Sinéad McLaughlin
Foyle · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“After decades of silence, being believed matters; having your experience acknowledged matters; and knowing that society finally accepts the truth matters deeply. That is what, I hope, the legislation provides. <BR /> <BR />Throughout the process, I wanted to ensure that, where we could strengthen the Bill, we did.”
“Today is an important day because it is a day of accountability. I welcome to the Gallery all of the birth mothers, all of the adult adoptees and all of their family members. I thank everyone who has journeyed with you and loved you throughout the process.”
“As time passed, I believed that the original figure no longer reflected the recognition as strongly as it should have done, so I was pleased that Members from across the Chamber supported that amendment.”
“Behind every clause is a person; behind every amendment is someone's lived experience; and behind every decision that we make in the Chamber are people who have spent years carrying the consequences of decisions that they never made. That is why the legislation is so important.”
“It is often Members who receive the attention in debates such as this, but good legislation depends on the dedication and expertise of many people working quietly in the background. Today, we complete the legislative journey, but we should not pretend that justice begins and ends with the passing of a Bill.”
“We are here because survivors refused to accept that their stories would remain untold. We are here because they never stopped asking for what should never have been so difficult to receive in the first place: recognition, dignity and justice.”
The complete record
Every one of 1,912 lines we hold for Sinéad McLaughlin, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 29 of 39.
“It should have been clear years ago that we needed to develop offshore wind farms for the simple reason that, while onshore wind is cheap, it does not provide the reliability and consistency of energy supply that we need. We also need the Executive to oversee the fuel poverty strategy, which has not been published and is now required. I hope that, when the fuel poverty strategy is finalised, it proposes to reform the affordable warmth scheme, so that it focuses on bringing down energy use, cutting fuel bills and, in particular, improving home energy efficiency with higher levels of insulation. What further actions will the Housing Executive take to cut the cost of energy for its tenants? <BR /> <BR />Other policy decisions are needed.”
“Hear, hear, junior Minister. <BR /> <BR />Many constituents are in financial crisis, just as the cut in universal credit comes through. We have serious price inflation for food and record-breaking energy prices. For a large number of homes, energy bills will rise by about £1,000 over the year. For low-income households, it will be a choice of whether to heat or to eat. The Utility Regulator has called on the Executive to take action to mitigate the impact of the price increases. My call is for the Executive to convene a cost of living task force urgently. That task force needs to oversee the finalisation of the energy strategy, which has not yet been published. <BR /> <BR />Past decisions on energy policy are partly responsible for the crisis.”
“Does the First Minister accept that the failure of some Ministers to attend the North/South Ministerial Council is a breach of obligations under the Good Friday Agreement and is, at the very least, an act of bad faith?”
“What steps have the First Minister and deputy First Minister taken to ensure that the same mistakes are not made with victims and survivors of the mother-and-baby homes?”
“I thank the First Ministers for the statement and welcome some action on the matter, the lack of which to date has caused considerable frustration among the victims and survivors. On behalf of the Committee, I echo the sentiments that what the women and their children endured should never have happened, that we all must ensure that it never happens again and that we address the harm caused to those who had to go through the institutions. <BR /> <BR />The Committee has been working to address concerns raised by victims and survivors of historical institutional abuse, not least the impersonal, legalistic approach to the redress process and the long-standing need for a formal apology.”
“My daughters had a tampon box in the bathroom that was replenished by their dad: when supplies got low, he was able to see that we needed to buy another box and did so. That is the world that my daughters grew up in. <BR /> <BR />Let us remember that just because something does not impact us personally, that should not stop us from fighting for what is fair and right. I ask Members to support this fabulous Bill, which I am proud of. I am proud that we, as an Assembly, have had the space to discuss it today.”
“I pay tribute to my friend and SDLP colleague Pat Catney. I am very proud of Pat for playing his part in helping to break down the stigma around this issue and working to improve lives. I remember my mum slipping my period products behind my father's back and hiding them under the clothes in my wardrobe. Periods were definitely not talked about in front of my brothers — absolutely no way — and the word "period" was mouthed in the same way that "cancer" was once spoken about. My mother used to mouth the word "period" when asking, "Have you got your period?". That is how it was spoken about in the house. I am sure that every woman who grew up then will have a similar experience. Times have changed.”
“Do we expect people to carry toilet paper no matter where they go? I am sure that you will agree that the idea seems totally ludicrous. We recognise toilet roll as the basic necessity that it is, and it is beyond time for period products to be viewed in the same way. This Bill, along with the efforts of countless campaigners, will help to achieve just that.”
