Sinéad McLaughlin
Foyle · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“After decades of silence, being believed matters; having your experience acknowledged matters; and knowing that society finally accepts the truth matters deeply. That is what, I hope, the legislation provides. <BR /> <BR />Throughout the process, I wanted to ensure that, where we could strengthen the Bill, we did.”
“Today is an important day because it is a day of accountability. I welcome to the Gallery all of the birth mothers, all of the adult adoptees and all of their family members. I thank everyone who has journeyed with you and loved you throughout the process.”
“As time passed, I believed that the original figure no longer reflected the recognition as strongly as it should have done, so I was pleased that Members from across the Chamber supported that amendment.”
“Behind every clause is a person; behind every amendment is someone's lived experience; and behind every decision that we make in the Chamber are people who have spent years carrying the consequences of decisions that they never made. That is why the legislation is so important.”
“It is often Members who receive the attention in debates such as this, but good legislation depends on the dedication and expertise of many people working quietly in the background. Today, we complete the legislative journey, but we should not pretend that justice begins and ends with the passing of a Bill.”
“We are here because survivors refused to accept that their stories would remain untold. We are here because they never stopped asking for what should never have been so difficult to receive in the first place: recognition, dignity and justice.”
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“Those women live with chronic pain, and their symptoms are too often dismissed. I met a girl the other day in my constituency, and she told me that she would never have believed that she would have to live the life that she has had to. She has been waiting seven years for a gynae intervention. What people are going through is shocking.”
“Nowhere is that failure more visible than in gynaecology care, with over 37,000 women waiting for assessment or treatment at the point of diagnosis.”
“I rise to speak again about women's health in Northern Ireland, an issue that affects more than half the population, yet it continues to be overlooked in policy and service delivery. The Assembly is not short of awareness. Motions have been passed, Members across parties have repeatedly raised the issue of women's health and commitments have been acknowledged, yet despite all that, women are still waiting and still being let down. Northern Ireland remains the only part of the UK without a dedicated women's health strategy. That is not a technical delay; it is a failure to turn words into action. <BR /> <BR />We see the consequences clearly in health inequality. Women in the most deprived communities can expect to live over five years less than those in the least deprived areas, with a 14-year gap in healthy life expectancy.”
“First Minister, the Irish presidency of the EU is coming up. That is very significant and is an opportunity to help us build relationships. Have you made any contacts in order to strengthen those relationships during that period?”
“While I welcome this process and the Second Stage today, it should also prompt us to reflect on how we ensure that the necessary action is not postponed in the future and that it is part of wider energy planning as well, as was mentioned by the Chair of the Economy Committee. <BR /> <BR />The real task ahead is not simply to prohibit what we should not do but to accelerate what we must do. That means investing in clean, renewable energy and building a sustainable energy system that delivers for our economy and our environment. The Bill is a step in the right direction, and I look forward to engaging further at Committee Stage and examining its provisions in greater detail.”
“Let us be honest: there is no meaningful case for the continuation of fracking licences. There is no compelling environmental or economic case. <BR /> <BR />The legislation is welcome and overdue, but it is just catch-up legislation. Six years ago, we passed unanimously, across parties, a motion calling for this move. I remember speaking about it two years ago during a debate on a Sinn Féin motion. Then, I said that the question was no longer whether a ban would happen but how long it would take for the Economy Minister to progress to that legislation. Ireland legislated for the ban back in 2017. Across the UK, a moratorium has effectively halted the practice. Our political dysfunction — the in-out politics here— has frustrated efforts to act at the same pace.”
“In other words, any continuation of fracking could risk significant environmental damage and social consequences for, at best, a very modest economic return. I am glad that we are united in opposing that trade-off. It is a conclusion that should be particularly heeded by anyone who wants to defend the practice on the basis of economic interests. The evidence simply does not support them. <BR /> <BR />It should go without saying that ending the practice also aligns with our obligations under the Climate Change Act and our wider transition to a sustainable energy system. Ending that extraction practice is a necessary step if we are serious about meeting those commitments. Continuing to profess loyalty to those targets without ending the practice would undoubtedly ring rather hollow.”
“Their voices and the public pressure that they have created deserve the credit for the debate and even the action today at this stage of the legislative process. <BR /> <BR />We know, of course, that the evidence backs up those campaigners. Research has consistently shown us that it is communities, not companies, who truly pay the price for the effects of fracking. The consequences are not only environmental but can be seen in the long-term health impacts and the wider social effects that are inflicted on local people by the practice. Moreover, the 2021 Hatch report was clear that Northern Ireland is unlikely to achieve the economies of scale that would make the industry viable to a point where it could lower costs for consumers.”
