Sinéad McLaughlin
Foyle · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“After decades of silence, being believed matters; having your experience acknowledged matters; and knowing that society finally accepts the truth matters deeply. That is what, I hope, the legislation provides. <BR /> <BR />Throughout the process, I wanted to ensure that, where we could strengthen the Bill, we did.”
“Today is an important day because it is a day of accountability. I welcome to the Gallery all of the birth mothers, all of the adult adoptees and all of their family members. I thank everyone who has journeyed with you and loved you throughout the process.”
“As time passed, I believed that the original figure no longer reflected the recognition as strongly as it should have done, so I was pleased that Members from across the Chamber supported that amendment.”
“Behind every clause is a person; behind every amendment is someone's lived experience; and behind every decision that we make in the Chamber are people who have spent years carrying the consequences of decisions that they never made. That is why the legislation is so important.”
“It is often Members who receive the attention in debates such as this, but good legislation depends on the dedication and expertise of many people working quietly in the background. Today, we complete the legislative journey, but we should not pretend that justice begins and ends with the passing of a Bill.”
“We are here because survivors refused to accept that their stories would remain untold. We are here because they never stopped asking for what should never have been so difficult to receive in the first place: recognition, dignity and justice.”
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“Regulation sits at the heart of the Assembly. Without our ability to regulate, the Assembly becomes little more than a talking shop. Boris Johnson is ripping up the devolution settlement. It is the old colonial way and attitude: "If they do not like it, punish them". We want more powers, and the response from Westminster is to give us fewer. You can see the same in Whitehall. Senior civil servants give the Government advice, and, if they do not like it, they get sacked and are replaced by yes-men — and, predominantly, they are men. <BR /> <BR />Just as we hoped that we were making progress, we find ourselves going backwards, slapped down by a Government who want to exert as much control as possible.”
“It is no wonder that Nicola Sturgeon referred to it as a "full-frontal assault on devolution". Boris Johnson and his inner cabal want that power to themselves, to have the most-centralised UK Government there has been for decades. He wants to limit the powers to govern Northern Ireland, and that should make every person in the Assembly angry. Under the Bill, any legislation that we pass that impedes the internal market will have no effect. That means that, if we want to protect the health and well-being of livestock, we may not be able to. If we want to eliminate zero-hours contracts, we may not be able to. What happens if we confirm a policy of no fracking and one of the other nations says that fracking is OK? The Welsh Government are concerned that even their building regulations could be replaced by those of England.”
“By doing that, he has shown contempt for the EU, contempt for the citizens of the UK and comtempt for the rule of law, and he has shown utter contempt and disregard for every person in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />Do not be fooled by the further lies that are being peddled. Actions have consequences, and the protocol, as signed, is the consequence of the UK voting to leave the EU and to reject the single market and the customs union. Make no mistake: it is the UK that has put a border in the Irish Sea, not the EU. More than that, Boris Johnson and his Government are showing absolute contempt for this Assembly, the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Parliament. The Internal Market Bill is a naked power grab by a power-hungry, right-wing English nationalist Government. <BR /> <BR />Our powers as an Assembly will be badly cut by the Bill.”
“The British Government have a long history of treating people with contempt, and you do not have to look too far to see examples of that. My friends in the DUP can affirm that. In my city of Derry, we suffered greatly due to the wrongdoing of the British Government, but we had hoped that the British Government had moved away from that shameful past. It has been clear during the negotiations with the European Union that the British Government have reverted to the bad old days of treating nations, neighbours and friends with complete and utter contempt. The Prime Minister had already shown that contempt in how he played with the truth during the Brexit referendum. Now, he is going further by rejecting the withdrawal agreement protocol that he signed up to and negotiated just a few months back.”
“Minister, thank you for your reply to my previous question, but it was not a reply to the question that I asked. I asked what conversations had taken place in the North/South Ministerial Council in relation to the further expansion of the Magee campus to 10,000 students, not about the medical school — that is a separate issue. The question is about the further expansion, the commitment made in the 'New Decade New Approach' document and the commitments made by the Irish Government for capital expenditure and investment in that expansion. So, could you answer that question, please?”
