Sinéad McLaughlin
Foyle · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“After decades of silence, being believed matters; having your experience acknowledged matters; and knowing that society finally accepts the truth matters deeply. That is what, I hope, the legislation provides. <BR /> <BR />Throughout the process, I wanted to ensure that, where we could strengthen the Bill, we did.”
“Today is an important day because it is a day of accountability. I welcome to the Gallery all of the birth mothers, all of the adult adoptees and all of their family members. I thank everyone who has journeyed with you and loved you throughout the process.”
“As time passed, I believed that the original figure no longer reflected the recognition as strongly as it should have done, so I was pleased that Members from across the Chamber supported that amendment.”
“Behind every clause is a person; behind every amendment is someone's lived experience; and behind every decision that we make in the Chamber are people who have spent years carrying the consequences of decisions that they never made. That is why the legislation is so important.”
“It is often Members who receive the attention in debates such as this, but good legislation depends on the dedication and expertise of many people working quietly in the background. Today, we complete the legislative journey, but we should not pretend that justice begins and ends with the passing of a Bill.”
“We are here because survivors refused to accept that their stories would remain untold. We are here because they never stopped asking for what should never have been so difficult to receive in the first place: recognition, dignity and justice.”
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“We recognise that some progress has been made, with paramilitary-style assaults and intimidation reduced. However, it is much less clear to many people whether the Communities in Transition element of that programme is effective. In some cases, we have seen how community gatekeeping has been reinforced. The community resilience interventions funded by Communities in Transition are important. However, with a spend of over £19 million, the public rightly ask whether that represents true value for money.”
“The issue must also be tackled through the new ending violence against women and girls strategy, and I am really concerned that the new strategy commits only £3 million to tackling the entire issue over two years. Perhaps, in response to the First Minister's point, money could be found in the other pot, the Communities in Transition pot, for supporting ending violence against women and girls. <BR /> <BR />Of course, the actions of paramilitaries that I and others have described in the debate are well known, and the condemnation is equally well rehearsed. What do we do about it? Our motion calls for the review of the tackling paramilitarism programme. I am aware of much of the good work of that programme and those who work tirelessly to address the issue.”
“<BR /> <BR />It would be remiss of me not to mention recent research by the Foyle Family Justice Centre on the impact of paramilitarism on women and its connections with domestic violence. The report on that research calls it an unseen aspect of today's paramilitarism and one that is hidden in plain sight. I pay tribute to the women who came forward and told their stories, which were often harrowing and deeply distressing. Their lives were permeated by fear not only of the abuser but of the threat that underlies the abuse. The report's 10 recommendations must be implemented, and the new framework of "paramilitary-related coercive control", which was developed as part of this research, should no doubt form a new and key part of our response.”
“<BR /> <BR />Beyond the direct influence of paramilitaries in communities, it is also hard to ignore that, driving through some areas of Derry and lots of other areas across the North, you can see their insignia and symbols dotted around the landscape and on lamp posts. I agree with Paula Bradshaw that those symbols and flags create an intimidating and menacing culture of fear in communities across Northern Ireland. They drive really poor relations and create an environment in which nobody in Northern Ireland wants to live and nor should they. It is a failure of this place to get serious about regulating the flying of flags. Today should be another opportunity to reiterate our calls for that to take place without delay through binding legislation.”
“As mentioned in the debate, paramilitaries are nothing short of organised criminal gangs that want to trap us in our divisions and exploit our young people for their own gain. <BR /> <BR />Opening the debate, the leader of the Opposition clearly laid out that the paramilitaries have nothing to offer our society and that their influence is totally pervasive. The damage that they inflict on communities runs deep and has the most perverse impact on the most vulnerable among us. Many masquerade as protectors of communities, but we all know far too well that they prey on the fear and intimidation that they inflict. Colm Gildernew indicated that the LCC was acting as a mouthpiece for criminal gangs.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I welcome the contributions that Members have made to the debate, and I thank the First Minister for responding to it. It is clear that, more than 26 years after our peace agreement and 30 years on from the republican and loyalist ceasefires, it should be a source of shame and disappointment to us all that paramilitarism still exerts a toxic and corrosive influence in all the communities that we represent. <BR /> <BR />Many Members across the House expressed their frustration about the hold that those organised criminals have over our young people in particular. I hope that the debate represents an opportunity for all of us to come together on the issue and for progress to be made.”