“Today marks a welcome and important step forward in placing a statutory prohibition on onshore petroleum exploration and licensing. As Members from all parties will know, that is not a new argument in the Chamber; we have spoken about it many times. In fact, in 2015 — over a decade ago — my party colleague Mark Durkan ensured that a ban on fracking in policy was taken forward through his strategic planning policy statement. We have been pleased to support previous private Members' Bills on the topic. Outside the Chamber, the message from communities, campaigners and experts has been consistent and clear: they have raised the alarm about the risk of petroleum extraction and the need for a statutory ban.”
“With the greatest respect, Minister, the sector is collapsing. I have engaged with Ulster University, and I have spoken to Queen's University and, this morning, the unions. There is genuine shock at the recent announcement. I am particularly concerned about the 108 jobs that are at risk at Magee. How can you stand over the Executive's commitment, and your commitment, to expand Magee at the same time as the workforce is being collapsed? What action are you taking to protect jobs, protect the capacity and deliver for the north-west?”
“It feels like, while the British Government may have been uninterested, which they have been, the response from the Executive here has been nothing short of complacent. Honest to God, it is shocking to see how laid back our Executive have been during the current crisis. That is not good enough for the families and businesses in our communities. It needs to change, urgently and without further delay.”
“<BR /> <BR />The challenges that families face should serve as a wake-up call, highlighting the need to tackle the more pervasive inequalities across society and to build a fairer economy that deals with the crisis at its roots. Ultimately, politics comes down to choices. The choices that the Executive face might be called difficult, but they are nothing compared with the hard choices that families in our constituencies experience every day — choices between heating and eating and choices about bills and other basics. Right now, too many of the people whom we represent feel that those choices are not being made by the Executive who are ducking them. Those choices are being ducked, and they cannot keep on finger-pointing while the rest of the fingers are pointing back at them.”
“It is about solutions. <BR /> <BR />Our having to submit the motion two weeks ago, before there was a package here, did not allow us to acknowledge that fact. That has to be said, because it is another dysfunction of this place. It does not respect the position of the Opposition to make points as the urgency arises. <BR /> <BR />Finding solutions would be helped if more fiscal powers were devolved to the region. We have been calling for more fiscal powers for the region, but the Executive have so far failed to achieve that. In fact, I do not hear the Finance Minister talking about what financial powers he would like to be devolved to give him more responsibility. That is also a failure of government.”
“<BR /> <BR />Deborah Erskine, you must not have had your wee listening ears on today either, because our motion includes specific proposals on a range of areas that could make a difference to hard-pressed families, including measures such as the extension of rural fuel duty relief and steps to address the particular challenges faced in the more rural regions, such as the need to reduce public transport fares and to provide targeted support for the most affected industries. All those issues would be easier if the Executive agreed a multi-year Budget, which would allow us to plan strategically and collaboratively and to work together to support the things that matter to the people whom we all represent. Diana Armstrong made a really good point about practicality and solution-based working. That is what the motion is about.”
“<BR /> <BR />I agree with David Honeyford that we have made little or no progress on energy — it is shocking — and we have made little or no progress on an anti-poverty strategy and on retrofitting our social housing. Those are things that the Executive should stand up and do. They are the practical things that Diana Armstrong talked about. It is about practical things. Responding at a time of crisis is a leadership action, but if, in day-to-day government, you cannot respond by delivering for the people who elected you to do so, you are also failing. Seeking election to the Assembly and entering government here are about taking responsibility, not shirking it. We therefore need to ask what more we can do.”
“If I have time towards the end, Emma. <BR /> <BR />It is a deliberate move and a calculated step that risks gaslighting the public in an attempt to absolve the Executive of their responsibility. <BR /> <BR />As I said, two things can be right at the same time. In reality, the Executive also need to step up. The heating oil package of £100 for some households — I would probably argue with the figure of 70% of all households — is welcome. However, let us be honest: it does not come close to meeting the scale of need, and it only scratches the surface of what people are crying out for. Executive parties are failing to rise to the moment. Families are looking to the Executive — their Executive — for support and leadership, but the response has been found badly wanting.”
“No one in my party agrees with that profiteering, and nobody is absolving Britain of any responsibility. I can assure you, Eóin Tennyson, that, wherever they sit, our MPs, Colum Eastwood and Claire Hanna, will continue to press the case with Westminster and to work with parties across the Chamber. People deserve more than the politics of blame, and they need a better response than, "Blame it on the Brits". Emma, I have the greatest respect for you. I love your drive and your passion, but simply pointing the finger at London again and again is just not good enough. It has been a tired and tested method in this place. It might have been politically convenient in the past, but people see through it now; in fact, people are starting to realise exactly what it means to shift all the blame onto central government.”
