Sinéad McLaughlin
Foyle · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“After decades of silence, being believed matters; having your experience acknowledged matters; and knowing that society finally accepts the truth matters deeply. That is what, I hope, the legislation provides. <BR /> <BR />Throughout the process, I wanted to ensure that, where we could strengthen the Bill, we did.”
“Today is an important day because it is a day of accountability. I welcome to the Gallery all of the birth mothers, all of the adult adoptees and all of their family members. I thank everyone who has journeyed with you and loved you throughout the process.”
“As time passed, I believed that the original figure no longer reflected the recognition as strongly as it should have done, so I was pleased that Members from across the Chamber supported that amendment.”
“Behind every clause is a person; behind every amendment is someone's lived experience; and behind every decision that we make in the Chamber are people who have spent years carrying the consequences of decisions that they never made. That is why the legislation is so important.”
“It is often Members who receive the attention in debates such as this, but good legislation depends on the dedication and expertise of many people working quietly in the background. Today, we complete the legislative journey, but we should not pretend that justice begins and ends with the passing of a Bill.”
“We are here because survivors refused to accept that their stories would remain untold. We are here because they never stopped asking for what should never have been so difficult to receive in the first place: recognition, dignity and justice.”
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“Absolutely. We all speak with one voice in that, or, at least, I hope that we do. <BR /> <BR />For decades, survivors were expected to remain silent about what happened behind the walls of the mother-and-baby homes. Many were treated as though they had done something wrong. Many lost children or family connections. Many were denied basic humanity at moments in their lives when they needed care and support. What deepens that hurt even further is that so many survivors spent years trying to be heard but were ignored. That is why the legislation matters: not because it can erase the suffering that people experienced — it cannot — but because it represents an opportunity to finally acknowledge that suffering honestly and publicly.”
“Today will be procedural and functional, because it has to be. However, before turning to the amendments in the group, it is important that we remind ourselves why the legislation is needed in the first place. Behind every clause, amendment and procedural discussion are real people, and, as I said, some of them are in the Gallery: women who were hidden away; young girls made to feel ashamed; and children denied identity, dignity and compassion. They were people who entered the institutions vulnerable and were left carrying the trauma that followed them for the rest of their lives.”
“I have visited the grave, and it is beyond sad to read the names and bear witness to the tragedy of our past. Her name was Brigid O'Connor.”
“Some of the women spent their whole lives in those institutions. Yesterday evening, all MLAs got three photographs on behalf of Robert O'Connor's mother, who was in a Magdalene laundry: the Good Shepherd's Convent. I lived on the same street: I grew up on that street until I was 10 years old. I regularly saw those women going to and from the chapel. To me, they were old women, but, obviously, I was a child. They were not old; they were young. Those photographs are important as they show clearly the faces of stolen lives — of the women who never got out of the institutions once they were admitted. Robert's mother was buried under the wrong name. After much campaigning, Robert managed to get her name changed on the headstone, in memory of the woman who had been held in the Magdalene laundry there.”
“<BR /> <BR />Over the past five years, I have spoken many times in the House about the unmarked graves — babies buried without names and without dignity. I have spoken about women and girls who were stripped of their identities, forced to labour, separated from their children, and told that they were the ones who had to be ashamed. Let me be clear: the Churches' response to the issue has been, at best, inadequate and, at worst, a disgrace — no compassion, no acknowledgement of the suffering that they caused, and no love. That is simply not good enough, and the Assembly must seek every available means to ensure that they are held to account and that they pay. <BR /> <BR />Our past is shameful. Women were hidden away, punished for nothing more than being pregnant. Their babies were taken from their arms.”
“I begin by speaking directly to every victim and every survivor who is watching and listening — there are many of them in the Public Gallery: this day is for you and about you; it has been a long time coming, as you know better than any of us in the Chamber. <BR /> <BR />In March 2021, the Executive appointed Ms Deirdre Mahon, Dr Maeve O’Rourke and Professor Phil Scraton to head up the truth recovery design panel. The panel published its report in October 2021. It made five main recommendations, all of which the Executive accepted, and that led to the truth recovery programme. The Bill gives statutory footing to recommendations 3 and 5, the public inquiry and the financial redress scheme.”