“Minister, what discussions have you had about higher education in the North/South Ministerial Council? As you are very well aware, New Decade, New Approach includes a commitment for the Northern Ireland Executive to deliver the expansion of Magee to up to 10,000 students, and the Irish Government have made a commitment to support capital investment for the same expansion. It is important that both Governments jointly progress this policy and project.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Minister for the Economy and the Executive have an opportunity today, not just to deal with the latest result of what COVID has done to our society but to reset the future and provide a better future for our children's generation. Let us not allow that prize to slip from our grasp.”
“We must not expect the two universities here to pick up the bill for that and, given the role of the UK Government, we expect the Education, Economy and Finance Ministers here to very robustly make the case to the UK Government that they should pick up the bill for that. <BR /> <BR />I have one final point. As a Foyle MLA, I urge Ulster University to allocate an additional MaSN to the Magee campus. It remains a scandal that Northern Ireland's second city does not have a full-sized university campus. The SDLP will not rest until that is achieved. That is a pledge that we make in memory of John Hume.”
“Do we really expect the universities to pick up the financial cost of the A- level fiasco? Yesterday, the British media reported that the Education Secretary for England, Gavin Williamson, had promised that UK universities would be released from the student number cap to allow students with sufficient A-level grades to be accepted. That is, no doubt, a misreporting, because the British media does not understand the difference between the UK and Great Britain, but it allows us to consider an important point. This mess is not entirely of the making of Peter Weir, the Department of Education and CCEA; it is also the mess of the British Government. The answer is clear. We must lift the MaSN cap for Northern Ireland and allow students with sufficient grades to study at universities in Northern Ireland.”
“I agree that we need to restructure our education and skills provision in Northern Ireland because the current system is inadequate. <BR /> <BR />The farce around A-level grades has forced our two universities to breach the MaSN cap imposed by the Department for the Economy. Last week, they offered places that they are bound to honour to students with the required minimum grades. This week, however, they are also bound to honour previous conditional offers to students who, with revised grades, now meet those conditions. This mess is not of the universities' making, yet it potentially creates a very serious financial situation for them. It is not a one-year problem. The universities will be breaching the MaSN cap this year and perhaps for the next three or four years for some courses because of the length of undergraduate programmes.”
“Also, we are not doing enough for those students who do not go to university; they need high-quality apprenticeships and a future in well-paid, emotionally rewarding work. <BR /> <BR />Today, however, is about the ongoing failure around the MaSN cap, which has become a crisis.”
“It has been a noose around the neck of our economy for years. This situation not only damages our productivity and decision-making but adds momentum to the Northern Ireland diaspora, breaking up families as children leave home to study in Great Britain, typically never to return. As a mother, I have seen my daughters leave Northern Ireland to study, and, indeed, they are both away at the moment. That is fine. However, when students want to stay at home and are not able to do so, we are forcing them away because we do not have enough university places. That splits up families, and it is heartbreaking. A few days ago, an OECD report concluded that it is not providing the next generation of graduate talent that our economy needs for the future.”
“Mr Speaker, you are very welcome back to the House. <BR /> <BR />I support the amendment. I concur with the sentiments, passion and dogged determination expressed by my colleague Daniel McCrossan and, indeed, with the comments of other Members across the House. <BR /> <BR />There is no doubt that we have done our young people a great disservice. We must learn from our mistakes. If you see a train coming down the track, it is best to get out of the way. The First Minister of Scotland set the precedent, but we did not follow. <BR /> <BR />I wish to concentrate my comments on maximum student numbers. Northern Ireland has a unique educational disadvantage across the four UK nations: the MaSN cap. This cap on student numbers holds back our economy by depriving it of the skills that we need.”