“Two things can be right at the same time. The UK Government have a great deal of responsibility here, but so do the Executive. I agree with Linda Dillon, Deirdre Hargey and others across the House that the profiteering on the backs of the poor is disgusting and that of course we should consider a windfall tax to meet the needs of those who are most in need.”
“Gerry Carroll spoke about processed food, and one in five households experienced food insecurity in 2024. <BR /> <BR />While households across the region have, no doubt, been spared some of the impacts, the places hardest hit are the poorest communities, places such as my city of Derry, where poverty rates are double those of other areas, where communities are fragile and employment options are more limited. The pain is not distributed evenly; it falls hardest on those who are closest to the edge, not least people in rural areas, those in domiciliary care, the elderly and the more vulnerable when faced with those challenges. The impact of the Iran conflict means that the people whom we represent are simply running out of options, and they need support. <BR /> <BR />Of course the UK Government need to act with greater urgency.”
“The simple maths is that, for far too many families, while the cost of their outgoings is spiralling out of control, what is coming in every month is simply not matching up. <BR /> <BR />All the evidence suggests that the UK is likely to be hit particularly hard, with the biggest hit to growth amongst the advanced economies and the joint highest inflation in the G7 this year. Of course, here, at home, we know that Northern Ireland will be hit hardest of all for a number of reasons. Our heavy dependence on home heating oil leaves us much too exposed, our energy infrastructure leaves households extremely vulnerable to global price shocks and our lower average incomes leave people here with less financial resilience to begin with, with nearly half of adults having less than £1,500 in savings.”
“Across all our constituencies, we hear the same stories. People are rationing their heating oil because they simply cannot afford to fill the tank. Parents are skipping dinners so that their children can eat. Small businesses are watching their energy bills soar, wondering how they can possibly keep their doors open. <BR /> <BR />In that context, the impact of the war in Iran has felt like another hammer blow to families, businesses etc that just cannot seem to afford to deal with it anymore. Since that illegal war began, the cost of oil, as Members outlined, has soared. Household budgets have been squeezed from every angle, and the price spikes in energy and essentials have threatened to push more and more families to food banks.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker, and thank you to everyone across the House who contributed to the debate. It is clear from your contributions that the impact of the cost-of-living crisis is felt in every constituency. That is no surprise, given that we have talked for years about the cost-of-living crisis. It did not happen a couple of months ago; it has been going on and on and on for quite some time, and we have heard all about it across the airwaves. <BR /> <BR />As everyone who spoke said, it has been characterised by difficult, dire and, in some cases, harrowing circumstances for far too many people. Households, families and businesses feel those impacts, which have been relentless over the years. They have been constantly crushed by the burden of high bills, and there is absolutely no let up and no clear end in sight.”
“We support the motion, not as a blank cheque but as a call to get this right and to build a biomethane sector that works for farmers, protects our environment and delivers real energy security for the people whom we represent.”
“<BR /> <BR />We support the ambition of the motion, but ambition must be matched by responsibility, which means having a strategy that is genuinely cross-departmental; clear environmental safeguards from the outset, not as an afterthought; and a focus on genuine waste streams, rather than creating demand that distorts farming practices. It means getting the basics right: planning, grid connections and a support mechanism that gives investors the confidence to invest and to act. Without that framework, that opportunity will simply pass us by and investment will go elsewhere. <BR /> <BR />This is one of the rare areas in which economic growth, environmental protection and energy security can align, but they can only do that if Government lead properly, plan properly and listen to both industry and environmentalists.”
“Thank you. <BR /> <BR />It is not often that we have solutions to such major global problems, but we actually have some of the solutions, here at home, to support us in these times of crisis. The unfortunate piece is that what is occurring now will occur again, so we need to prepare and plan for that future. <BR /> <BR />I go back to the issue of safeguards and doing it properly. We have been warned clearly that, without proper safeguards, anaerobic digestion can create new environmental problems rather than solving existing ones. If it drives more intensive farming, increases nutrient spreading or diverts land use away from food production or supporting nature, we will simply replace one problem with another, which we will have to look to solve at a later date. That cannot happen.”
“<BR /> <BR />That matters to farmers, too. Farmers are under pressure, economically and environmentally. If this is done right, biomethane can provide a new income stream, while helping to manage slurry nutrients more effectively. As others have said, however, it must be done right. Biomethane, while part of our arsenal, is not a silver bullet. We have been warned clearly that, without powers and safeguards —.”