“It means that nobody needs to experience any potential feelings of embarrassment when asking whether we have any available and that everyone can get used to seeing it as a basic everyday product, which it is. <BR /> <BR />The Homeless Period Belfast does amazing work. It has been campaigning tirelessly to bring about change in access and attitudes. As part of its work, it shared a small-minded comment that it received; it went something along the lines of, "Be responsible for your own body". That would make your blood boil. Would we ever consider saying that to anyone when it comes to toilet paper?”
“With the cost of living and other essential products on the rise, we must do what we can to erase the financial burden on those who are struggling. <BR /> <BR />As I mentioned, the Bill is also about changing attitudes. By making period products more accessible and emphasising their essential importance, we can begin to dismantle the feelings of shame that continue to make periods a taboo subject for many. It is my hope that we will move quickly past the days of having to secretly slide period products up our sleeve as we go into toilets. I have period products on display at the front door of my constituency office, not hidden away, so that grabbing them is just as normal as grabbing a mask, a tissue or whatever.”
“As part of the public consultation on the Bill, my colleague Pat Catney found that 45% of respondents struggled to afford period products. He also found that 69% had been forced to use unsuitable alternatives, which is often an utterly degrading and humiliating experience. <BR /> <BR />There will be those who quote the Tesco Everyday Value price of a pad. First, those are not available in everybody's local shop. They certainly are not available in the coin-operated tampon dispensers that we find in many public toilets. Secondly, such a statement ignores the reality that some people simply cannot afford to spend that amount of money on period products, no matter how relatively small others may consider that amount to be.”
“I proudly support the Bill. It is so positive. I am a bit disappointed in those who have sought to distract from the good work that it seeks to achieve. The inclusive language that is used is to be commended. It does not erase women and girls in any way whatsoever. <BR /> <BR />The proposal in the Bill is quite simple: make free period products available in schools, colleges and other public buildings. However, this deceptively simple Bill is an opportunity to make a real difference to people's lives. Making free period products readily accessible will help to tackle period poverty, break down the stigma surrounding menstruation and send out a really strong message about health equality. Period products can be expensive, especially for those with heavier flows.”
“Why is the financial support for travel agents the responsibility of the Executive Office rather than the Department for the Economy?”
“You gave a lot of leeway to other people, Mr Speaker. <BR /> <BR />They anticipate a large percentage of the spend—”
“A large percentage — sorry; I am coming to it.”
“They told us that businesses were concerned that the scheme might displace some of the Christmas spend. Your officials indicated that they did not anticipate that happening, because a large percentage of the spend —”
“Thank you, Minister, for your statement. I record my appreciation of your team, because it has dealt very efficiently with some of the problems that have come through my constituency office. <BR /> <BR />The scheme is welcomed by retailers and citizens alike. I, too, encourage people: please spend local. The scheme is live, and I want people to spend local, particularly with businesses that were closed during the pandemic. That was the original purpose of the scheme. Maximising the value of it depends on the behaviours of people who are spending. <BR /> <BR />My question is about strategy rather than the scheme as it stands. The scheme has been beset with problems from day one, and it has broken every one of its rules. On 25 August, we got a briefing in the Economy Committee from your officials about the timing of the scheme.”
“— do the DUP and Sinn Féin not ring-fence funding for the expansion of Magee university to up to 10,000 students?”
“<BR /> <BR />We support the motion, but with this very big caveat: a regional skills balance must be at the heart of any ring-fenced funds. Levelling up means skilling up. For decades, skills funding has been ring-fenced in Northern Ireland, and it has been ring-fenced around Belfast. Here is a novel idea: why —”
“<BR /> <BR />Yes, we need a much greater focus on vocational skills in the North, but we need to address the whole picture, not just part of it. We need to deal much more effectively with the alienation felt by some of our pupils, particularly working-class boys. That alienation has led to a high number of school-leavers not having the skills and qualifications needed for employment. We need to ensure that our further education colleges have the courses that provide the skills that are needed by employers. We need to expand our university student numbers so that we no longer lose so many students to Britain, most of whom never return. We thereby lose many of the skills that our economy so desperately needs, and those skills are the lifeblood of the economy going forward.”
“<BR /> <BR />In the past few days, the Irish Government have announced an expansion of their higher education provision in the north-west, and that includes Donegal. That expansion is likely to suck skills and economic development across the border. We therefore need to build our skills and economic expansion in Derry and Strabane. Although the city deal will assist in that, it is not enough, and it was never intended to be enough. Derry's One Plan contained a promise to expand the Magee campus to 10,000 students. That commitment was restated in the New Decade, New Approach agreement. At the moment, we have 46,000 higher education students in Northern Ireland: 40,000 are in Belfast and 4,000 are in Derry.”