“Does the Minister agree that one of the things that COVID-19 has taught us is that working together brings better outcomes and that more expertise, integration, co-operation and cross-departmental working has led to better outcomes for our patients and our management? If that is true, the management board must reflect that. I ask the Minister to give greater consideration to having more expertise on that management board, particularly across the allied health experts.”
“<BR /> <BR />We will support this LCM. We are not totally happy with its contents, but the alternative is to have no environmental governance. The SDLP will seek to make amendments to the Bill in Westminster to make improvements that have more cognisance of our unique position in the North.”
“When the SDLP held the Ministry, attempts were made to progress both of these hugely important environmental initiatives but, inexplicably, they were thwarted and blocked at Executive level. We need to resurrect the commitments made in the 'New Decade, New Approach' document. <BR /> <BR />It is obvious, and it should be obvious to the British Government, that the situation in Northern Ireland is different from England. We have a land border. We have cross-border production built into the agri-food sector. Many of the environmental matters underpinning this legislation are different here from those over the water. Yet we have so little time to properly scrutinise the legislation. We do not have the opportunity to consider, in detail, the specific implications of this legislation for Northern Ireland — that is just not good enough.”
“I thank the Minister for his very detailed statement and briefing. This LCM is another unfortunate example of a Bill on which we have been unable to get enough clarity. It is another indication that the UK Government is facing in several different directions at once. Wales and Scotland are developing their own environmental protection agencies, and it is no wonder. Let us recall, for a moment, the New Decade, New Approach agreement to which the UK Government devoted immense time. It referred, very explicitly, to the environment and climate change. The 'New Decade, New Approach' document stated:”
“Thank you, Minister, and congratulations on your policy statement. It is a really good start and I look forward to its further development. I am also pleased with your commitment to work with the other Ministers on this because it is an all-government approach for the future. It is important that all Departments support the green recovery programme. Does the Minister share my concerns about the future of factory farming? It harms the environment and is arguably bad for human health as well, as shown with the recent COVID-19 outbreaks in meat-processing plants in Germany, France, Spain, Wales and England. Are you concerned about that?”
“I say "urgently": we are going into a period now — a very short tourism opportunity — and it will be about staycations. We need the focus of Tourism Ireland to be on this island and between the two components of this island.”
“Thank you, Minister, for your statement. The North/South Ministerial Council is an important body, and it should be an important component of our economic recovery at this time. It is regrettable that many of its boards are so badly depleted when we most need them to be fully operational. The two, in particular, for our economic recovery are InterTradeIreland and Tourism Ireland. On Tourism Ireland, the Irish draft programme for government has in it a commitment to support the linkage of the Wild Atlantic Way and the Causeway Coast, which promises to provide a major boost to Derry city, as we are at the beginning and end of both. Can the Minister give a clear commitment that Tourism Ireland will fully engage with the project and that the Executive will this time give full support to this important vision?”
“Does the Minister agree that, 22 years on from the Good Friday Agreement, it is obscene that our citizens who have been brutally maimed by their fellow countrymen are still in a state of limbo regarding their pension payments? I am ashamed: are you?”
“I just thought that I would get you an extra minute. Does the Member agree that there is a very short period of time for the UK Government to make a request for an extension of the transition period? When is a good time for the UUP to get engaged? We have four weeks left — I reckon that it is time to start talking and making your mind up.”
“Thank you, Member, for your intervention. I want to indicate that this is not about Brexit or Remain. This conversation is about whether we are ready, and we are not. <BR /> <BR />I agree with my colleague Matthew O'Toole. The Assembly was silent while things were decided for the people whom we represent. We now have a voice, and the motion should be approved unanimously by the Assembly. It is not in the interests of anyone, whether they voted "Remain" or "Leave" in the referendum, to have a disorganised exit. It is certainly not in the interests of wider society, workers and businesses to lay a crisis on top of the immediate one. Let us display unity today by supporting the motion. I ask the Chamber this: can we just deal with one crisis at a time?”
“We should take expert advice when it comes to the transition arrangements. That expert advice is clear: we have to extend the transition period. Time is now too short to resolve the vast number of technical challenges that we face.”
