS) was a welcome intervention and has achieved some tangible successes, it is by no means the answer to the childcare crisis. The reduction in childcare fees through the NICSS has practically become null and void — redundant — as providers have been forced to increase their fees in order to deal with rising external costs and the lack of targeted support. Furthermore, the scheme is not available to all parents, which means that those who need support most are often those who cannot access it at all. <BR /> <BR />The Department must undertake a serious, comprehensive and ongoing assessment of the scheme to ensure that it delivers the changes that are needed and reduces bills for parents.”
“They said that, despite promises and priorities from the Northern Ireland Executive, the childcare crisis is getting worse. They said that they are tired of party politics and blame and that they wanted their politicians to get together and fix the problem. Parents and families across the Province are interested in their bills going down and their children getting the best start in life. That is why we propose the amendment, which calls out the current failings of the Education Minister. The reality that parents and providers face is one that the Assembly should be ashamed of. <BR /> <BR />I am told time and again by constituents that they still struggle to cope with the rise in childcare costs.”
“In fact, yesterday evening, Melted Parents NI took to social media and said:”
“I was tempted to leave the DUP motion unamended so that the public could see the special type of arrogance that it takes to blame another Executive Minister for the DUP's lack of delivery. It was really tempting to let the mud-slinging commence, but I could not do that because childcare is so important and our families are experiencing such hardship because of the lack of urgency on delivery. The ink is barely dry on the draft Programme for Government, and the infighting and finger-pointing is under way between Ministers. The blame game is on, and it is the fault of everyone except, of course, the Minister in charge of childcare. Failing to take responsibility for the issue at hand is by no means an adequate answer. <BR /> <BR />Parents and providers are not interested in the political games; they have no time for them.”
“Whilst all those measures are rightly welcomed in the motion, the DUP merely patting itself on the back for the work of its Minister will do little to support the families who still struggle to stay afloat. The Minister must surely recognise that the scale of delivery on childcare by his Department falls short of the expectations of parents across our communities. <BR /> <BR />Whilst I agree that it is unfortunate that the Department for the Economy and Invest NI have not finished the scoping exercise necessary to inform the design of the targeted business scheme for childcare providers, using a motion to score political points across the Chamber, while sitting around the same Executive table, is not the best way to go about that.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. As we approach the first anniversary of the restoration of the Assembly, I am glad to see that childcare is still regarded as a priority by all parties in the House. Throughout the past year, we have debated the issue many times, and, in February, all parties agreed that we needed to do more to support the childcare sector. <BR /> <BR />Progress has been made. For the first time, childcare is a stand-alone priority in the draft Programme for Government (PFG). The Northern Ireland childcare subsidy scheme has delivered savings to parents, and I welcome the allocation of £50 million of funding for childcare. Those victories are in no small part thanks to the hard work of stakeholders and parents who have campaigned passionately on the issue.”
“The incoming Irish Government are committing to reducing VAT for tourism and hospitality businesses to 9%. The UK Government afford small businesses rates relief at a much higher level than we do. Minister, will you and your Executive colleagues commit to bringing forward proposals to support our business community as it struggles to survive? Many of those businesses are at the end of their tether and feel that there is a hostile business environment in Northern Ireland.”
“<BR /> <BR />In conclusion, gender-responsive budgeting can address inequalities, improve effectiveness and enhance public scrutiny. Gender budgeting should have started here a long time ago, and the failure to introduce it earlier is a significant missed opportunity. I accept that it will be challenging to put that right in the 2025-26 Budget. However, introducing it and starting a gender-responsive approach to next year's Budget can only be a useful tool in improving equity and efficiency. It can also be a powerful signal of intent from this place that we take gender equality seriously. It is time to put our money where our mouth is.”
“Let us be clear: none of the above is a gender-responsive approach to budgeting, and to think that are of them is is to not understand the concept. Gender budgeting starts from the very start of the design of policies, initiatives and plans. The DUP amendment is not acceptable, as it waters down our motion and confuses the policy intent. <BR /> <BR />We also need the architecture to be fit for purpose — that point was well made by Diana Armstrong and Paula Bradshaw — because we need the right data. As chair of the all-party group on UNSCR 1325, women, peace and security, I have been told time and time again that the right data does not exist. On that note, I commend Alex Brennan from the Northern Ireland Women's Budget Group for her work, engagement and clarity in shining a light on gender budgeting.”
“We also know that section 75 exercises are simply insufficient. Unfortunately, they too often represent a tick-box exercise and happen too late in the decision-making process.”
“Of course, we know that no such commitment was included. Today's motion is an opportunity for the Minister of Finance to commit to putting that right. I welcome the Minister's positive remarks and her commitment to that process. <BR /> <BR />In the debate, Members referred to equality impact assessments and the new gender equality strategy, but we know from the Communities Minister that the timings of that strategy's development are still vague and undetermined.”
