Sinéad McLaughlin
Foyle · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“After decades of silence, being believed matters; having your experience acknowledged matters; and knowing that society finally accepts the truth matters deeply. That is what, I hope, the legislation provides. <BR /> <BR />Throughout the process, I wanted to ensure that, where we could strengthen the Bill, we did.”
“Today is an important day because it is a day of accountability. I welcome to the Gallery all of the birth mothers, all of the adult adoptees and all of their family members. I thank everyone who has journeyed with you and loved you throughout the process.”
“As time passed, I believed that the original figure no longer reflected the recognition as strongly as it should have done, so I was pleased that Members from across the Chamber supported that amendment.”
“Behind every clause is a person; behind every amendment is someone's lived experience; and behind every decision that we make in the Chamber are people who have spent years carrying the consequences of decisions that they never made. That is why the legislation is so important.”
“It is often Members who receive the attention in debates such as this, but good legislation depends on the dedication and expertise of many people working quietly in the background. Today, we complete the legislative journey, but we should not pretend that justice begins and ends with the passing of a Bill.”
“We are here because survivors refused to accept that their stories would remain untold. We are here because they never stopped asking for what should never have been so difficult to receive in the first place: recognition, dignity and justice.”
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“I will keep my remarks brief, as I am conscious that the expenditure of the Executive Office is a very small part of the overall Budget and departmental finances. That seems very unusual, as the recent trend has been for the Department to be required to manage high-profile programmes at very short notice. <BR /> <BR />The original budget was for £120·5 million resource DEL and £15·3 million capital. Roughly half of the resource DEL was for baseline funds, and the other half was for ring-fenced funds. The ring-fenced funds included requirements for payments for victims of the conflict and of historical institutional abuse, match funding for EU programmes and other EU-related expenditure for managing the COVID-19 pandemic.”
“Minister, I want to go back to the conversation about energy efficiencies. As we all know, fuel poverty is very prevalent in our communities at the minute. If the heat is going out the doors and windows of homes, particularly in our public housing stock, no amount of efficiencies can actually plug that gap and keep people's homes warm. Therefore, there has to be a certain amount of urgency on developing a programme to support retrofitting. While you said that conversations are happening and you mentioned a one-stop shop, is that happening with the sense of urgency that is required to support people in their moment of most need?”
“You are no stranger to my reservations about the remit of Invest NI and about its track record in the Foyle constituency in particular. Do you believe that the review will begin the process of levelling up, adhering to the demand that we have made for many years for subregional targets and addressing the inadequacies and imbalances of investment in Northern Ireland?”
“Minister, I welcome your statement and the review.”
“— and have waited such a long time for an apology? The action of the First Minister —”
“I have spoken with groups and survivors, and I feel the pain that they have expressed so clearly and distinctly to me. We all have our political priorities. We all have concerns that drive us as politicians, but, quite frankly, how can we do this to those people? How can we neglect so badly our people who have been hurt so badly —”
“Five years on, some victims have received financial redress, but there has been no memorial and no apology, which many of the victims see as the most important element of the redress. Those victims have been contacting me all weekend to tell me that they feel insulted, hurt and upset and that they are re-traumatised because the apology that they expected five years ago and that they still have not received was promised to be finally delivered on 11 March of this year, yet it seems that it will not be delivered to them. In fact, how can it be delivered on behalf of the state when the First Minister walked out of his job? <BR /> <BR />I understand totally why the victims and survivors feel that hurt and fresh trauma. I share their upset.”
“In others, it was institutions of the Protestant faith, and some children were abused and neglected by homes run by charities. In all those cases, the institutions were operating on behalf of the state, and that it why it is right and proper that an apology be issued in the name of the state by its most senior representatives, the First Minister and deputy First Minister. <BR /> <BR />After decades of campaigning, victims believed that progress had been made with the inquiry led by Sir Anthony Hart. The inquiry reported in January 2017, which is more than five years ago. Victims expected the recommendations to be adopted and implemented. They expected redress, a memorial and an apology.”
