Sinéad McLaughlin
Foyle · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“After decades of silence, being believed matters; having your experience acknowledged matters; and knowing that society finally accepts the truth matters deeply. That is what, I hope, the legislation provides. <BR /> <BR />Throughout the process, I wanted to ensure that, where we could strengthen the Bill, we did.”
“Today is an important day because it is a day of accountability. I welcome to the Gallery all of the birth mothers, all of the adult adoptees and all of their family members. I thank everyone who has journeyed with you and loved you throughout the process.”
“As time passed, I believed that the original figure no longer reflected the recognition as strongly as it should have done, so I was pleased that Members from across the Chamber supported that amendment.”
“Behind every clause is a person; behind every amendment is someone's lived experience; and behind every decision that we make in the Chamber are people who have spent years carrying the consequences of decisions that they never made. That is why the legislation is so important.”
“It is often Members who receive the attention in debates such as this, but good legislation depends on the dedication and expertise of many people working quietly in the background. Today, we complete the legislative journey, but we should not pretend that justice begins and ends with the passing of a Bill.”
“We are here because survivors refused to accept that their stories would remain untold. We are here because they never stopped asking for what should never have been so difficult to receive in the first place: recognition, dignity and justice.”
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“<BR /> <BR />We welcome many of Lord Murphy's review report recommendations, including the proposals to strengthen the Assembly's scrutiny role and to increase resources for doing that. It is vital that those recommendations be adopted by Westminster and that support be given to the Executive to support in turn our small businesses to overcome the barriers to east-west trade. The work of the review, however, missed a key opportunity to explore deeper North/South cooperation that could provide growth and uphold the Good Friday Agreement. Meanwhile, small traders are paying the price for dysfunction between London and Brussels. Many are turning away from GB suppliers and instead sourcing entirely from the EU because the red tape has simply become unbearable.”
“I hate to go on about it — although it goes on a wee bit about it as well — but the DUP did champion Brexit. It was Boris Johnson who pursued the hardest possible withdrawal, no matter what the cost, and we now know that there has been a significant cost to the UK economy. The Windsor framework is not perfect, and I have made that clear, but it is essential for shielding Northern Ireland from the worst impacts of Brexit. It safeguards our all-island economy, prevents a hard border and provides unique protections for people and businesses here. Those who want to dismantle it without offering any credible alternative are now acting recklessly again. Will they ever learn? Putting stability and prosperity at risk once again is not what small businesses that I talk to in my constituency need. Rather, they want practical solutions.”
“There can be two truths. Small businesses can be affected. Brexit is a disaster, but the Windsor framework is there to protect the all-island economy, and the DUP forgot about that in its motion.”
“Despite doing everything right, he is now paying import fees of up to 10% per order on top of delivery charges and admin costs. His experience is not unique. <BR /> <BR />A large part of the problem lies with courier firms, particularly, but not exclusively, UPS and DHL. Their systems and customer support have been nothing short of disastrous. However, the blame does not stop there. That is kind of the point that those who tabled the motion are missing.”
“As one businesswoman said, it is a cliff edge for her. Businesses are trying desperately to keep their heads above water, knowing that, without support, they will soon drown. <BR /> <BR />Just last week, I met a number of business owners in Derry, and, to be honest, I left those meetings shaken by how serious things have become and by the fact that time is running out for some of them. For example, Michael, who owns Angry Cherry, a small independent shop in Foyleside that sells memorabilia, music and comics, told me about the nightmare of getting deliveries from UPS. Before the full implementation of the Windsor framework, he followed every bit of guidance published by the UK Government and submitted all the necessary paperwork. Yet, by April this year, he was hit with duty demands on almost every order.”
“When I first read the motion, I was surprised at how much I agreed with parts of it, particularly the recognition of the real challenges that businesses face under the current trading arrangements, but, as ever in this Chamber, the motion ends on a note of political point-scoring. Those who tabled the motion could not resist turning what should be an economic discussion into another constitutional crusade. I find that deeply regrettable. <BR /> <BR />It is equally regrettable that they failed to acknowledge their role in creating the mess. It was their relentless demand for the hardest possible Brexit that led us here. Let us be clear: the debate is not about identity. It is about economic survival, especially for small businesses across the North, particularly those in my constituency of Foyle. Those businesses face real difficulties.”