“<BR /> <BR />People deserve a healthcare system that works for them. The motion is ambitious. We cannot trundle along the way we are. It causes real harm and, sometimes, premature deaths. While a 111 service is not the full solution, it is certainly a contributor to a long-term solution. I urge Members to support the motion.”
“Absolutely. <BR /> <BR />Claire Sugden articulated clearly the human reality of our emergency departments. She said that, when people were worried about their health or the health of someone whom they love, they should not be left trying to navigate a fragmented system on their own. <BR /> <BR />I am disappointed by the Minister's remarks about establishing a 111 service. Minister, I know that it is a major transformation project and that it is not possible without funding, workforce plans and resources, which, you say, you do not have. However, referring people to the Phone First service will not address the issues that we are raising today. We need another front door that helps people into the system. I welcome your offer that your door is open, but the door being open and doing things are two different things.”
“For many people, especially old or vulnerable people or those already dealing with stress and anxiety, trying to figure out something or where they can turn to becomes another barrier to accessing care and the system. The proposal is about removing some of those barriers and creating a system that feels more responsive, more connective and easier to navigate. <BR /> <BR />The debate has shown that there is support across the Chamber for moving that conversation forward. Members understand that people want to see practical improvements that make a difference to their everyday experiences. The motion calls on the Minister to bring forward proposals for a wider 111 service by September 2026. Time is running out — the clock is ticking — and that is a reasonable ask. Following the debate, I hope that the Minister recognises that support.”
“For years, we have heard commitments about prevention, early intervention and strengthening care in communities. If we are serious about delivering that transformation, we need practical reforms that help to connect people with services earlier and more effectively. Alan Robinson spoke about patients having to manoeuvre sometimes complex and confusing pathways. A 111 service has the potential to become an important part of the approach to creating a simpler and more joined-up front door to healthcare. There is an important wider point here about accessibility and public confidence. <BR /> <BR />Healthcare should not be or feel confusing. People should not feel that they need to understand the internal workings of a system before they can even get help.”
“As we know from other regions, the integrated 111 service can play an important role in supporting community care and reducing pressure on front-line services when they are properly connected into wider healthcare pathways. Of course, Members have rightly made the point throughout the debate that the 111 service cannot operate in isolation, and I agree with that entirely. Its effectiveness depends on wider integration with primary care, community services, mental health support and social care provision. If those parts of the system are under and remain under pressure, any urgent care reform will struggle to deliver to its full potential. That is why the motion is linked firmly to the Executive's wider shift-left agenda. <BR /> <BR />As Alan Chambers indicated, the problems in our health system did not happen overnight.”
“It is also important to stress that this is not about replacing services or downgrading emergency departments; it is about improving how people move through the system and reducing unnecessary pressure where possible. Danny Donnelly, I think, spoke about the inability of patients to move in and out of the system and about allowing patients to leave hospital safely: we agree with that. <BR /> <BR />We can also look at how we support patients in how they enter the system, and that is really what we are discussing today. If somebody can receive appropriate advice and support without having to spend hours waiting in an emergency department, that is better for the patient and better for the wider health service.”
“Philip McGuigan made that clear. <BR /> <BR />We need to focus on prevention, on early intervention and on helping people to access care more carefully. A Northern Ireland-wide 111 service would provide people with a single accessible point of contact when they need urgent healthcare, and I agree with Diane Dodds that it would need to be efficient and properly staffed from its conception. It would offer clinically led triage and help to direct people towards the most appropriate service, whether that is a GP, a pharmacy, urgent care, mental health support or, where necessary, an emergency department. <BR /> <BR />At its core, the proposal is about making the system easier for people to navigate and helping to ensure that they get the right care at the right time.”
“People are often unsure exactly whether they should contact their GP, attend the out-of-hours service, seek advice from a pharmacist or go directly to an emergency department. In many cases, they end up attending emergency departments because they simply do not know where else to turn to or because they are unable to access the timely support elsewhere in the system. That too has been referred to throughout the debate. That has contributed to the growing pressures across urgent and emergency care, longer waiting times and increasing frustration for patients and staff alike. That is why the SDLP brought the motion to the Floor today. It is not because we are pretending that a 111 service will solve every challenge facing our healthcare system but because we believe that it can form an important part of a wider transformation agenda.”