“The resignation of the First Minister will have and is having dreadful consequences, none more so than on the victims and survivors of historical institutional abuse. It is difficult to think of a worse event in the life of a child than to be abused by those who are in charge of protecting them and caring for them. For some of those children it was sexual abuse; for others, it was physical abuse. For many more, it was psychological abuse, and, for some of them, it was all those things. Those children who survived are now adults, many in declining years, with some having tragically died in the years since. <BR /> <BR />That abuse was made much worse over the years by the knowledge that society looked the other way. Those who should have taken responsibility did not do so. In some instances, those were institutions of the Catholic Church.”
“How does an amnesty help the families to draw a line under their pain and suffering? "Callous" and "heartless" barely even cover it. People will listen and say, "But what about —?". I will say two things. The murder of one person never justifies the murder of another; and — this I stress — there is a higher burden of responsibility for state forces to obey the law and to act with humanity. They act in my name; the Provisional IRA never did. <BR /> <BR />The Parachute Regiment, on Bloody Sunday, carried out murder on the streets of Derry. Those who have erected Parachute Regiment flags on our lamp posts make a statement that is unwelcome across all our communities. I ask everyone to remember the names of those who died simply for seeking civil rights and justice. May we all overcome.”
“The injustice of Bloody Sunday is in the heart and soul of our people in Derry. This transgenerational trauma cannot simply be wiped away at the behest of the British Prime Minister, who wants to abandon justice through his legacy proposals. Reconciliation requires sustained effort and considered approaches that engage directly with those most affected. That is how we can build a brighter future together. <BR /> <BR />I am proud that my MP and party leader stood on the Floor of Westminster and named "Soldier F", but I am also ashamed that he had to do so. The UK Government have decided to put justice beyond the reach of Bloody Sunday families. "Soldier F" went on an uncontrolled killing spree in my home town in January 1972. He deserves recognition for his murderous acts.”
“I, too, stand with pride to thank the Bloody Sunday families and the Bloody Sunday Trust for organising an impressive and inclusive fiftieth anniversary commemoration event. It was an important milestone for the people of Derry, and it was important, too, that it be dignified and respectful — it was all of that. <BR /> <BR />What happened that day was unspeakable. Innocent civilians were slaughtered on the streets of my city, and families, friends and neighbours were left in turmoil. It was unlawful, plain and simple, but, despite that, the families have been forced into spending a lifetime fighting for justice that continues to be denied to them.”
“Will the Minister commit, today, to meeting the chief executive of E+I Engineering? For the past four years, he has been in negotiation with Invest NI about significant investment in its Campsie site, but the investment is in jeopardy because of a lack of commitment to the Assured Skills programme. I would like the Minister to meet him face to face. The company is a major investor and a major employer in Derry, and we need to get that investment over the line.”
“That is really important. We need action now. We cannot keep waiting for strategies to come forward. We need a firm commitment from the Executive Office for that campaign.”
“In advance of the completion of the violence against women and girls strategy, will the First Ministers commit to having a fully resourced media campaign targeted at men and boys, in particular, to stress the need to respect women and girls?”
“<BR /> <BR />Having heard the arguments, the Committee is satisfied that the right balance has been struck between sound principles and the flexibility needed for individual sectors. For those Members who have heard from constituents about the bewildering array of different approaches to handling complaints, it must come as a welcome development that some form of common principles are applied to that important area. I commend the motion to the Assembly.”
“I commend how the ombudsman has engaged with the various sectors, listened to their concerns and made adjustments to the proposed principles where necessary. <BR /> <BR />There are six key principles: start off right, fix it early, focus on what matters, be fair, be honest, and learn and improve. The detail of standards for complaints handling flow from those key principles, which the Committee has endorsed. It is acknowledged that, while standardisation is good and aids transparency and understanding of complaints processes, different sectors have different characteristics that are reflected in their processes and procedures. That has been particularly raised in the education sector.”
“There were 101 responses to the consultation, and there was also sectoral engagement with education, health, housing, local and central government, and advocacy and support groups in civic society. The Committee was particularly keen that the ombudsman engaged sufficiently with those who handle complaints and those making complaints. <BR /> <BR />Acknowledging the challenges of time and resources involved in dealing with complaints, there was a commitment by the ombudsman and the relevant sectors to collaborate on a co-design of complaints-handling procedures. The Committee was happy with the outcome of the consultation and agreed to bring the statement of principles to the Assembly for approval.”