“Minister, we have had no clarity on the contents of the Bill. There is great concern about that, even in the Economy Committee. What does it look like? It will be a complex Bill with lots of elements. Is the Minister guaranteeing that it will be introduced in January and delivered before the end of the mandate?”
“Minister, you promised a 'good jobs' Bill by the end of the mandate, but time is running out. You say that it will be introduced in January, but we have not even seen a draft. This afternoon, your party will move a motion on the cost of living, but it is hard to take that seriously when Sinn Féin has not delivered the workers' rights Bill that you promised.”
“Thank you, First Minister. The statement is littered with instances of the Council simply noting issues rather than actively engaging on them. It is genuinely underwhelming. Strand two of the Good Friday Agreement was a landmark for all of us who wanted to build a new Ireland, yet, under your watch, it has been allowed to drift into near irrelevance. That was never the plan. It does not have to be like this. We need to build something new. Is that not precisely why reform is essential to the institutions, particularly those under strand two — so that they are effective and have real teeth?”
“— and that want to live side by side with dignity.”
“We have no issue with people celebrating their culture, but culture and commemoration can never be an excuse for glorifying violence or causing hurt. As we look ahead, we should support communities that want to re-image their areas, that want to move on from intimidation and fear —”
“<BR /> <BR />Too many people still live under coercive control, where illegal organisations dictate who can speak, who can paint a wall and who can take down a mural. There are, however, reasons for hope. Across Northern Ireland, we have seen many paramilitary-style murals replaced with images of cultural, sporting or historical figures, often supported by the Arts Council. That is a positive example of re-imaging, where communities have been able to celebrate their identity in ways that are inclusive and non-threatening. It shows that change is possible when people are supported to take ownership of their spaces. What we need now is the political will to build on that. We need to make sure that remembrance is done lawfully, is dignified and is respectful and that the law is upheld when it is not.”
“<BR /> <BR />I also acknowledge the work of the Executive's programme for tackling paramilitary activity and organised crime. A comprehensive review was carried out in 2020, which led to phase 2 of the programme beginning in 2021. The Executive agreed only recently to extend the programme until March 2027, after which it is expected to close. The Ending the Harm campaign has helped raise awareness of what paramilitaries do, but awareness alone will not end their activities. It has now been five years since the most recent review, and I believe that another should be undertaken to test whether the current approach is truly reducing the grip that paramilitaries still hold in some areas, because we all know that that grip still exists.”
“Under the Terrorism Act 2000, it can be an offence to invite support for a proscribed organisation. Murals that glorify violence, display weapons or depict masked men can easily cross that line. They are not expressions of culture but hate expressions in a public space, and they provide a basis for police action. <BR /> <BR />That is why my colleagues and I tabled an amendment to the motion, but, unfortunately, it was not accepted. It would have asked the Justice Minister to examine whether the PSNI's existing powers are being properly used to prosecute those who erect and maintain such murals and whether additional powers are needed. The PSNI has a role here not simply to observe but to enforce the law where it is being broken.”
“<BR /> <BR />For too long, the approach to the issues has lacked direction and political courage. There has been no clear process, no consistent standard and, far too often, no consultation with the people who must live beside such displays. Many memorials are erected without any lawful authority, appearing overnight in shared or residential areas, with no engagement and no planning. That is not how remembrance should be done in a democratic society. Communities deserve to have a say in what stands in their streets and in their public places. <BR /> <BR />We also have to recognise that some of the displays are not about remembrance at all but about control. They are designed to mark territory, to intimidate and to signal who is in charge. The law is clear on it.”