“Thank you, Minister, for coming to the Chamber to answer our questions. I am aware of breaking news that another woman in Northern Ireland has lost her life today. Do you accept that there is a need for a complete overhaul of the family court system? I have discussed that with the Minister. There are real flaws in the family court system. Minister, is there space in the strategy to consider having specialised sexual offences and domestic abuse courts, with the appropriate support and the required wrap-around services provided?”
“The Budget sustainability plan explores raising rates this year from 2·5% to 4%. Ratepayers have seen increases in the regional rate and the district rate. As you indicated in your response to a previous question, rates are increasing and services are decreasing. Given that previous answer, will you commit to not putting the burden on ratepayers for the rest of the mandate?”
“I thank the Minister for that answer. At every point along this journey, it has been a safeguarding issue. There are innocent children and victims at the heart of the matter. Would you be happy to engage in a wider inquiry into the multiple aspects of the failure of due process and due diligence?”
“Minister, thank you for that answer. Will the oversight group publish regular progress updates, and will any barriers or blockages be brought directly to the Executive so that any issues can be overcome quickly?”
“Now is the chance for the Government to revise their approach and improve their plan, and they must not be found wanting.”
“However, the failure to set multi-year Budgets has a large influence on the situation in which we find ourselves, with chronic underfunding in all our public services, be that in Derry or parts of Belfast. The public deserve a Government who are willing to be clear about their ambition and be innovative about how to deliver it. Families are struggling to make ends meet and public services are at breaking point. They deserve a Government who will watch their backs. <BR /> <BR />In summary, the Programme for Government, while only in draft form, is underwhelming. It lacks the seriousness and urgency that is required. I hope that the final Programme for Government faces those issues and meets the challenges of public services in crisis and of a public who are weary of false promises and a lack of delivery.”
“<BR /> <BR />I am also frustrated, as many members of the public might be, that no measures are included in relation to the unregulated flying of flags; there is no target for addressing waiting list times; and there are no specific commitments around the delivery of the anti-poverty strategy, which has remained unpublished, dare I say, for 25 years. Those are real issues that affect the lives of people across the North. On all those issues and many more, the public need to see ambitious, time-bound and measurable targets. Of course, I am fully aware that the Executive find themselves in a difficult financial situation, which can limit the progress that they can make.”
“It is good to see that the Executive are starting to take notice of the importance of having a level playing field between all areas in Northern Ireland, but we must go further than that. Our suggested legislation will create binding obligations on all Departments. The expansion of higher education in Derry is mentioned — that is, obviously, close to my heart — but, even on that issue, it is concerning that the Executive have chosen to use the wording, "up to 10,000 students". We must not rewrite history. The commitment that we all signed up to in New Decade, New Approach was 10,000 students. Many of us, including the SDLP, want to see it go much, much further.”
“Yes. I am well aware that the plan has been in the cooking pot for a number of years. <BR /> <BR />It has been said that the draft Programme for Government lacks serious detail, time frames and objectives. That can be seen clearly in the treatment of childcare, for example. Of course it is good that bringing down the absurd cost of childcare is a focus, but we are still none the wiser about the Executive's longer-term strategy to do that. Our plan sets out an ambition to cap costs and halve them by 2030 so that no parent pays more than they can afford. While it is welcome to see a focus on regional balance, the steps contained in the document simply will not deliver it, and they limit action to the Department for the Economy.”
“I agree totally with that sentiment. We were also told that the production of the document involved complex negotiations, but it is hard to say that the plan can be seen as ambitious.”
“The people whom we represent are impatient for change and eager for delivery. They want to see, and they should expect, serious detail, clear targets and a plan for how the Executive will deliver on their priorities. <BR /> <BR />When the draft Programme for Government was published, the deputy First Minister said:”
“I welcome the publication of the draft Programme for Government. After a long period of stop-start government, it is right to recognise that this is, indeed, progress. It is also right that we take the opportunity to debate the draft Programme for Government, and I am pleased that we were able to table the motion. <BR /> <BR />There is plenty to welcome in the 88-page document, from the focus on childcare support to the commitment to end violence against women and girls. Members will imagine, I am sure, that I am also delighted that regional balance has been included in the draft Programme for Government. It seems that it is worth sounding like a broken record. However, I also know the expectations of the public in all our communities and the change that they truly want to see.”
“What specific actions has the First Minister taken to review the safeguarding processes, and does she acknowledge that her party's actions have damaged these institutions and her office? I am mindful of the Executive Office's role in supporting victims and survivors, including those who experienced historical child abuse. Leadership and responsibility really matter when it comes to safeguarding our children.”