“All those challenges are surmountable, but reversing those inequalities will take deliberate design and a focused effort from the Executive. <BR /> <BR />Gender-responsive budgeting has taken root in over 80 countries, and almost half of OECD countries are planning or actively considering gender-budgeting tools. Those countries recognise that budgets are never neutral and that the way that we allocate our resources has vastly different outcomes for men and women. Research by the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust identified that the architecture to provide for gender-responsive budgeting may exist but pointed to the lack of a:”
“Being gender-blind in budgeting has led to the gender pay gap; more women and children moving into poverty in Northern Ireland; the lack of an anti-poverty strategy; the fact that one third of women here are economically inactive; poor women's health outcomes; the lack of a healthcare strategy for women; the fact that women undertake 60% of unpaid caring responsibilities; the lack of a coherent and responsive childcare strategy; an epidemic of violence against women and girls; and high levels of maternal mental health problems. That list is not exhaustive, and none of the above happened by accident. It all happened by design through the failure to recognise the gender policy gaps and the lack of urgency to prioritise gender policy, including responsive budgeting and investment.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank all those who contributed to the debate. The contributions have clearly illustrated that gender-responsive budgeting has a long way to go. <BR /> <BR />In the Good Friday Agreement, a commitment was made to the full and equal participation of women in public life. More than a quarter of a century later, we cannot credibly say that that has been achieved in our society. Women still face systemic barriers to fulfilling their potential not just in public life but in our workplaces, in our communities and across all sections of society. <BR /> <BR />Government policy has not recognised the impact of failing to put gender-responsive budgeting at the heart of government.”
“It is time for us to come together to ensure that the motion translates into tangible progress, delivering justice and safety for women and girls right across Northern Ireland.”
“In trials, we must ensure that informed decision-making happens that is based on facts, not on stereotypes and myths. As with many things, education can be the greatest tool to deal with an issue, and that is why we are calling for pretrial jury education. The road to eradicating violence against women and girls is long, but it must be one that encompasses the whole of society through education and awareness campaigns that challenge deeply entrenched misogynistic attitudes. <BR /> <BR />The motion gives the Assembly the opportunity to dedicate its support to the countless women and girls who have suffered because of violence and systemic failures. Such support and reform cannot be achieved by the Department of Justice alone. Rather, it must be the responsibility of the Executive to deliver.”
“We saw that play out in the 2018 rugby rape trial, as the defendants, who were ultimately found not guilty, argued their innocence based on the presumed belief that the victim had consented. We must introduce a robust and objective standard that ensures that perpetrators cannot easily claim ignorance of whether consent was given. Not only would such reform better protect victims but it would help strengthen public confidence in the justice system. <BR /> <BR />Restoring public confidence and addressing societal issues and attitudes through a form of pretrial jury education is also an integral part of the Gillen review. Research has previously found that the conclusions of juries are sometimes determined, at least in part, by jurors' previously held beliefs instead of on evidence and actual deliberations.”
“It will, however, ultimately fall short of generating the real change that we need to see if we do not address critical legislative gaps. <BR /> <BR />That is why the full implementation of the Gillen review must continue. As has been said many times before, that comprehensive piece of work offers us the potential to transform how the justice system responds to sexual and domestic violence. Although admirable progress has been made in some areas, some of his recommendations remain unfulfilled. Reform of the reasonable belief defence and pretrial jury education are absolutely needed. <BR /> <BR />The reasonable belief defence has allowed subjective excuses to shield offenders from facing the consequences of their actions.”
“No part of this island has been untouched by the epidemic of violence. We have seen an unprecedented amount of violence throughout our towns and city centres that has left women and girls fearing for their safety and unable to leave their home. That is unacceptable in a modern society. <BR /> <BR />The ending of violence against women and girls is not just a policy matter but a moral obligation for all Members. We must ensure that that violence is stamped out so that women and girls are no longer subjected to it. The recent publication of the ending violence against women and girls strategy represents a step in the right direction. The strategy focuses on important aspects of the issue, such as prevention, protection and justice.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />I begin by putting on record my horror and deep concern over the epidemic of violence against women and girls that continues to plague Northern Ireland. It is a subject that we have discussed many times in the Chamber, and it continues to blight the lives of far too many women and girls in our communities. <BR /> <BR />In 2023, 33,000 domestic abuse incidents were reported to the police. That is 33,000 individuals who have gone through the most unimaginable horror and who will have to go through an incredibly difficult healing process. We all know, however, that that is only the tip of the iceberg. The wider consequences that many children and families have to endure as a result of the trauma of domestic abuse and violence are really affecting our society.”
“<BR /> <BR />As the consultation progresses, we will publish our proposals on the specific case, as we see it, for legislation. I look forward to engaging with Members from across the House as we do so. We seek to build an economy that works for all of our constituents. I ask Members to have a look at the consultation and to, please, respond. The consultation closes on 16 February.”
“If we turn a blind eye to the wider north-west, the whole of Northern Ireland suffers, but the Bill is for every area of Northern Ireland that has been left behind. We are all too aware that it is simply a myth to say that everywhere east of the Bann prospers while everywhere west of the Bann suffers. Our economy is much more complex than that. Yes, our city — the second city — demands urgent intervention, but it is also important to say that there are areas of Belfast that face deeply rooted disadvantage. I am looking at my colleague across the Chamber from North Belfast. There are areas of Tyrone and Fermanagh that feel cut off from being able to get ahead, and there are areas of Newry, Mourne and Down where poverty is still too high. The Bill is for every area that is left behind so that our economy can work for everyone.”
“and contains specific interventions for places in my council area such as Fort George and Ebrington, but words are cheap. It lacks any mention of transformational legislation. We know that regional inequalities are still a running sore, more than 10 years later; in fact, poverty indices show that the gaps are getting wider. For many, that sounds all too familiar. The places that the Bill intends to help deserve better than the same thing simply being done over and over again. <BR /> <BR />Everyone knows that I am never shy about standing up for my home city. It is our second city, and, in order for the whole of Northern Ireland to grow, it makes sense that we invest in a place with such huge potential.”
“Last month, I launched the online consultation for my private Member's Bill on regional economic balance. I am grateful to all those who have responded to date and to those who will do so during the period of consultation. It is a cause that is close to my heart, as many people will know, and, to me, the law is long overdue. <BR /> <BR />Recently, I looked back at the 2011-15 draft Programme for Government. It talks about:”