“That brings me to the business of today's motion. Research carried out by the ombudsman found that there was room for wider standardisation of complaints processes and the handling of complaints. The recognition of a complaint handler's skill set was important for improving complaint handling. Any large-scale improvement to complaint handling is dependent on a positive culture, and best practice can be shared within and between sectors. <BR /> <BR />The findings of the research informed a public consultation on proposed complaints-handling principles, which ran from June to September 2021. On 1 December, the ombudsman came before the Committee to update it on the consultation and to explain how any concerns raised in the consultation were to be addressed.”
“On 3 March 2021, my Committee was pleased to welcome the ombudsman, Margaret Kelly, to brief us on the proposed complaints-handling role, and we were happy to endorse the commencement of Part 3 of the 2016 Act. <BR /> <BR />I put on record the Committee's thanks to the Audit Committee for its work on the financial aspects of the scrutiny process. The relevant commencement order was laid before the Assembly on 26 April 2021. Section 35 of the 2016 Act states:”
“It gives me great pleasure to bring the motion to the Assembly on behalf of the Committee. It marks the culmination of a considerable body of work aimed at standardising the various systems of complaint handling and making them more transparent and accessible. <BR /> <BR />The Public Services Ombudsman was established by the Act of that name in 2016. The legislation was scrutinised by our predecessor Committee, the Committee for the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister, and I pay tribute to the members of that Committee for the thorough work that they carried out during the passage of that legislation. Part 3 of the 2016 Act was not commenced at that time. It relates to the complaints standards authority role for the ombudsman.”
“To the Murphy family, may you find comfort and love from your family and your global community in this horrendous time of grief.”
“<BR /> <BR />We have particular problems here that relate to the Troubles and the continuing role and reality of paramilitaries and the glorification and justification of violence. The whole world has a problem. It is not just about violent pornography, violent online sexist games, sexist language or the demeaning of women; it is all those things and more. <BR /> <BR />It is not just a new problem. Some men create problems for all women, not only the women who are murdered or beaten but all women who have to be wary of where we go and when and how we do things. We look to men to solve the problem of those men who abuse, threaten or murder. Women have had far, far more than enough, and far more than we are willing to put up with. <BR /> <BR />Ashling Murphy, may your beautiful darling soul rest in peace.”
“It is something that we have been continually talking about for years. That is why the work of the Executive Office on a strategy to address violence against women and girls is so very important. We need to understand what is wrong and how we can put it right. However, let us make it absolutely clear: the problem is not with women. We are the victims. We deal with the symptoms of a society that has at its heart something deeply wrong. <BR /> <BR />Why do some men hate women so much? There is so much hatred that it kills women. There is even a new word for it, and I do not mean "misogyny"; I mean "incel". An incel is a man who blames women for his problems, and, for some of them, that is justification enough for murdering them.”
“Women across this island are angry. We are upset about the murder of Ashling Murphy, but, more than that, we are traumatised by it. A criminal investigation is taking place, so we must be careful about what we say, but what I can say is that Ashling Murphy did everything right. She was getting exercise in a public place and in broad daylight. However, even talking about doing everything right, in itself, is wrong. Women have the right to walk safely home at night. They have the right to live with their partner without being hit, kicked or murdered, yet too often that is what happens to women. <BR /> <BR />In this jurisdiction, we have a particular crisis. More women are murdered in Northern Ireland as a result of domestic violence than anywhere else in Europe, joint only with Romania, as it happens.”
“I will not support the Bill. I said at the beginning of my speech that life can be cruel at times. The Bill is cruel and unnecessarily so. I will vote against it with every ounce of humanity and every fibre and bone in my body.”
“Another carer said this to me; again, I will let her speak, as she says it much better than I could:”
“We in the House have an opportunity to respect women and value their choices. <BR /> <BR />I say this specifically to Sinn Féin: your choice to abstain from voting on the Bill secures the same outcome as the sponsor. You may dress it up and talk all you want about the provision of services. That is a distraction, and it is not what the Bill is about. As republicans, you believe in the freedom of Irish women — just not for Irish women in crisis. The Bill is where we see libertarians and republicans join together to deny women's right to choice. To those who think that the Bill is about the protection of the disabled I will let my constituent speak. A young carer, she says:”
“They believe that they know better than the woman and her partner, who are living the trauma, the heartache, the horror of the situation, and they believe that it is for them to intervene in the decisions of others at this most difficult of times. Yet they call themselves "libertarians". <BR /> <BR />Ireland, North and South, has a long tradition of treating women badly. Our Churches have caused untold harm to generations of women. There have been harmful doctrines about human sexuality and a focus on treating women pregnant outside marriage cruelly and dispassionately. The treatment of babies born outside wedlock was vile, and so were the human trafficking carried out by institutions and the disregard of babies who were stillborn. The list goes on. Surely to goodness, that was then, and this is now. It is 2021.”