“Slurry, poultry litter and food waste — materials that are currently a problem — could instead become a source of energy, income and sustainability. That is a compelling proposition. Biomethane is not theoretical; it already works elsewhere. It is actually working here, too, so it is about expanding and supporting it. It can be injected into the existing gas grid, used by businesses without major change and produced here at home. That matters, because energy security matters. We all know that we are too exposed to global shocks: we live with it every day and have seen it repeatedly in recent years. That will occur in the future as well, unless we grow our supply of and support for renewables here, when we can. A home-grown energy source produced in rural communities would help to stabilise prices and keep value in our local community.”
“The SDLP will support the motion, because, at its core, it speaks to something that we cannot ignore, which is that Northern Ireland is at a turning point. We face rising energy costs, pressures on our farming sector and a growing environmental crisis, particularly around nutrients, water quality and waste. Too often, those challenges are viewed in isolation. I also found myself nodding at Phillip Brett's remarks, as, indeed, I did at David's. We need a big plan. It needs to come together, and very quickly. We and our constituents are being let down by the failure to deliver it. Not only do we not have a plan but we are falling back on the progress that was made in the past. <BR /> <BR />It offers a practical way to turn waste into value.”
“Thank you, Minister, for your answer and your engagement on the matter to date. There are serious issues and concerns about the Mobuoy site. What financial proposals have you submitted for the Finance Minister and the Executive's consideration? A concerted effort by all is needed to correct the damage.”
“We continue to hear about the commitment to expand Magee to 10,000 students, alongside the other ambitions set out in the city deal for Derry city and Strabane. It is vital that we deliver on its ambitions, but, at the moment, it is difficult to see how that can be done if the workforce that we need in order to expand — additional workforce is needed, be that administrators or those looking after the faculties and new builds — is reduced on the scale that has been suggested. Growth and expansion depend on people, and to say otherwise is simply incorrect. <BR /> <BR />There is also a wider issue. Too often, Ministers seek the powers of office, but, when difficult decisions are required or when problems are identified, they have a tendency to delay any necessary action. Action was needed on the issue a long time ago, but —”
“That report was given to the Committee just a couple of weeks ago, but it is so out of date that it needs to be put in the bin. <BR /> <BR />That raises the obvious question of how we reached this point. Either the assessment does not reflect the reality facing the sector or the warning signs were not identified and the necessary actions taken in time. Universities have raised concerns about the assessment, but, even taking it at face value, it is clear that the pressures did not arise overnight but have instead been building over a number of mandates, with funding under strain and costs increasing. <BR /> <BR />The potential job losses matter particularly to the north-west, where Ulster University plays a vital role in economic development of my constituency by providing opportunities.”
“yet there is now the possibility of hundreds of job losses. The same report states:”
“As other Members said, this is a really serious issue. A university is about to shed 15% of its workforce, and we will have to deal with the impact that that will have on staff, students and the wider economy, particularly in the north-west. <BR /> <BR />What makes the situation so concerning is the contradiction at its centre. The Department's own financial needs assessment, which the Minister commissioned, states that Ulster University:”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, it is the elephant in the room. He caused the war, and there is a cost-of-living crisis. It is in the motion.”
“— and get on with the job that we were sent here to do.”
“In fact, I would say this: let us speed up and move to a green, fair and just transition as soon as possible —”
“The current system leaves us more exposed than we ever were. Dependence on fossil fuels means exposure to global shocks that really hurt us very much at the heart of where our energy supplies are. If we want greater stability and more secure and affordable energy in the long term, that will come from building a different system. That is what the Climate Change Act was intended to support. <BR /> <BR />Alongside that, we already see the impact of climate change closer to home in increased flooding, as others have said, more severe storms and growing pressure on infrastructure and public services. Each of those events carries a cost. Those costs will only increase if action is delayed. <BR /> <BR />Therefore, my party will not support the motion.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is also important to place the debate in the wider context of what people are experiencing. Obviously, energy costs have risen sharply following the latest developments in the Middle East. Households and businesses are feeling that pressure in a very real way, yet the response from the Executive has not matched the urgency of the situation. Too often, we have seen the focus on shifting responsibility elsewhere rather than on using the levers that we have here in order to make lives better for our people and communities. The Executive are not powerless in that. There are steps that could and should be taken to provide support to give some relief to people who are struggling. <BR /> <BR />Even in that context, the lesson is not that we should slow down the transition but that we should quicken the pace of it.”