“<BR /> <BR />We have a second serious problem, because there are shortages in a range of roles that are key for our society. Those roles include doctors and nurses but also construction workers, HGV drivers and a range of vocational skills that we do not have in our gift. We then have the madcap policy idea of the maximum student number (MaSN) cap, which strangulates our economy. <BR /> <BR />As an MLA for Foyle, I must stress that the third serious problem is the regional inequality of skills provision. Although skills drive the economy, it is investment in the production of those skills that will boost the economy in Derry and the north-west by creating jobs and correcting our unacceptably high levels of unemployment. We have an employment rate that is much below that in the east of the province.”
“Although the South has focused for years on building up vocational skills as a driver for its economy, for far too long the North has been satisfied with often low-skilled and low-paid jobs and, indeed, the lowest productivity on these islands. <BR /> <BR />We need a big shift in our approach. As Mrs Dodds said, that has been recognised by outside bodies such as the OECD. It has taken far too long for that to be accepted by the two parties that hold the ministerial roles in the Department for the Economy, the Department of Finance and the Department of Education. We have a serious problem: far too many of our pupils leave school without the basic skills that they need. Around 30% of our school-leavers do not meet the minimum exam pass level objective of five good GCSEs.”
“I support the motion and the Sinn Féin amendment. To be honest, you could not put a blade of grass between the two but for the semantics and the fact that the DUP and Sinn Féin are trying to displace responsibility for the failed economic investment and skills strategy that has existed in this place for decades. <BR /> <BR />The problem, as I see it, is that funding for skills has always been ring-fenced in Northern Ireland; it has been ring-fenced around Belfast. The rest of the regions do not get much of a sniff of it. It is great to see both parties recognise the need to dramatically improve the skills base in the North of Ireland.”
“Does the Minister agree that it is totally wrong that a Minister would come to the House and repeatedly peddle falsehoods and spin? It is punishing the people who are most vulnerable. They do not deserve it. They deserve the truth.”
“— for all over-18s. Surely you have the foresight to know what the priorities of the most vulnerable in our society are. That is your job.”
“Minister, it is fair to say that the UK Prime Minister has a fondness for stretching the truth. I would argue that so do you. There was a bid from your Communities Minister. You had the power and the money to deliver the £55 million for universal credit; you chose not to do so. You are the Minister who also signed off on £165 million for a shopping voucher —”
“I thank the First Minister and deputy First Minister for the statement and contingency plan. The Committee has been consistent in its message that the introduction or removal of restrictions must be evidence-based, and that there must be clear messaging around what we all should do and not do. I think that it is fair to say that messaging from the joint office is not always clear or consistent. We have heard from young people and community stakeholders that planning for recovery should be inclusive and participatory. With whom have the First Minister and deputy First Minister engaged in the design and development of the contingency plan?”
“Of course, that is on top of the existing commitments to engagement with North/South bodies. We support the motion.”
“Peace funds have been important to the city of Derry and for the rest of the North. It was highly symbolic when John Major and Tony Blair walked across the Peace Bridge in Derry during their visit in 2016. The EU funded that bridge. It helped to pay for it. The bridge was opened by an EU commissioner and it did much to bring communities together in Derry, particularly the city side and the Waterside. <BR /> <BR />The SDLP very much welcomes close engagement with the European Parliament. In fact, my party has worked very closely with Barry Andrews MEP to ensure that the European Parliament considers further legislation that affects the North of Ireland and that it consults with the parties here and with local civic society, engaging properly and fully.”
“Sadly, others who do not have that history of intensive involvement in bringing peace to this island do not have the same understanding. Consequently, the border on our island got only a passing mention in the referendum debate. <BR /> <BR />The SDLP supports the motion. My party supports dialogue across the border through the North/South institutions and by way of informal, as well as formal, means. We support dialogue east-west. We support dialogue between those who identify as unionist; those who, like me, pursue Irish unity; and those who are, frankly, constitutionally agnostic. Only in that way will we achieve progress, which is why my party has established the New Ireland Commission. We support dialogue with the European Parliament and the European institutions. The European Union has been good to us and good for us.”