“The staff at Altnagelvin are doing everything that they can do to keep the system moving, as staff are doing throughout the rest of Northern Ireland, but they are carrying the weight of pressures that have been building for years. <BR />I think that everyone in the House recognises that front-line healthcare workers cannot continue being asked to absorb rising demand without meaningful reform and proper support around them. The reality is that too many people currently find themselves trying to navigate a healthcare system that feels fragmented and difficult to access — many Members referred to that today — particularly when they are worried, vulnerable and in urgent need of care.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank Members across the House for their contributions to the debate. It has come through clearly that there is a recognition across the Chamber that our urgent and emergency care system is under serious and sustained pressure and that people are increasingly frustrated by how difficult it can be to access the right care at the right time. As an MLA for Foyle, I see the reality of that pressure every week through conversations with constituents, with patients and with staff in Altnagelvin Hospital, and I know the dedication and professionalism of the staff working there. They have continued to provide outstanding care in incredibly difficult working conditions, often dealing with overcrowding, workforce pressures and growing demand.”
“Was the purpose of looking just at the Southern Trust to cap the numbers that would be looked at? Why not widen it out to all trusts? Many ladies in the Western Trust area have had their cervical smears misread. The numbers that we are dealing with are really quite significant.”
“My constituent Julie Logan wrote to me to say:”
“Those are not unreasonable expectations; they are the bare minimum. <BR /> <BR />As the scheme finally comes to an end, we should remember its wider consequences for politics and public trust here. We cannot undo the damage that was done, but we can ensure that the failures that led to the scandal are never repeated. That must be the lasting lesson of RHI.”
“<BR /> <BR />As we debate the legislation, there is an important lesson for all of us in the Chamber: Northern Ireland still faces huge challenges around energy policy, energy affordability and decarbonisation. We need to expand renewable generation, improve energy security and lower costs for households and businesses, which remain exposed to volatile geopolitics and global markets, but we can do that only if there is public confidence in the decisions that we make here. That means proper transparency, scrutiny and accountability. It means getting policy right from the beginning. The public expect better from us after what happened with the RHI scheme. We expect Ministers and Departments to properly assess risk, properly manage public money and properly listen when concerns are raised.”
“At a time when families were struggling and public services were under pressure, people looked at the RHI scandal and asked themselves whether government was capable of acting in the public interest. Trust was broken, and rebuilding it has taken years. Therefore, while the Bill is technical in nature, its significance is much broader. Closing the scheme finally draws a line under a policy failure that cast a long shadow across our politics and the institutions. It is an acknowledgement that the scheme failed and caused enormous damage and that the lessons from it must never be ignored. The truth is that RHI did not fail because renewable energy is the wrong ambition; it failed because of poor governance, weak oversight and political failure.”
“Today's Final Stage of the Bill marks the closing chapter of one of the darkest episodes in the history of devolution. The renewable heat incentive scheme should have been an opportunity. It should have helped Northern Ireland transition to cleaner energy and supported businesses to reduce costs and emissions. Instead, it became synonymous with waste, scandal and public anger. <BR /> <BR />For years, people here watched as confidence in the institutions collapsed. They saw a scheme without proper cost controls, warnings ignored and the consequences spiral into a political crisis that brought the institutions down. That damage ran far more deeply than the financial cost.”
“The Minister must continue engaging with the British Government on the issue, because the concerns of the tourism industry are growing.”
“If we are serious about balanced regional growth, infrastructure investment must reach every part of Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />The aviation and tourism sectors face wider challenges that the Assembly cannot ignore. The introduction of the electronic travel authorisation scheme following Brexit has created significant concerns for tourism across the island. Additional bureaucracy and added costs risk discouraging international visitors who want to travel freely across the island. That is particularly concerning for border areas, like my constituency, that rely heavily on cross-border and all-island connectivity. It is welcome that Ulster University is conducting research on the economic impact of the scheme. That is important work, and I await the report.”
“The Department for the Economy's assuming financial responsibility for the airport, alongside a commitment of £3 million funding support, was an important and positive step forward. We have also seen encouraging announcements on air routes, including confirmation that the Derry to Dublin service will return later this year. That is positive news for tourism, local businesses and regional connectivity. Airports are not simply transport hubs; they are economic enablers. They support tourism, hospitality and improved access to regional economies. They influence investment decisions, and, in places like the north-west, can help tackle long-standing regional neglect and imbalance. For many people in Derry and across the wider north-west, connectivity has, too often, been treated as an afterthought.”