“Thank you for your answer, Minister, but the question was, "When?". Given that an anti-poverty strategy is over 25 years late, does the Minister agree that neither his Department nor the Executive have taken poverty reduction seriously?”
“Will the Minister detail the specific targets that will be included in the investment strategy in order to ensure that regional balance is a key priority, as stated in the draft Programme for Government?”
“It is shocking that it is not a priority, and if it is not a priority, poverty will not be ended for children in North Belfast, West Belfast, Derry or anywhere else. We need to get serious about this. We need to have meaningful and measurable targets and put a plan in place. The Executive must get on with that job and end child poverty once and for all.”
“How therefore do we address it? We invest where the need is greatest, which includes looking at the areas of greatest deprivation and making sure that every single policy, strategy and plan that is produced in this Building is screened on that basis and included on the basis of an assessment. That is policy responsibility and accountability, which is sorely needed and sorely not present. <BR /> <BR />It means having an overarching policy in the first place. We have no stand-alone child poverty strategy. Although I appreciate that the anti-poverty strategy is part of the social inclusion strategies included in the draft Programme for Government, it is still true that poverty is not one of the Government's nine priorities.”
“For me, it looks like poor children, who are four times more likely to develop mental health issues by the age of 11. It looks like a gap in healthy life expectancy of up to 15 years between the most and least deprived areas, as Robbie said earlier. It looks like a 24% gap in GCSE attainment for children receiving free school meals. <BR /> <BR />Members from the poorest areas, which are often in North Belfast, West Belfast and Foyle, can all be charged with raising our constituencies every single chance that we get. That is not just because we love our cities and the places that we are from but because they require intervention. We should not be competing with one another. The problem is poverty, and, although the solution is different in the New Lodge, Ardoyne and Creggan, it is a stain on our society that government has not addressed.”
“It is also right to say that North Belfast is plagued by poverty more than most areas in the North. Like the Members for North Belfast, I come from a constituency that is plagued by poverty. It is fair to say that the Members present from North Belfast, as well as Members for West Belfast and Members for my constituency, know all too well the debilitating impact of poverty in our respective constituencies. That is why I talk so much about achieving regional balance. The regional imbalance that we have is often not, as some people would say, between the whole of Belfast and the whole of Derry. It is the difference between the richest areas, concentrated geographically, and the poorest areas. Sometimes, I am asked what that imbalance looks like in poverty terms, and in child poverty terms in particular.”
“I, too, commend Nuala for securing the Adjournment debate. Poverty is a blight on our society, whoever it affects and wherever it is found, but it is fair to say that it has a particular effect on children. We know that the first thousand days of a child's life are absolutely crucial to their cognitive and emotional development. That has been powerfully and passionately spoken about by every contributor to the debate. Poverty stifles children's life chances before they have even had a chance. It sets children back from the start of their very young lives and traps the next generation into a vicious cycle of intergenerational poverty that repeats and repeats and repeats.”
“Lowering the age from 18 to 16 is the next staging post on our journey to expand the electorate and ensure that everyone has a say in the decisions that affect their lives. <BR /> <BR />Today, let us act in the interests of the 45,000 young people aged 16 and 17 in Northern Ireland by giving them the say that they deserve in their society and in democracy.”
“I totally agree with the Member. We need to get the job done, and we need to get it done closer to home. We need to join the other devolved nations — Scotland and Wales — that have lowered the voting age. <BR /> <BR />The First Minister and deputy First Minister should seek the devolution of the required powers to introduce the legislation. Of course, we want this right for every young person in the UK, and I hope that the Prime Minister lives up to his commitment to introduce the right to vote for 16- and 17-year-olds. If he does, our MPs in Westminster will be first in line to vote for it, but we need to be able to make the decision here in our devolved Assembly for the young people here.”
“The same moral, illogical panic that comes from some very conservative quarters now came from the same quarters back then. No one would argue that the age should be raised or that the reduction should not have taken place. Some say that 16 is simply too young, but there is no one age, as the expert panel in Wales found, at which rights are totally conferred. Therefore, why not let those capable, talented, motivated young people vote? We need more of them to get involved, and we have no time to waste. <BR /> <BR />In the interests of all those young people, today's motion should actually go further. It is all very well to ask the current Government to introduce legislation —.”