“Thank you very much. There is a lot of work to be done in order for us to get the correct procedures in place so that there is true governance and transparency. However, that work has started as a result of the announcements by the EU. It is on all of us to, collectively, find a pathway through so that we all feel that we are represented and we all have a voice. We are not there yet, but we will get there if we work together. <BR /> <BR />It is sad and unfortunate that, during the Brexit debate, the situation on the island of Ireland was not treated with the consideration that it deserved. I remember meeting Tony Blair and John Major in Derry back in 2016. They both understood the implications of Brexit for Ireland and the border because of the work that they did, along with John Hume and others, in reaching our peace agreement.”
“The Good Friday Agreement and the work of my party's former leader John Hume was based on ensuring that mutual respect was built into very the foundations of the Assembly and the Executive. I regret that the operations of the Assembly and the relationships in it and the Executive have not always lived up to our lofty collective aspirations. It is sad and unfortunate that the situation —.”
“There are many reasons why it is essential that we have a sober and sensible discussion in and around Brexit and its specific impact in Ireland on both sides of the border. We all know that this is not just about trade, but we also know just how important trade is. Above all, it is about respect — respect for all the traditions that exist on this island. Many of us, including me, regard ourselves as Irish, not as British. I am proud to be an Irish passport holder. I am an Irish citizen who lives in the city of Derry, but I respect the identity of those who are British. We must have mutual respect and the self-confidence to be comfortable with others having a different identity from us. <BR /> <BR />We have been here before, however.”
“We know what needs to be done: we just need the two parties that lead the Government — Sinn Féin and the DUP — to deliver what is needed.”
“'New Decade, New Approach' promises 10,000 students at Magee, but we need delivery not just a commitment. <BR /> <BR />I know that some people in Belfast talk about the "Derry whinge", but this is the Derry solution. We do not want pity; we want jobs, prosperity and skills. We keep telling others how to achieve that and how to increase the tax revenues for our Government's needs. The answer is to have more university places and more vocational places at the North West Regional College. It is about boosting the skills that create jobs and prosperity. That is what has happened in Belfast, and good for it, but, if it is right for Belfast, why is it not also right for Derry? We have poverty due to low incomes in Derry, but we do not have a poverty of spirit or ideas.”
“<BR /> <BR />I say "neglect", because I do not want to say "discrimination", which is what my city suffered in the past. I hope that those days are behind us, but, if they are, why do we still suffer the neglect? What is the difference between neglect and discrimination? One is deliberate, and the other is because the decision makers do not care. <BR /> <BR />John Hume campaigned for a university for Derry over 50 years ago, yet we still have only a quarter of a university with fewer than 4,000 full-time students, many of whom are on near-permanent placements elsewhere. Yes, we have a medical school and the promise of more students. When the student places for the faculty of life and health sciences were announced for Magee, the DUP's former Economy Minister expressed concern that they were not going to Coleraine.”
“My role here is to represent the people of Derry, and I have to tell the Assembly that people in Derry are angry. They are angry because our city has the highest unemployment in the North of Ireland, which has been the case for many years; because the rate of poverty in our council area is the highest in the North, which has also been the case for many years; because the people who live in Derry and Strabane have the lowest rate of pay of any council area in the North; and because Derry has very high levels of poverty-related illness. Those statistics show that Stormont is not delivering for Derry. Stormont has delivered 1,600 jobs for Belfast this year through Invest NI, yet not one job through Invest NI support has been announced for Derry. That is neglect of the worst kind.”
“— and being arrogant towards the people of Foyle —”
“Minister, you still did not answer my question: I asked how many job announcements you had made this year. You did not answer that. However, you have announced 1,600 jobs in Belfast this year. Why have the DUP Minister and his predecessors constantly neglected Foyle for jobs and university provision? What are you going to do about the unemployment crisis in my constituency? What is your response? How many jobs have you announced? You are not answering the questions; you are making snide remarks —”
“In Derry, there is a nine-week waiting time, and nearly 600 patients are waiting to be seen. Yet again, there is no sense of urgency. Yet again, reproductive healthcare is being utterly neglected. Yet again, our citizens are being failed. <BR /> <BR />It was World Mental Health Day on Sunday, and MLAs from across the House were united in sharing messages on the importance of mental health support. The Bill is a chance to put those words into action. Safe access zones are a mental health issue. Patients and healthcare workers are routinely targeted with abuse and traumatised by anti-abortion protesters. Let us work together to put in place the necessary protections for patients and healthcare workers and protect their mental well-being. Let us support the Bill.”