“Lack of advanced diagnostic techniques can make it difficult for doctors to distinguish between severe and fatal fetal impairment. On that basis, I make a particular appeal to anyone who agrees that abortion should be available in cases of fatal fetal abnormalities to oppose the Bill. <BR /> <BR />This is where we come to the heart of the debate around the Bill. Some of those who propose or support the Bill call themselves "libertarians". They believe in free choice; yet they believe in removing choice for women in traumatic circumstances. They believe that it is right to use force — the power of the state — to intervene in the most intimate and difficult decisions that women or parents will ever take.”
“The British Government recognised that we in Northern Ireland were in breach of CEDAW human rights requirements. We were in breach of internationally respected standards for the treatment of women whose human rights were being breached. Let us be absolutely clear: it is a breach of a woman's human rights to be told that she must carry to full term a fetus that will be dead on birth. Only in the late stage of the pregnancy are parents likely to be told that the fetus will not survive birth. It is exactly the situation that Sarah Ewart faced that will be repeated again and again, if the Bill passes. <BR /> <BR />Passing the Bill would also compel medical professionals to make impossible distinctions between fatal and non-fatal abnormalities.”
“That made people stop and see sense — some people, at least.”
“People looked at us and were shocked. Sarah was carrying a fetus that she knew would not survive and that doctors told her would not survive, yet our antiquated laws meant that she had to travel to England for an abortion. That added to her grief and trauma.”
“<BR /> <BR />I do not want to be the legislator who votes, or, indeed, who abstains from voting, for a Bill that will essentially tell your daughters, your sisters and your nieces that they cannot have medical care at home and that, if they wish to terminate their pregnancy, they must book an appointment with a clinic in England, pack their case, book a flight and make the saddest journey of their life, all because the legislators in this place rolled back their rights, took away their choice and took away their access to healthcare when they needed it most. Bodily autonomy is a core human right, and every woman deserves the freedom to make the choice that is right for her. <BR /> <BR />It was the terrible story of Sarah Ewart that caused our rules preventing abortion to be examined, not just here but around the world.”
“The choice before us today is between whether or not we make that difficult decision even more difficult for women who receive a diagnosis of a severe condition that may be fatal. The choice is between whether or not we want to cause additional trauma to those women by forcing them to make a rushed decision to travel to England to access care without their usual support networks around them.”
“I would want her to have clear choices so that she could make the right decision that best suited her family circumstances, that best suited her mental well-being and that best suited her future plans. I would want her human rights to be valued and respected. <BR /> <BR />I am not just a mother, however. I am also a legislator, and I have a Bill before me today that has the potential to deny my daughter, your daughter, your wife, your sister or your friend the space, the time and the dignity to come to her own decision. The Bill would force women, likely with much-wanted pregnancies, to make a decision without having adequate time to process the new information, explore the supports that might help them choose to continue with their pregnancy and then reflect on the options available to them.”
“The devastation that that news brings to the mother, her partner and their families is unbearable. The first reaction is one of total disbelief. You question the diagnosis, you seek more opinions and, of course, you seek more tests, all in the pursuit of perhaps finding that tiny glimmer of hope in the darkness. <BR /> <BR />Thank goodness that it is only a small number of women who are faced with that scenario each year. Although the number receiving such a diagnosis is small, imagine if it were your daughter. What would you want to happen to her? I would want to give my daughter space. I would want to give her time to process the information that she has received. I would want her to get a second opinion. I would want her to talk through her options with her family and friends.”