“It warns that 64 different administrations in the UK will have a role in administering the Irish Sea border. It doubts that negotiations can be completed in time, and it doubts that the border can be operational by the end of the year. <BR /> <BR />Underlying all of that, says the Institute for Government, are the core challenges. The institute says that the UK and EU negotiators see the negotiations differently. The UK wants to amend the protocol; the EU wants to agree how it is implemented. The UK trade negotiator has accepted that there will be friction in trade between the UK and the EU in order to create benefits for the UK. Many of those frictions will apply to trade between Great Britain and Northern Ireland. We hear every day of the need to take expert advice when it comes to COVID.”
“I agree with the Member. We are running out of time, and we have no governance or scrutiny. That seems to be a theme of the Executive, as we heard in the previous debate. <BR /> <BR />We have also had a report from the Institute for Government that makes many of the same points but says even more. It warns the UK Government that capacity has been sucked out by the COVID-19 crisis, making it difficult to negotiate with the EU. Members, I can tell you that capacity in the Northern Ireland Executive has been absorbed by COVID-19 as well and has not been concentrated in any meaningful way on what we face with Brexit. It warns that the Irish Sea border will look more like the border between England and France than the one between England and Scotland.”
“Meanwhile, the technical adviser group that was supposed to propose alternative arrangements is in abeyance. Those are just a few of the points raised by the House of Lords Committee.”
“It is unclear what impact the protocol will have on Northern Ireland after the UK enters new trade agreements, and it is the same with EU trade agreements. It is unclear how the movement of goods will be checked, It is unclear what definition will be used to decide whether goods will, potentially, pose a risk to the EU single market and how goods will be classified as being for internal UK trade. It is unclear what declarations will be required for goods travelling from Great Britain to Northern Ireland. It is unclear how goods sent from Northern Ireland to Great Britain will have unfettered access to the GB market. It is unclear how Northern Ireland businesses will operate VAT rules for next year. It is unclear how state rules will be applied in Northern Ireland.”
“Its report states that Northern Ireland feels like "a pawn" in a bigger game played between the UK Government and the EU. It states:”
“It is fair to say that leaving the European Union has not been easy. It is also fair to say that our economy is enduring unprecedented strain due to the pandemic and that we cannot have a bounceback recovery. The economic impact of COVID is devastating. Regardless of how much Members supported Brexit, those unforeseen realities call for more time, more clarity and more preparation. There is precious little time left. Failure to agree a deal with the EU is not in the interests of those who voted "Remain" or "Leave" in the referendum. <BR /> <BR />Let us look at what we are dealing with in what is intended to be the last seven months of the transition period. The House of Lords EU Select Committee has just given its judgement on the obstacles outstanding.”
“Does the Member believe in an equal society and does he believe that we need a subregional balance in our economy as we emerge from lockdown? Derry and the north-west have the highest levels of unemployment of any region in the United Kingdom and we consistently attract the lowest number of jobs related to Invest NI. What are the Member's thoughts on that?”
“— and reactive skills base. <BR /> <BR />Councils have suggested to the Committee that that effort should be supported by skills academies and the creation of innovative hubs. Those will require a partnership with further and higher education and training providers and better and clearer —”
“<BR /> <BR />Small businesses and microbusinesses, along with social enterprises and start-ups, have been the hardest hit by the lockdown. They are the backbone of our local economy and therefore need direct financial support from the Executive. Businesses in those sectors are generally not Invest NI client companies. They must be prioritised, however. <BR /> <BR />The Committee agreed with SOLACE and NILGA that we need to provide incentives for people to acquire digital skills. Key to the working of that in future crises are reskilling and upskilling, through which we are more likely to develop a more sustainable —”
“Members agreed with their analysis that, to have economic prosperity going forward, we must prioritise the revival of our village, town and city centres. As we build skills for the future, we must ensure that we begin to get our economy moving again and to fund the issues raised in the motion. The Executive need to provide for our centres to reopen while abiding by social distancing and other guidance. Such a revival needs to be supported by greater animation of those centres, as well by as marketing and promotion around shopping locally and using local services. That stimulation of localised growth is essential for a balanced regional recovery and, in the Committee's view, makes sense as part of a collaborative regional rebuilding plan.”