“He cannot simply abdicate his responsibility and ignore the issue. <BR /> <BR />In truth, depressingly, I should not be surprised. We see that hands-off approach to a wide range of women's health issues. We see it with endometriosis treatment across Northern Ireland. We see lives needlessly being curtailed because of the failure to deliver appropriate, modern treatment for women. We see it with the lack of progress in transitioning to the far more sensitive and effective HPV primary screening that has been rolled out in the rest of the UK. Is anyone else getting a sense of déjà vu? Once again, we are receiving an inequitable level of healthcare in comparison with our sisters across the water. We see it with the abysmal access to contraceptive services through the Western Trust family planning service.”
“<BR /> <BR />On the issue of suspension of the early abortion service in the Western Trust and the failure of the Minister to commission services, inaction from his Department has forced more than 100 women from the Western Trust area to travel to England or access pills online because they were not able to receive local abortion care. The fact that Informing Choices has recently withdrawn its central access point is a reminder of how precarious access is. Yes, the British Pregnancy Advisory Service (BPAS) has filled the gap, but for how long? Why is our Health Department not taking responsibility for this? I cannot answer the former, but I can answer the latter: it is because the Minister of Health has refused to commission health services for women. He is the Health Minister, and he has a duty of care to the people of Northern Ireland.”
“The shouting of slogans and the use of graphic imagery that distorts reality cause real psychological damage. It needs to stop. None of us knows the circumstances of those entering the clinics. It could be a woman who has suffered a miscarriage. It could be someone who is undergoing chemotherapy and is, sadly, infertile. It could be a woman whose baby was stolen in one of the mother-and-baby homes. Those are all traumatic experiences that could be painfully raked up by the actions of the people protesting outside our healthcare centres. The sad irony is that, even though the Western Trust's early medical abortion service has been suspended for six months now, the anti-abortion protests have continued to take place every Thursday afternoon in my constituency.”
“"Uncomfortable and trapped", said another:”
“Let me paint a picture of what many women face as they try to access healthcare: signs of dismembered babies; shouts of "baby killer", "hoors" and "fallen women"; active blocking of the entrance to clinics and the whole pavement; non-stop shouting over a speaker; and being called "Antichrist". Now, let me share how that made people feel. One person said:”
“<BR /> <BR />In my constituency of Foyle, there is a weekly show of intimidation at the health centre just up the street from my office. I have repeatedly raised the issue with the PSNI, and its response is always the same: it acknowledges the hurt that the behaviour causes to members of our community, but it does not have the legal powers to act on it. That is why the Bill is so vital: it lays down provisions that will help to protect people from these extremists — and they are extremists. I know that many Members who identify as "pro-life" would certainly distance themselves from their behaviour. <BR /> <BR />Alliance for Choice has gathered testimonies from people who have encountered the protesters.”
“I support the Bill. I, too, commend Ms Bailey for bringing it to the House. <BR /> <BR />Let me be clear: this is a debate not about our personal views on abortion — I have pretty strong ones — but about affording people the right to access healthcare free from harassment and abuse. Safe access zones for those seeking information and services in relation to abortion are long overdue. Everyone has a right to protest, but to hinder access to healthcare is unconscionable. When anti-vax protesters distribute inaccurate information and block access to healthcare, there is widespread condemnation, including from the Health Minister, yet, when anti-choice protesters distribute misleading information and block access to healthcare, there is widespread silence. Both are unacceptable; both cause untold damage to our communities.”
“We also have severe skills and labour shortages in the construction and food processing sectors — in abattoirs, in butchery and on farms. To be blunt, it is a mess. The Economy Ministers of recent years have failed to anticipate the problems, failed to anticipate the impact of Brexit and failed to arrange the necessary increase in vocational skills, the shortage of which has been well known for years. <BR /> <BR />The North is suffering from not just the effects of Brexit and the particularly harsh form that it took, which was insisted upon by the DUP and its allies in the right wing of the Conservative Party, but the lack of capacity over recent years by the succession of DUP Economy Ministers to prepare our economy and labour market for the challenges that we are dealing with today. The SDLP certainly supports the motion.”
“A recent assessment of Northern Ireland's competitiveness by Ulster University's Economic Policy Centre shows how that has affected our competitive performance, with several smaller advanced economies now outperforming us, such as Finland, Norway, Estonia, Ireland, Iceland, Slovenia, Lithuania, Latvia, Cyprus and Luxembourg. The list goes on. <BR /> <BR />Why, after 14 years of DUP leadership of the economy Department, are we continuing to suffer serious skills shortages? Why have they got worse following Brexit? Is it possible that the DUP did not really understand or anticipate the full impact of its own Brexit? We now have a shortage of over 4,000 HGV drivers. We already had a shortage of more than 2,000 health workers prior to the pandemic. Since then, more EU 26 nationals have left our health service and other professions.”