“I am a mother of two daughters. Both have said that they want to have children some day, and Peter and I greatly look forward to the day that we become grandparents. It is the most natural thing in the world to create and sustain life, yet it is not always straightforward: just because you plan a family does not mean that it will happen that easily. I hope that my two daughters experience the absolute joy and love that motherhood brings, but, as we all know, life can also be very cruel. <BR /> <BR />We all have families. We have watched friends have difficult and complicated pregnancies, but what if something goes badly wrong? What happens if your daughter, your sister, your wife or your niece is told that her baby has a severe fetal impairment?”
“I support the opposition to clauses 1 and 2. I am against the Bill.”
“Is the Minister aware that some of the available financial assistance can inhibit students from applying for student loans and grants as income is taken into consideration? Will the Minister look into that, please?”
“The Bill could create a hard border on the island of Ireland because of the enforcement of nationality rules and the potential requirement for EU 26 nationals with settled status to carry identity papers. That is not acceptable. Do the First Ministers agree that that is not acceptable? Those people are crossing the border on a daily basis just to go to work.”
“Junior Minister, do you think that the £800,000 was well spent?”
“We have already seen how allowing compassionate leave to be at the discretion of the employer can place some employees at an absolute disadvantage. It is vital that a minimum standard is set so that all employees are treated fairly and can access the support that they need. <BR /> <BR />We should take full advantage of employment law being a devolved issue. Northern Ireland can and should lead in this area. It is heartening to see the Bill aim to achieve just that. I support the Bill at Second Stage.”
“Therefore, as Chair of the Committee for the Executive Office, I feel that oversight of the strategy to address violence against women and girls is one of my most important and pressing priorities. <BR /> <BR />Returning to the Bill more specifically, I commend the Bill sponsor, Miss Woods, for including this important sentence:”
“We need an action programme that includes improved rescue support for women and children who are at risk. It is essential that the police and other criminal justice agencies take fast and effective action when there are warning signs. <BR /> <BR />We also need to take steps to ensure that our society has a culture of mutual respect that dismantles misogyny. The principles of respect and an understanding of what constitutes consent must be taught in all schools, making the reform of relationships and sexuality education an absolute necessity. Moreover, we all have a part to play in attempting to challenge unacceptable behaviour when we see it and if it is safe to do so.”
“While the Bill sets out some examples, I welcome the fact that it does not limit safe leave to those purposes. Flexibility is crucial. Many report that they fear losing their job, so we must strive to alleviate any pressures that we can during what can only be an incredibly frightening and difficult period. <BR /> <BR />Of course, that is just one part of what must be a multi-departmental approach to tackling domestic abuse. It is my hope that the Executive Office strategy to tackle violence against women and girls will contain actions that support women and girls suffering violence and prevent it. We know that domestic violence is all too common in our society, and the recent stats underline the scale of the issue. It is also really important to make it clear that it can happen to anyone, as Linda has just outlined.”
“The Bill is welcome legislation that will make a real difference to the lives of victims and survivors of domestic abuse. Too often, we read the tragic stories in the papers and there is a public outpouring of grief, yet our institutions are not moved to action. The status quo remains, and we go on. Then it happens again and again and again. It is not at all an exaggeration to say that the Bill has the potential to save lives; indeed, as other Members have said, we learned recently that Northern Ireland has Europe's joint highest murder rate of women suffering domestic violence. That is a terrible indictment of our society. Inaction is not an option. <BR /> <BR />The right to paid time off work will help to empower victims and survivors of domestic abuse, giving them invaluable time and space.”
“I go back to the apology process, I am afraid. Last Wednesday, the Committee for the Executive Office received a briefing from the commissioner in which she recommended that the redress and review should be decoupled from the apology. Based on that recommendation, can you set a date on which the victims and survivors will receive a heartfelt apology from this state?”
“There is a serious risk of the cost of living crisis getting worse and getting out of hand over the winter, especially if we have a cold winter. The Executive therefore need to consider how to plan for a possibly even worse situation than our constituents face today.”
“What financial support can be made available to help low-income households, both those in receipt of universal benefits and those in receipt of other benefits? Can winter fuel payments be provided to households on universal credit and legacy benefits? Can new legislation be introduced to increase the notice period prior to energy companies increasing prices? Can more be done to support food banks, and how can we develop fuel banks? What action can we take to eliminate loan sharks and to support credit unions in putting loans in place? <BR /> <BR />Too often, the Executive are criticised for being too slow to respond to situations. The Executive need to start to act faster, which requires planning.”