“They need skills that will give them opportunities to engage with the jobs that will be created and the sectors that will be established in the months and years to come. Our young people in particular must leave school, training and further education with skills that are relevant to future jobs and industries. That requires a partnership among employers, schools, further education colleges and higher education institutions, as well as other training providers and, of course, the Executive as a whole. Such industries will include those involved in decarbonisation and in the development of a green new deal sector and jobs in it. <BR /> <BR />The Committee heard from the Society of Local Authority Chief Executives (SOLACE) and the Northern Ireland Local Government Association (NILGA) last week.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Committee has discussed the recovery and rebuilding phase that we now entering into, and members agreed that this tragedy offers us an opportunity to build in a way that recognises the mistakes of the past and does not repeat them, as well as an opportunity to horizon-scan for the skills and industries that will allow us to create greater prosperity for our people. <BR /> <BR />The Committee agrees with the view that the current job retention scheme, or furloughing, should taper off in a way that allows employers to bring back workers on a phased or part-time basis initially. The Committee believes that the recovery period is a time in which we could look to ensure that workers, particularly young people emerging into the workforce for the first time, are properly skilled.”
“Like the ICTU, the Committee believes that the forum has a role to play after the crisis as an advisory body to inform the Executive on the recovery and rebuilding of the economy. Indeed, the ICTU suggested that the forum could perform a useful function by advising the Executive on the Programme for Government, for example, and provide a place for social dialogue to consider solutions to problems facing the Executive and wider society. The ICTU suggested that its focus should be on the future of work, innovation, skills and productivity and on a revision of our investment in the economic development model.”
“<BR /> <BR />As I indicated at the outset, the Committee was briefed by ICTU and the Nevin Economic Research Institute last Wednesday about their vision for our economic recovery from the crisis. They, too, used the word "just". Like the Committee and all the other groups represented on it, the ICTU warmly welcomed the Economy Minister's establishment of the Labour Relations Agency engagement forum. That forum represents a unique approach to bringing together the public, private and trade union sectors to advise the Executive on their handling of the COVID-19 crisis, as well as offering suggestions for the recovery and rebuilding phase that we are now entering into and to which the motion refers. It brings together groups to advise the Executive.”
“I rise to speak on behalf of the Committee for the Economy. This is a timely motion, as the Committee received a briefing on this issue from the Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU) at last week's meeting. <BR /> <BR />While the Committee has not had an opportunity to agree a view on the motion and, therefore, I will not be able to support the motion on the Committee's behalf, nonetheless, members are on record expressing the Committee's thanks and admiration for the contribution made by our front-line workers during the COVID-19 pandemic. It would be remiss of me not to use this opportunity to put on record again the Committee's deep gratitude for the Herculean efforts that those heroes have made to benefit us all. I am sure that all Members will echo that sentiment.”
“However, we agree now that we are in the right place, and we will move on. We support the Bill.”
“<BR /> <BR />We want our housing associations to be dynamic organisations, borrowing to invest, building social and affordable homes that are clean and efficient, creating places for people to live, strengthening our communities and providing jobs. <BR /> <BR />My party also wants housing associations to be full and committed participants in the green new deal, cutting carbon emissions and creating a cleaner economy. Those opportunities stand before us today. Had we been here sooner in the Assembly, we would have created more homes earlier, easing our chronic housing problem. The Bill would not have had to go through an accelerated process, because we would have already dealt with it. We are in this housing crisis because we were not here in the House. It is because the DUP and Sinn Féin walked out the door. That is why we are here.”