“That means supporting innovation, cleaner technologies and better public transport connectivity. It means recognising the role that aviation plays in supporting our economy and also accepting wider environmental responsibilities and the need to reduce emissions over the long term. <BR /> <BR />If we are having a conversation about aviation and economic growth, we must also have a conversation about regional balance. Too often, discussions about infrastructure and investment focus entirely on Belfast while other regions are expected to fight for attention. That is why we must also focus on unleashing the potential of the City of Derry Airport and the wider north-west economy. There has been genuine progress in recent years.”
“<BR /> <BR />Investment in infrastructure and connectivity matters if we are serious about growing the economy and strengthening our tourism offer. I have some concerns, however. Perhaps I could get clarification from the motion's proposer on its language, in particular, which appears to frame environmental targets and climate responsibilities as barriers to economic progress. I do not believe that economic growth and environmental sustainability should be presented in opposition to each other. The amendment also recognises the importance of air connectivity to the island as an economic driver, albeit it softens the delay in delivery of a comprehensive aviation strategy. The delay has gone on far too long. It is unacceptable at this stage. That is why we need a balanced approach. The future of aviation must be sustainable.”
“There is no doubt that aviation plays a vital role in our economy, connectivity and the tourism sector. Airports support jobs, attract investment and connect people across these islands. That is why my party welcomes the continued investment in airport infrastructure across Northern Ireland, including the ambitious plans that have been set out in the Belfast City Airport master plan 2040. Indeed, the document and plan are extremely impressive and will certainly transform aviation on the island of Ireland. The investment that has gone into Belfast International Airport in recent years is also very welcome because it is the first point of entry for many visitors to Northern Ireland, and, sometimes, it is not very good. It is improving. That is all that I want to say about that.”
“— and weighing up the risks of staying against the risks of leaving. We will support the motion and the amendment.”
“It requires a system that works for victims, not against them; the full commencement of the protections that the Assembly has already agreed; simpler and more accessible legal aid; and practical safeguards in our courts to see that victims are not placed back in harm's way. It also requires a broader cultural understanding of what coercive control looks like, because, too often, it goes unrecognised. Too often, it is minimised. Too often, victims are asked why they stayed rather than why the abuse was allowed to continue. We need to change that. We need to send clear messages that coercive control is abuse, that it is serious and that those experiencing it will be supported, protected and believed, because behind every statistic is a person — a woman, mostly — who is living in fear —”
“We cannot accept a system where access to legal aid is so complex or restrictive that it deters people from seeking protection. We cannot allow court proceedings, particularly in family courts, to become another arena where coercive control is continued and, in fact, reinforced. <BR /> <BR />For many victims, leaving the relationship is not the end of the abuse; it can be the point at which it escalates. Perpetrators can use legal processes to maintain contact, exert pressure, intimidate and re-traumatise. That is not justice; it is a continuation of harm through the very systems that are meant to provide protection. When we talk about giving people the courage to leave, we have to be honest about what that means and what it requires. It requires more than words and more than awareness.”
“<BR /> <BR />We have taken important steps to recognise those forms of abuse in law. As others have said, the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Act (Northern Ireland) 2021 was a really significant moment. It acknowledged that abusive behaviour is not limited to physical harm and that coercive control must be taken seriously. Recognition on paper alone, however, is not enough, and the motion is clear that many of the protections that were intended to support victims have been only partially implemented. The safeguards that should be there in our courts are not consistently in place, and victims still face barriers when they try to access justice. We cannot ignore that, nor can we accept a situation where a victim can still be directly cross-examined by the person who has abused them.”
“<BR /> <BR />We know that around two thirds of victims of domestic abuse in Northern Ireland are female. Behind those figures are real lives shaped by fear, control and isolation. They are the lives of women who feel unable to leave, feel trapped or fear what might happen if they try to leave. Coercive control is rarely straightforward and is often bound up in relationships where there are children, where the home is shared or where finances are intertwined and lives are deeply connected. That makes it harder to walk away and harder to seek help, and it makes it easier for perpetrators to maintain control. We also know that leaving is often the most dangerous point for the victim. The risks of serious harm can increase when someone attempts to leave their abuser.”