“As Members have mentioned, many people in our society feel a deep need to remember those who have died. Memorials can play an important part in that, as a way for families and communities to pay tribute, reflect and remember, but how we remember matters. In a society that is still carrying the legacy of conflict, remembrance must be done in a way that is respectful, lawful and sensitive to others. What may bring comfort to one family can, for another, reopen wounds that are never truly healed. This is not about one community or another but about how we collectively choose to live together after conflict. If we are honest, we all know that there are memorials and murals across Northern Ireland that would cause deep unease if they were to be placed in a different area.”
“<BR /> <BR />Later this month, as chair of the all-party group (APG) on UNSCR 1325, women, peace and security, I will be hosting a number of women from Sudan who will give direct evidence of their first-hand experiences. It is a terrible atrocity happening in plain sight, and it is going unnoticed by the world. I beg Members to come and join me to hear that evidence at the APG.”
“Governments who claim to stand for international law have allowed impunity to prevail, because accountability would mean confronting their own economic interests. We cannot call for peace in one part of the world and turn away from a genocide in another. Sudan's conflict is destabilising an entire region from Sahel to the Red Sea. Its implications for global security, migration and human rights are absolutely immense. <BR /> <BR />Immediate actions are needed. The United Arab Emirates must be held accountable for arming and financing the atrocities. The Rapid Support Forces should be designated as a terrorist organisation under international law. Arms sales to states that are fuelling the conflict must stop, and humanitarian access to the people of el-Fasher and Darfur must be secured without delay.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is not chaos without cause; it is a campaign of terror that is financed, armed and enabled by powerful international actors. Evidence shows that the United Arab Emirates has supplied weapons, drones and funding for the RSF, funnelling support through private military networks, mercenary contractors and others. In return, the RSF provides access to Sudan's gold and other natural resources. It is a trade in blood and suffering. <BR /> <BR />Meanwhile, the international community has stood by. The United Nations Security Council has failed to act decisively, and the United Kingdom, despite its historical role in Sudan and its position as a UN penholder, has not matched its words with actions.”
“What is happening today in Sudan is one of the gravest humanitarian and moral crises of our time, yet it remains largely invisible on the world stage. The people of Sudan are enduring atrocities that would shock the conscience of every Government and international institution. <BR /> <BR />In el-Fasher and across North Kordofan, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) are carrying out systematic killings, torture and sexual violence. They are targeting civilians because of who they are and where they live. Communities are being starved as a weapon of war. Hospitals, markets and even places of worship have been bombed. In one city, as many as 7,000 people were massacred last year, and the violence has only deepened since.”
“I have no time. Sorry. <BR /> <BR />The First Ministers now have a choice: engage constructively or keep defending a system that repeatedly falls apart and fails the public. Northern Ireland deserves a Government that works, not one that merely survives, staggering from crisis to crisis, and can be pulled down by parties when it suits them. Reform is not optional —”
“<BR /> <BR />I will briefly address the Sinn Féin amendment. It would rid the First Minister and deputy First Minister of their responsibility to help to reform the institutions. It argues that the AERC is the place for reform to be formulated. However, that completely ignores the fundamental issue: if the Assembly were to collapse, the Assembly and Executive Review Committee would no longer exist. The continued refusal of the First Minister and deputy First Minister to rule out collapsing the institutions fundamentally undermines the ability of the AERC to deliver any meaningful reform.”
“If a Minister refuses to do the job, they should not keep the job. It is that simple. Those are not radical ideas; they are basic steps that are needed to stop collapse and to stop parties gaming a system that was meant to serve the public, not their electoral tactics. <BR /> <BR />I know that some people hate to hear this, but we reached the point long ago at which every strategy and campaign is overshadowed by the dysfunction of this place. Whatever side of the constitutional debate you are on, it is impossible to argue that the institutions work. The SDLP has been consistent. We brought forward reform proposals in February. We have pressed for accountability. Just last month, my colleague Matthew O'Toole secured agreement at the AERC to examine serious options to prevent future collapse.”