“We need housing associations to build large numbers of housing units to meet the massive need for new homes. That will create substantial numbers of desperately needed jobs. It should also come with an accredited training scheme, helping to strengthen our skills base. <BR /> <BR />My party's hope is that the Bill will do more than enable housing associations to build additional homes, create jobs and training places. We hope it will also open up greater use of financial transaction capital. It is obscene that Northern Ireland underspent its allocation of financial transaction capital by £150 million last year. That was a golden opportunity to spend more money here.”
“That is a serious problem, because parts of the private rental sector are of very poor quality, while also being more expensive than social housing.”
“<BR /> <BR />We have a housing crisis in Northern Ireland. We have very long waiting lists for social housing. Around 38,000 households are on the waiting list, with about 26,000 of our households in housing stress and 12,000 recognised as homeless. Yet, we are building fewer than 1,000 new social homes per year. At the current rate of progress, it will take several decades to clear the social housing waiting list. That is unacceptable. <BR /> <BR />According to the House of Common's library, Northern Ireland is the only part of the UK in which the private rental housing sector is larger than the social housing sector.”
“I, too, add my condolences to the family of George Floyd. The civil rights movement in Derry started because of a housing issue: an inequality. What we are speaking about now is an inequality. Housing is a right, and we should support it. I just wanted to say that before I look at the Bill. <BR /> <BR />This may look like a technical Bill, but it is a very important one. It unlocks opportunities for economic growth as we emerge from the COVID-19 lockdown. The suspension of the Assembly for three years caused serious and specific difficulties for the social housing sector in Northern Ireland. The lack of an Assembly meant that we were unable to process the legal changes that have been undertaken in Great Britain. In turn, this has restricted the ability of our housing associations to borrow.”
“The medical school is due to open its doors in September 2021. Like every other elected representative and everybody in the city, I was delighted by the announcement, but a lot of work needs to be done for that to take place. It needs to be done very quickly, with a sense of urgency, and I urge the joint First Ministers to proceed at pace. <BR /> <BR />I support the Second Stage of the Budget (No. 2) Bill.”
“I left the meeting with the sense that they were as in the dark about what happens now regarding progressing the business case for the medical school as we in Northern Ireland are about the new customs arrangements after Brexit. We need to know what is going on. We need more detail, and we need greater transparency. That applies to the British Government's plan for Brexit, but it also applies to the plans of our Government, the Executive Office and senior officials when it comes to the Magee medical school.”
“It is almost as if Downing Street cares little about Northern Ireland, despite what the Prime Minister has said on private visits here. <BR /> <BR />We have one certainty, which is that the UK will have to focus more on growing our own talent and skills, while relying less on migrants coming here to work. We will have to invest more in skills and training, and that must be one of our investment priorities. That brings me to subject closest to my heart and close to the interests of the people in my Foyle constituency: the Magee medical school. Yesterday, I met — virtually, of course — senior representatives of Ulster University.”
“That is what he should do, but, just as he will not sack Dominic Cummings, he says that he absolutely will not extend the Brexit transition period, despite that being the obvious and sensible thing to do. We in the North, the region most effected by Brexit, remain unclear about what customs arrangements will be in place. It seems that there will not be enough trained custom agents to help us to know about them, whatever they are. <BR /> <BR />While COVID-19 is, in the immediate term, a complete disaster for the economy, we should not overlook the reality of Brexit over the longer term. It is likely to be a complete disaster for our economy. What makes it worse is that, with just a few months to go, we in the region most affected know so little about what comes next. It is absolutely disgraceful.”
“This morning, one important story was largely overlooked amidst the anger over Dominic Cummings's refusal to resign, but it was a story that was much more important for businesses and workers in Northern Ireland. The British Government are nowhere near ready in the training of the 50,000 new customs agents needed to deal with Brexit. I remind the Chamber that we are little more than half a year away from the biting point of Brexit: just over 240 days. The Prime Minister may have boasted about getting Brexit done, but the real impact will hit Northern Ireland at the end of December when the transition period comes to an end. The Prime Minister could decide to extend that transition period.”