“I support the motion. I speak to an issue that is all too often hidden from view but never absent from our society. Coercive control does not always leave bruises that can be seen, nor does it always present in ways that are easily recognised or even understood. It happens quietly behind closed doors and shut windows. It happens in private spaces, where fear can take hold and control is exercised in ways that are deliberate, sustained and deeply damaging. This is not just about physical violence; it is about the pattern of behaviour, and it is about intimidation, isolation, monitoring, threats and manipulation. It is about one person exerting power over another day after day, until that person begins to feel that they have no control over their own life. Often, it is women who are living through that.”
“Thank you, Minister, for that answer. We await the publication of the action plan. The Secretary of State for Health recently relaunched the UK Government's women's health strategy and is trying to tackle the medical misogyny and disparity that exists. Given that Northern Ireland is the only part of the UK without a dedicated women's health strategy, do you accept that we are falling further behind? Will you commit to ensuring that the funding that is required to deliver actions will be ring-fenced so that we can make improvements?”
“It is in that context that the ongoing SEN reforms are being implemented. To be clear, reform, of course, is necessary. No one in the Chamber would argue that the current system is working well and as it should work for children with special needs. However, reform must not only be well intentioned but deliverable in practice, and what we are hearing from many in the system, including SENCOs, school leaders and support services, is a growing concern about capacity and the ability to deliver to the needs of the most vulnerable. <BR /> <BR />As I said, we support the motion and we welcome the debate, but it is really action, Minister, that we are looking for.”
“Shortcuts are never really what they seem when you are trying to make them. They can cost us all in the end. <BR /> <BR />We can see how strained the system has become. In the past five years alone, there have been over 10,000 recorded instances of work-related assaults on teachers and classroom assistants. The number of incidents has risen significantly year-on-year. Dozens of teachers have required time off work whilst suspensions have also risen by almost 70% since before the pandemic and are up 20% in the past two years. Those figures are really stark, and our schools are dealing with increasingly complex needs, as I said, without the level of support that is required. In that environment, SENCOs are not just coordinating provision but are operating at the front line of a system that is at breaking point.”
“We increasingly talk about the cost to the system, but, in the long run, it is really a cost to society.”
“That is not good for anybody, particularly the kids in the classroom whom they love and cherish. <BR /> <BR />I strongly support the motion's call for a review of SENCOs' workload and for serious consideration to be given to how we better structure and support their role, including by deciding whether, in some cases, a SENCO should be a non-teaching position. We also need to frame the discussion in a wider context. The pressures facing SENCOs are not happening in isolation. Rather, they are part of a broader system that is increasingly under strain. I agree with the UUP leader that there is a bigger picture to look at. We have to look at the issues from the very beginning of a child's life and at their engagement right through to the end of their education. We have to support them. Some type of cost analysis needs to be done.”
“SENCOs increasingly have to take time off work because they are stressed, burnt out or sick. They are juggling demands, because many are classroom teachers as well as being SENCOs. Despite being the backbone of SEN delivery in our mainstream schools, they do not receive the support that they need in those schools or in education more generally. <BR /> <BR />Let us therefore be honest about the reality that we are facing. In the vast majority of cases, SENCOs are not just coordinators but full-time teachers who are trying to balance the demands of the classroom and increasingly complex administrative, pastoral and coordination responsibilities. That is not a sustainable model at all, so it is no surprise that many of them experience excessive workloads, pressure on their mental health and an erosion of their work-life balance.”
“I thank the signatories to the motion for tabling it. The SDLP supports the motion. The debate that we are having this evening is really important. <BR /> <BR />It is well known that we have a crisis in the delivery of special needs education. It is underfunded and under-resourced, and the workforce is under ever-increasing strain and pressure. Despite that, our SENCOs provide an immeasurable service to our young people in schools. They are the ones who ensure that best practice is maintained. They work hard to support subject teachers, to tailor lesson plans, to adapt materials, to implement individualised learning plans and to give children the acute and essential structured support that they need in order to thrive. Although our SENCOs are increasingly in need of support, that support is not forthcoming.”
“I thank the Member for taking an intervention. Does he agree that, once again, it is people who live in the most deprived regions of Northern Ireland who have least access to dental healthcare? I talk particularly about our Foyle constituency. The healthcare professionals — the dentists — working in Foyle are working flat to the mat. It is impossible to deliver a quality service under the strains that they are under.”