“For example, the average house price in 1998 was £50,000: it sits today at £185,000. We now live in diverse, multicultural communities. Our electorate is no longer limited to the political definitions of unionism and nationalism. I am much more comfortable calling myself a social democrat than saying I am a nationalist. The Alliance Party is right to question the outdated political structure that does not give weight or value to a significant proportion of our people. <BR /> <BR />Good government should not be confined to a nationalist or unionist headcount. It is unacceptable and undemocratic, and, worse, when abused, it is absolutely sectarian. We need Ministers who meet their responsibilities, including their North/South and British-Irish duties. It is time to put ransom politics to bed.”
“We believe that, without reform, anything else is pointless. Let me be clear: equalising the titles of First Minister and deputy First Minister is only the beginning. If we are serious about building institutions that work, they need practical, not performative, reform. We need a Speaker who is elected by a broad Assembly majority, not on the whim of whichever party wants to hold the Chamber to ransom. We need the nomination of First Minister to be tied to the d'Hondt system so that no party can threaten collapse simply by refusing to nominate. If a party does not take the post, it should move on. We need genuine power-sharing, which means ensuring that parties beyond the two big ones have a meaningful route into the Executive. <BR /> <BR />Our society has changed significantly since 1998.”
“<BR /> <BR />Whether you support the Union or a united Ireland and whether you are a nationalist, unionist or neither, the truth remains the same: you cannot sell anything if the house from which you are selling it is falling apart. Unionists want to sell the Union, and we want to sell a new Ireland, but nobody will buy a basket case. Right now, that is what this place is. The dysfunction of the institutions overshadows everything and every aspiration, be it constitutional, social or economic. Nobody wants to buy ideas from a system that they do not believe works. <BR /> <BR />It does not have to be that way. We have an opportunity in this mandate to fix it and to change how this place works and to do so ourselves, rather than being forced into it by Westminster after another collapse. That is why the SDLP tabled the motion.”
“She was absolutely right. Every word was right. I therefore ask the First Minister, with respect, whether she still believes that. If she does, does she accept that the same warning must apply equally to her refusal to rule out collapsing the institutions in the future? If the collapse of Stormont threatened democracy then, it threatens democracy now. I welcome Sinn Féin's endorsement this evening of reform and the strengthening of the institutions. Time will tell how serious that party is. When my colleague proposed to look at it at the Assembly and Executive Review Committee, Sinn Féin members initially voted against it until they realised that it was a bad idea politically to do so. With the greatest respect, Carál, your party did not even submit a response to a call for evidence.”
“When the DUP refused to enter the Executive, Michelle O'Neill warned that its boycott:”
“We have allowed a political culture to develop where division is rewarded; personal attacks replace policy; every debate becomes a performance; and the question at election time is not about the values, principles or — heaven forbid — a manifesto but simply about who sits in the high chair. While parties posture over meaningless titles, the public get nothing. Failure to reform is a failure to deliver. <BR /> <BR />At times, the debate was thoughtful and, at times, it was depressingly predictable. It has proven a simple truth: we can pass all the motions that we like on health, housing, childcare and infrastructure, but none of it matters while the fundamental flaw in the institutions remains untouched. I remind the Chamber of what the First Minister said during the last collapse of the Assembly.”
“People watching at home genuinely doubt whether Stormont can ever function like a normal Government. Can you blame them? Earlier, we saw how Ministers cannot be held accountable for their actions. How can we have a situation where a motion of no confidence is brought before the House, passed by the majority of Members and yet amounts to nothing? That is not symbolic of a healthy democracy, nor is it purely the pursuit of those outside the Executive. The First Minister signed the motion of no confidence seeking the removal of the Education Minister: what message does that send to the public about how partners in government act? How can people have faith in delivery when that is what they see from those who are entrusted to lead?”