“<BR /> <BR />Those young people can work, pay tax, serve in our armed forces and get married. Those young people have a right to have a say in the future that we are trying to create for them. They have a right to help shape that future through voting. I cannot help but think that perhaps, if they were able to vote, our politics might take more notice of them and their needs. Perhaps we would have taken action on the climate crisis more quickly. Perhaps we would have legislated for abortion rights or marriage equality in the Chamber instead of leaving it to London. Perhaps we would show more urgency in tackling the housing crisis, including how it affects renters. <BR /> <BR />For anyone who opposes this step, it is worth looking back at the debate when the age was lowered from 21 to 18.”
“<BR /> <BR />All those challenges are in the context of an uncertain future, both for this place and for the planet. I do not blame young people who look at how long it can take for Northern Ireland to get its act together about virtually everything and think that politics is not for them. Fortunately, that is not how this generation has responded. There are so many young people in this generation who, instead of stepping back from politics, have stepped up and stepped into politics. They have found campaigns on everything, from youth mental health to poverty. They organise in their communities and in their schools. They march, they protest and they mobilise for their own rights and for the rights of their peers. They care about the future and they care about each other.”
“I put on record our strong support for lowering the voting age to 16, and I thank the proposers of the motion and the amendment. <BR /> <BR />To me, from the outset, the biggest reason for lowering the voting age is our young people themselves. Our next generation has ambition in spades for themselves and for Northern Ireland. They care deeply about the world around them and about the biggest social, economic and justice issues of the day. On all progressive causes, they are all too often four or five steps ahead of where our politicians of the day land. Let us not forget that these young people will be forced to live with the consequences of today's decisions and have often known little else but instability in our politics and skyrocketing costs of housing, transport and basic essentials.”
“I thank the Minister for his answer. Can he assure the Chamber that the recommendations will be not only reviewed by his Department, as he mentioned, but acted on within this mandate? There are real issues in relation to the IT system not working effectively, and the gathering of data and measurements is a bit askew. Those issues are fundamental to knowing the direction of travel for skills.”
“Thank you, Minister. I was looking for a yes answer only. You have previously said that you are up for reforming these institutions. Are you aware of any of the work that the Assembly and Executive Review Committee is doing on that issue, or is it just all oral fudge?”
“Minister, what monitoring and oversight mechanisms will you put in place in order to ensure delivery at pace?”
“The evolving Harland and Wolff situation is deeply concerning. The rumours are that there is a healthy portfolio of potential buyers who are looking at the company. Can you assure us that the Minister will engage at the highest level with those buyers in selling and promoting the Northern Ireland plant in particular? Will he engage with the UK Government at the highest level?”
“The strategic framework for ending violence against women and girls was published yesterday and is very welcome. Your Department has a key role to play in the prevention pillar in educating young people on healthy relationships and comprehensive sexual education. How much money are you putting in your budget to align with ending violence against women and girls?”
“<BR /> <BR />In conclusion, we support the motion and look forward to seeing the recommendations produced by the CMA as well as any actions that can be taken forward by Stormont and our Ministers to end this unfair and exploitative practice.”
“That is our job and the job of the Department. In the South, we have already seen a ban on the practice of reselling tickets above face value, and, in Britain, the new Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport appears intent on taking action on the issue through that Department's work. <BR /> <BR />Of course, when discussing those types of practice, we should recognise the huge importance of live gigs and concerts to our cultural offering. Arts and culture are the fabric of our towns and communities across the North, and ensuring that everyone has access to watch or participate in arts and culture is vital for our well-being, the places where we live and our economy. It must, however, be affordable and accessible.”
“Tempting as it may be to put this solely on the CMA, I do not think that that would be right. There must be a role for our Government here, whether through engagement with the UK Government or measures that can be taken much closer to home. It would be wrong to let the motion pass without clearly calling on the Economy Minister to confirm that, should recommendations be produced, he will undertake to do everything in his power to advance whatever changes in legislation or policy are required. After all, in 2021, the CMA produced recommendations on protection for consumers buying tickets on the secondary market, but I do not see very much evidence at all of their implementation by the UK Government. Recommendations are one thing, but delivery is quite another. The CMA can assist policymakers, but it cannot implement policy.”
“Every day is a school day, for I enjoyed the contributions from Sian and David about the monopoly and what is happening behind dynamic pricing.”
“It is not hard to imagine why those fans felt robbed, hard done by and, in many cases, completely conned. <BR /> <BR />Consumers therefore need and deserve openness, transparency and a level playing field. In that context, I am really glad to debate the motion today, and we will be supporting it. I note that the CMA is already investigating that instance of so-called dynamic pricing. We have already heard from the consumer group Which?, whose advice is that people who were charged overinflated prices should be refunded. I know that many of us agree with that assessment. I am also reassured by the attention that the practice has received in the press and from the relevant agencies. The CMA has already stated that it will investigate concerns about the sale of concert tickets for Oasis.”