“<BR /> <BR />Of course, there are other outstanding questions, such as the extent of the operation of the Bill's qualified power, and I encourage the Minister to outline how she will safeguard the independence of the Utility Regulator while affording it the powers to provide relevant advice. We also want to see more detail from the Minister about the alternative funding mechanisms that are suggested in the Bill's explanatory memorandum, and we need maximum transparency on what they might look like. <BR /> <BR />Despite those concerns, we support the Bill's principles at Second Stage. I look forward to progressing the Bill in the Economy Committee and working with colleagues from across the House to explore some of the issues that I have outlined in this important legislation.”
“As recently as last month at the Committee, the Utility Regulator repeated its desire to see Northern Ireland’s energy legislation brought into line with that in Britain and the relevant legislation in the South of Ireland. The Minister must answer why she believes it is appropriate to take such a piecemeal approach to the legislation. I put on record that I welcome where we are at the minute, but I am concerned about the scale and ambition of the legislation. Since we set out on this journey, things have moved way ahead of us, particularly in recent days and months, and we probably now need to consider the context for the Department’s work on energy and the statutory obligations in the Bill. Our economy needs a big change in a range of areas, including energy. Sadly, the Bill will not deliver that.”
“It could also have helped to meet the requirements of article 24 of the 2022 Act, which places responsibility on DFE, alongside other Departments, to ensure that net emissions do not exceed the carbon budgets. I would like to hear from the Minister on how she intends to meet the challenge of joined-up government without such powers. <BR /> <BR />While the Bill has been presented as being only a first step, it is really quite moderate. My party and I remain concerned that its ambition falls short of the scale of the crisis that we are facing and the size of our ambitions. <BR /> <BR />The Economy Committee has heard directly from the Utility Regulator that, while the legislative framework for Ofgem has been updated several times, the Energy (Northern Ireland) Order 2003 has not been updated.”
“If we want to develop low-carbon energy policies and meet the commitments that the Assembly has set itself on energy policy and on contributing to addressing the challenges of climate change, we should progress it without delay. <BR /> <BR />I also put on record that I am disappointed that the Bill does not confer the same powers on other Departments to request advice from the Utility Regulator, as the Chair of the Committee just said. While it is right that DFE is the ministry responsible, other Departments have a critical role to play in ensuring that we reach our climate goals in a fair and sustainable way, and the Utility Regulator could have helped with that.”
“We rapidly need to decarbonise the energy sector, end the use of fossil fuels and promote a market in which renewable energy sources are readily available and affordable and in which much faster progress is achieved on making sure that homes are energy efficient and properly insulated. That is a big task. It is therefore only right and proper that we bring the full weight of every statutory body behind achieving those objectives, and that includes ensuring that the Utility Regulator can properly provide the advice and support that the Executive will need. <BR /> <BR />The Bill is a critical part of the jigsaw for making sure that the Department can effectively prioritise low-carbon solutions and emerging technology sectors.”
“It is good to speak for the SDLP on such an important topic. As Members from across the Chamber will appreciate, there could not be a more timely opportunity to speak about energy issues and reaching our net zero objectives. As the price of energy has soared in recent weeks, thanks to the war in Iran, we have seen that, once again, being in hock to and at the mercy of global oil and gas markets costs our consumers and communities here at home dearly. Households across Northern Ireland are facing huge spikes in prices, with the cost of home heating oil rising by around 80% and prices in the all-island wholesale electricity market rising by 19%. We need to accelerate our long-term move to escape that dependency and take control of our own energy.”
“The Minister must act with urgency, not only for women today but for future generations of women who risk growing up in a society that continues to treat them as second-class citizens when it comes to healthcare. Women in Northern Ireland deserve better. They deserve action now.”
“Meanwhile, progress is being made elsewhere in the UK. 'The Renewed Women's Health Strategy for England' aims to tackle medical misogyny. The Secretary of State for Health, Wes Streeting, has acknowledged that the National Health Service is failing women. That relaunched strategy contains measures to improve standards of care, including by ensuring that women are offered appropriate pain relief for invasive procedures. That progress has to be welcomed, but it also underlines the fact that Northern Ireland is falling even further behind. A comprehensive women's health strategy for here is long overdue. Nothing else is acceptable. We cannot continue to wait.”