“I really do not have any time. I will come back to you if I have time. <BR /> <BR />There is a real risk that, if Northern Ireland begins to step back from the commitments, which were only recently agreed, we are sending a really bad signal that we are not serious about any form of just green transition. Recently, I met energy stakeholders. What was striking was how far their conversations had already moved on. Their focus is not on whether targets should be revisited but on how they will deliver net zero by 2050. They are planning ahead. They are ready to invest. However, they need certainty. They need to know that the policy framework here will be stable and that decisions will be taken in a timely way. At the moment, that confidence is not where it needs to be.”
“That is certainly a concern. We have not done what we said that we would do in order to achieve the targets. The barriers are not the targets but those who are in government and are not delivering the key infrastructure needed to carry the targets forward. <BR /> <BR />The motion will not speed up legislation, unblock projects or provide confidence to investors. If anything, it risks adding to the uncertainty. That matters because the direction of travel elsewhere is very clear. Across these islands and beyond, Governments continue to move towards net zero, and investment is following in that direction.”
“Changing or weakening the targets will not address any of that. It will not speed up —.”
“We need to remember that the target of 80% renewable electricity by 2030 was supported by industry at the time. It also had the support of the parties in the Assembly. At the time, the target was not seen as unrealistic; it was seen as achievable, provided that government did what it was required to do to support that delivery. That is where the difficulty has emerged. <BR /> <BR />As I know from my role on the Economy Committee, it is clear that progress on the fundamentals has been far too slow. Legislation that should underpin the transition has not been brought forward at the pace at which it was needed. Decisions that would give clarity to the sector have taken far too long. Key infrastructure has not progressed in line with what was envisaged. Those are the issues that are holding us back.”
“It is important that we step back from the framing of the motion and look at the reality of where Northern Ireland is. The argument being made is that climate targets are the barrier and are holding back infrastructure and delivery and placing pressures on public services. However, when you look at the evidence, you see that that is not where the problem is. <BR /> <BR />When the Assembly passed the Climate Change Act, it did so because Northern Ireland was already falling behind. We were behind on emissions reduction, renewable energy and the infrastructure needed to support both. The Act was intended to provide clear direction and a level of certainty that had been missing for far too long. That need for direction has not gone away; if anything, it has become even more pressing.”
“As Europe moves forward in greater unity, the question for us is simple. Will we continue to stand on the outside looking in, or will we take the steps needed to rebuild those relationships and secure our place within the shared future? I believe, today more than ever, that the answer is clear.”
“The timing could not be more critical. As we watch the devastating situation unfold in the Middle East, where civilians are caught in conflict and instability spreads across the region, it is clearer now than ever before that we live in a really interconnected world. No region and no country can stand alone in the face of these challenges. That is why closer alignment within the European Union is not just an economic argument, although the economic case is overwhelming. It is about stability. It is about security. It is about ensuring that we are part of a collective voice that stands for peace, cooperation and with international law. For us here in the North, that matters deeply. Our economy, our society and our future are tied to strong relationships across these islands and across Europe.”
“While others are moving forward together, we are still dealing with the consequences of being pulled apart from our closest neighbours.”
“The recent election result in Hungary has been viewed by many as a moment where voters have signalled a desire for a different path that is more open, more outward-looking and more aligned to European values. <BR /> <BR />At the same time, even here, on these islands, there has been a shift in tone. The British Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, has been clear in his assessment that Brexit did deep damage to the UK economy. That is a significant acknowledgement that should prompt serious reflection right here in the Chamber.”
“I welcome Julie Middleton to the Chamber. It is great to see you here. I know that you will be a strong voice for the people of Foyle. It goes without saying that I wish Gary all the best as he works towards recovery. <BR /> <BR />At a time of growing uncertainty across the world, we are beginning to see a shift in Europe. There is a renewed sense of unity, and a recognition that the challenges that we face, whether economic instability, geopolitical conflict or external interference, are best met together, not alone. Across the continent, countries are choosing cooperation over isolation. They are rejecting outside influence that seeks to divide and destabilise. In doing so, they offer a clear sense of direction and purpose. We also see signs of new hope.”
“It asks for transparency about the work that has already been promised; a clear timeline for delivery; and a fully costed and time-bound women's health strategy that is developed with the people who rely on those services every day.”
“There is also a regional dimension that cannot be ignored. Women in the north-west, rural communities and areas where services are already stretched often face the longest waits and the greatest difficulty in getting the care that they need. Equality in health provision does not just mean that services exist somewhere; it means that women can access them when they need them. That is why the motion's reference to section 75 is important. We have a statutory duty to ensure equality in the way in which public services are delivered. That duty must apply to women's health just as much as it applies anywhere else. If the system is not producing equal outcomes, we have a responsibility to ask why and to fix it. The motion does not ask for anything unreasonable.”