“Yes, the Good Friday Agreement is a precious achievement, but it is also a living document. It is not a museum piece. Those who claim to be its defenders, some of whom come from strange places, while refusing even the most basic reforms are, in reality, its biggest threat. <BR /> <BR />As a member of the Committee for the Executive Office, I see first-hand the dysfunctionality of its structures. Frequently, the Executive Office cannot even agree on papers to be issued to the Committee for scrutiny. Officials have to cancel evidence sessions on fundamental issues, such as an update on the delivery of the Programme for Government. It is an absolute mess. The public have lost confidence not just in the parties but in the competence of this place.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I will close the debate by stating something really plainly: the refusal to reform the institutions is the clearest possible admission that this place will never work. Every Member here knows that. For years, we have tiptoed around the truth, pretending that our problems are cultural, political or temporary. They are not: they are structural and systemic. Our problem is that the current make-up of our institutions, which were forged by the two greatest parties — the two largest parties; that was a Freudian slip — in the St Andrews Agreement, has been bent and twisted beyond recognition. Going by your comments, Phil Brett, that might be news to you. The changes that happened under the St Andrews Agreement were an affront to the Good Friday Agreement.”
“— are a real and pressing danger to the childcare sector.”
“Between 2020 and 2022, there was an 11% reduction in the number of registered childminders across Northern Ireland, and 59% of respondents to a Northern Ireland Council for Voluntary Action (NICVA) survey said that they had real concerns about their future. The challenges facing registered childminders —”
“Our proposals have supported child-centred and inclusive childcare that invests in additional and targeted support for children, including those from disadvantaged backgrounds and those with disabilities. Research has found that fewer than one in five areas in England have enough childcare facilities for children with disabilities. I have severe concerns that, if we follow the 30-hour English model, it will not work in practice for all children, and I challenge the Minister to address, in his response, the particular needs of those children. <BR /> <BR />We also have to recognise the cross-government nature of the challenges, particularly the work on ratios in the Department of Health. On that, we have to say loudly and clearly that registered childminders cannot be left out of the picture.”
“While the motion appears to back up our position that we should not pull the wool over anyone's eyes, the party that proposed the motion runs the Government and controls the purse strings. <BR /> <BR />Unfortunately, the amendment that we tabled was not selected, but it would have also called on the Finance Minister to commit to funding the strategy, once we get one. We know that a plan on paper means nothing if the money is not there to back it up. I urge the Finance Minister to make that commitment. Of course, that will require a significant financial investment, but it will be more than offset by the benefits to our economy and by the investment in the lives of our children. <BR /> <BR />The amendment that was selected is right to call attention to the other needs that the strategy will need to address.”
“<BR /> <BR />Nearly half — 43% — of the subsidy introduced by the Executive scheme has been absorbed by fee increases, and families now pay significantly more than they did when this place was restored. Things are going backwards instead of forwards. Reducing childcare costs is one of the key priorities for the Government, but the Executive have not made a dent in that so far, and there is little sign of the situation improving. Parents are still paying the price of that failure. For far too many of those parents, particularly women, it simply does not make sense to work, and that puts a handbrake on our economy. That is why we urgently need a strategy. Parents have waited decades for one, and they cannot afford to wait any longer.”
“Therefore, it is right that the motion states that families continue to struggle with childcare costs. As I said, that is an understatement. While the motion boasts about £80 million being invested to reduce costs, the reality tells a very different story. Barely a day goes past when I am not told about the costs that are crushing family finances. We know from official figures that costs have risen by 24% in less than two years. When the Executive introduced the subsidy scheme in September 2024, the average daily rate for day-care settings stood at £54·51: by March 2025, it had risen to £61·43. Many pay much more than that. I can vouch for that, because my daughter is paying a higher daily rate for childcare.”
“People across Northern Ireland rightly expect this place to deliver on the issues that matter most in their lives. For so many families, the issue that keeps them awake at night is childcare. It is an enormous expense that stretches family budgets to the limit, often swallowing up one parent's entire wage every month. They are waiting and waiting for a childcare strategy. It is incredible that we still have not got one. We were expecting it in the autumn, and, given that tonight I feel pretty cold in here, winter has arrived. <BR /> <BR />Time and again, the Chamber has heard stories of parents who are unable to make ends meet as a result of those costs and tales of families who are frustrated and angry at the inaction from government to successfully deal with their spiralling bills.”
“Action plans are intentions; strategies are commitments.”