“That is why we are discussing the matter today and why time has been set aside for a debate. It is about extortion, pure and simple. That is the reason that we are all here, setting aside the puns and all. <BR /> <BR />Like everyone else here, a few weeks ago, I heard at first hand stories of people forced to queue for hours just to get a shot at one of the prized tickets for the reunion tour. Some 14 million people from 158 countries formed part of that digital queue, including lifelong fans just hoping to revisit the music of their formative years. When they joined that queue, they made a choice on the basis of the information that they had at the time, only to find out hours later that the price of tickets had ballooned to something that was totally unaffordable for many and much more than double what was originally advertised.”
“Some people in the Chamber may be lifelong fans, because they sound as though they are, but I am not one. Secondly, to many outside the Chamber, it may seem a wee bit bizarre, and even a wee bit frustrating, that we are taking 90 minutes in the Chamber to debate Oasis tickets. It is not hard to imagine that anyone who has waited for years for a hip operation or a knee operation, or an operation for something much worse, or anyone who is locked in poverty without any opportunity to get out of it, will be wondering whether we might not have better things to discuss and debate. The fundamental, underlying issue is important, however. It is an issue about a monopoly. It is about trampling on the little guy. It is about big companies trapping working-class people into paying much more than they can afford.”
“At the start of my remarks, I will say two things. First, I am absolutely not a fan of Oasis.”
“It will also help to ramp up the opportunities that we now have as part of the new set of relationships. <BR /> <BR />It is always misguided to discuss the real challenges in trade without recognising the unique opportunity that we have now for largely unfettered trade between our islands and with Europe. The goodwill generated by any reset of European relationships must go hand in hand with an acceleration of work in the Department to put in place a dedicated strategy to maximise opportunity, particularly for places like the north-west, which has so much untapped potential. <BR /> <BR />Colleagues, dealing with those issues requires serious work by the Assembly. It is yet more evidence for why we should be in the Assembly. I hope that we can go forward in that spirit together.”
“We said that that would not help trade, and we can see that it has not. That approach will be complemented, hopefully, by a new approach from the Government in London who have started to build back relationships with our European neighbours and colleagues. Momentum is building around that approach, and, in fact, it is the only approach to take when dealing with partners across the continent. We need good, close working relationships with all our neighbours. It is in marked contrast to the approach of the previous Government and those who sought to tear up those relationships for the sake of appeasing the most extreme on their flanks. We need the new Government to continue on the path of engagement and dialogue in Europe and to build momentum at pace. That momentum will drive us on a path to trade that is as frictionless as possible.”
“I recognise those who have taken practical and pragmatic approaches and sorted out help for their members in navigating the new arrangements, particularly relating to the Trader Support Service. <BR /> <BR />We also want to support road hauliers by ensuring that there are no barriers to trade across the island. The all-island economy is crucial in supporting the RHA, because the right policy development can align standards between the North and South where possible to support those movements and navigate relationships on these islands, especially during the next phase of implementation of the deal at the end of September. <BR /> <BR />We always said that pragmatic politics and sensible solutions would be the way to deal with any barriers to trade, not pulling this place down or stopping Stormont operating.”
“Its impact has played out in our communities through the loss of funding, which we discussed on the Floor of the House last week; through our diplomatic relationships, which are only beginning to recover; and through the immediate economic shock and the longer-term hit to our prosperity. <BR /> <BR />In that context, those who are at the nucleus of our trading relationships, including road hauliers, have been forced to contend with new barriers in an unpredictable and changing landscape. Those workers help to literally keep our economy on the road by bringing opportunities and growth to people around these islands. I take the opportunity to recognise their concerns, as well as the work of the Road Haulage Association in dealing with those concerns.”
“It will be said many times in the debate that Britain is the key trading partner for Northern Ireland and rightly so, because, of course, it is. It is in all our interests to ensure that the trading relationships between our two islands remain strong and that we work together across the Chamber to break down barriers to trade on this island, North and South, and with our neighbours across the water. Trade sits at the core of our economic prosperity and of the opportunities in our communities. <BR /> <BR />Since 2018, trade from Northern Ireland to Britain has risen from £10·6 billion to £12·8 billion, although it has not yet fully recovered to its peak of £14·2 billion in 2016. We said many times that it was always going to be impossible to ensure a completely frictionless Brexit, given the magnitude of that ill-fated decision.”