“<BR /> <BR />For those reasons, I call for a statutory public inquiry. We need a full investigation, not a partial review or another set of internal meetings but an independent, transparent process that uncovers the truth. We need to know how it happened; why warnings were missed; why errors went unchallenged for years; and why women were left to face the consequences alone. Justice and transparency are not just for the women affected but for all of us, because the credibility of our health system is at stake. <BR /> <BR />Minister, you have continued to insist that a women's health action plan is sufficient: let me be clear that it is not.”
“That is utterly heartbreaking but all too common, emphasising the additional damage caused by the failings in the system. She is still fighting for the truth. <BR /> <BR />We must never forget that behind every statistic is a life, a family and a story of courage. The women have had to navigate trauma, health scares and the failings of the very system that should have protected them. Through it all, many have shown extraordinary bravery — attending meetings, confronting the trust and demanding accountability — despite the emotional toll and turmoil. The Ladies with Letters campaigners are a testament to that courage. They refuse to accept that women's lives should be jeopardised by negligence and systemic failure. Their work has shone a light on a scandal that has otherwise remained hidden.”
“She had a full hysterectomy on 13 April 2017 while raising young children. She went through surgical menopause without any support. The trauma, loss and lack of care that she faced are a damning indictment of how little urgency there has been in women's healthcare. <BR /> <BR />In 2019, she asked for her smear test to be reread. That review revealed that the test had been incorrectly read multiple times, as I said. Years of her life were filled with fear, treatment, recovery and the anguish of surgical menopause. It could all have been avoided. She was not treated with understanding or compassion during the process. She did not even get counselling. Like many women seeking answers, she felt as though she was on trial, being questioned and doubted while simply trying to uncover the truth.”
“Many women in the Western Health and Social Care Trust area have had misread tests, and I know of at least six women who have developed cancer because of that. The consequences of that failure are truly devastating and incredibly personal. <BR /> <BR />I will share the story of one constituent who was diagnosed with stage 1A1 cervical cancer in late 2016. I supported her recently at her disclosure meeting and serious adverse incident (SAI) meeting. To say that that was traumatic would be a complete understatement, but it is so important that she could see and hear the truth, with the smear tests that had been misread on several occasions laid out in front of her. It did not happen because she did not go to have her smear test: she went. She did everything right, but they were misread time and time again.”
“I, too, welcome the opportunity to speak to the motion. We support the motion and the amendment; indeed, I feel privileged to listen to Members' testimonies. It is so important that, as elected reps, we share our life experiences and show those who are going through this our empathy, so thank you very much. It is not easy. <BR /> <BR />I begin by acknowledging the incredible women who are, I know, listening to today's debate online; they have been in touch. The Ladies with Letters campaigners have fought tirelessly to demand transparency and accountability in a scandal that has caused untold suffering. In the Southern Health and Social Care Trust area, 17,500 women have had their smear tests misread, but it is not just a Southern Trust issue. The impact stretches across Northern Ireland.”
“How can you possibly justify the continued failure to deliver a vital upgrade to the north-west rail line when your inaction is already leaving passengers —”
“Minister, Translink first submitted a business case for rail improvements in the north-west over a year and a half ago, and, because of the Department's failure to act, it has had to submit an updated version more than a year and a half later. In the meantime, we just see chaos after chaos, particularly over the weekend, when people visiting Derry for Halloween were left stranded and were unable to get home because of the lack of rail services.”
“— even in the face of profound injustice, peace and —”
“— to their unwavering dignity, and to the people of Derry —”
“When anyone in public life causes hurt, the right thing for them to do is acknowledge it and apologise. That is strength not weakness, and it builds trust and helps us to move forward. As MLAs, we owe it to the Bloody Sunday families and every victim of our troubled past to act with decency, respect and moral courage. Their struggle was for truth, and it is one of the most powerful examples of peaceful perseverance in modern times. They remind us that justice is not a slogan or a weapon in culture wars, but a principle that must apply equally to all. <BR /> <BR />I pay tribute —”