David Brooks
East Belfast · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Does the Member accept that our position, as it has been laid out and although it is different from hers, is that schools should have autonomy to decide those things? It is not about appointing anyone, least of all men specifically, to make those decisions; it is about school leadership.”
“I recognise that the Member is being genuine, as all Members have been as they have laid out their reasoning, and I have some sympathy with that. However, Northern Ireland is being portrayed almost as an outlier.”
“We have seen some enthusiasm for private Members' Bills introduced by those on the Benches opposite progressing at speed, and I hope to see similar motivation for such a key issue as inspections. In the past — admittedly, when there was less time pressure — the Committee was generous with its time when hearing from stakeholders.”
“I will say a few words rather make a lengthy speech. The Justice Bill is coming up, and I am sure that my colleague Mr Frew will have that covered.”
“I echo the sentiments that racism is always wrong, but one of the pressures that are causing frustration is the lack of social and affordable housing, particularly in our most deprived communities. That has been exacerbated by Mears's operation.”
“I will not take lectures in scripture and Christianity from those who often spend their time opposing Christian values — I have no truck with such lectures. Equally, I say to those who have been involved in the violence that you will not rebuild a Christian nation by torching houses or cars or by attacking the police.”
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Every one of 817 lines we hold for David Brooks, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 10 of 17.
“I say this clearly to the Executive as a whole and to the Department for the Economy, which is responsible for the regulation of short-term lets: it is not enough to regulate the quality and safety of those properties for tourists; they must also be regulated and restricted to prevent their proliferation bringing greater harm to residents and communities. <BR /> <BR />In combination with that, when discussing HMOs, one cannot overlook the malevolent impact of government immigration policy. I want this to be clear: I do not speak to demonise those who have come here, but it would be wilful ignorance to pretend that the approach of the UK Government, through Mears — paying landlords often generous rates that are guaranteed over a set period — has not pushed private rental costs higher.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is obvious to me, as a private renter who is seeking to become a first-time buyer, that the current rise in rental prices is unsustainable. A range of factors have contributed to the rocketing of rental prices over the past number of years. I and others have raised in the House the significant problem of the growth in the number of houses in multiple occupation and Airbnb-style short-term lets in residential communities. In a housing shortage, we see existing stock and traditionally lower-cost private homes in traditionally working-class communities being bought up as commodities, which has the dual effect of corroding our residential communities and driving up costs by removing supply from the market.”
“<BR /> <BR />The growing demand for social housing in East Belfast far outpaces the available supply; nobody will be surprised to hear that. They have heard my colleagues give the data and figures that show the steady increase in demand. Families, individuals with disabilities and older residents are among those in most need of secure and affordable accommodation. A lack of homes and the longer waits for homes place people in increasingly precarious living situations. Compounding the issue is the limited number of new social homes being constructed in the area. While, as my colleagues have said, private developments have sprung up, particularly in Dundonald, they often cater to middle- and higher-income residents and offer little relief to those on waiting lists.”
“I note that, in the Minister's most recent housing supply statement, he said that he has confidence that Executive colleagues are ready to carry their weight on those issues, and I certainly hope that his confidence is well founded. <BR /> <BR />I credit the Minister for his determination to seek innovative means of improving and progressing the circumstances of people who require social housing and those who struggle to afford private rents but are perhaps unlikely to be able to access social housing any time soon. I also welcome his determination to address the problems that were caused by abuse of the intimidation points system, which has long skewed that system. That is one of the issues in East Belfast that I focused on first — I raised it through questions for written answer and in the press — following my election to this place.”
“On that, I echo the view of colleagues in hoping to see a time where we see the Housing Executive building again and supporting the mapping exercises that are going on as well to identify locations in East Belfast for that. <BR /> <BR />We also need to look at some of the existing but more dog-eared and less habitable stock and bring it back into use. I think that the Minister gets that. He has shown that he gets it, while being limited by a severe lack of funding available to his Department and by the failure of the Department for Infrastructure — I understand its budgetary issues — to deal with the water infrastructure issues that are perhaps the most significant hurdle to unlocking the building of more affordable and social homes.”
“I thank my constituency and party colleague for securing this important Adjournment debate. The acute demand for housing in East Belfast is no surprise to anyone here. We understand, of course, that it is not an isolated issue but a reflection of some of the pressures that are faced across Northern Ireland. Perhaps that is why there is interest in the Chamber today. <BR /> <BR />Rising demand, ageing infrastructure, inflation and a cost-of-living crisis are all challenges that have placed significant strain on our housing stock, particularly for those who are most acutely in need of social housing. Addressing those challenges will require a multifaceted approach. As we have heard many times today, we cannot get away from the need to build more homes.”
“The UK has announced just today that it will invest significantly in defending that neighbourhood. Does he agree that the Irish state needs to step up and do the same for its neighbours?”
“Thank you very much, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.”
“The detail does not line up with the sales pitch. Moves by the current Government to reduce friction and minimise divergence are not enough, but, in the context of the current arrangements, they may be an improvement. It does not —.”
“I have another minute? OK. <BR /> <BR />The best of both worlds remains elusive: the much talked-about but never evidenced unicorn of the protocol. I suspect that that is largely because international investors are not mugs. There are many positive reasons to invest in Northern Ireland, but facing friction and trade in one's own country while not being a full member of the European Union has proven to add complications, a lack of clarity and, as those of us who sit on the Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee can attest, a continuous lack of necessary information from the Government. That is not the best of both worlds but the greyest of grey areas. <BR /> <BR />That is why the chief executive of Invest NI was unable to evidence any significant foreign investment, noting our supposedly dual position as a key incentive.”
“No, I want to make some progress. I will perhaps give way if I can make some progress, although I am nearly finished.”
“That was an admirable attempt at deflection, but I have no answer for him in any case. <BR /> <BR />Moving on, the SDLP and the rest of the rigorous implementers, including its friends in Alliance, were not prioritising the economy of this place. Certainly, they were not prioritising our links to the UK internal market, which is by far our largest market for goods. Instead, they sought to aid Brussels in using Northern Ireland as a punishment and a price to be paid by the UK for daring to leave. Northern Ireland should have left the EU on the same basis as the rest of the United Kingdom. That it did not was plainly down to the undemocratic Remainers and to the weakness of successive Conservative Governments and Prime Ministers by not standing up to Brussels.”
“It is welcome that, on this occasion, the Opposition uncharacteristically recognise that the vote was UK-wide, even if the Social Democratic and Labour Party showed itself throughout the Brexit process not to be particularly committed to democracy by honouring the outcome of that vote, which its members claim in the motion to be a self-harming decision. I would argue that it was the attempts of undemocratic elements in this place, London, Dublin and Brussels that have wrought harm upon Northern Ireland and have meant that Northern Ireland has not been treated fairly or equitably in line with the outcome of the referendum.”
“They did not do that when Europe faced its greatest historical threat, and they do not do it today. There is money for everything, it seems, except for the defence of themselves, their borders and their friends. Irish nationalism is keen to have a European future but is content that His Majesty's armed forces and their European and NATO allies continue to pay for and provide its defence. Mind you, this is an SDLP motion, so what could be more socialist than a reliance on other people's money? <BR /> <BR />I will move on to Brexit issues and the UK's vote to leave.”
“Perhaps most all, the SDLP, in common with the Irish state, which it aspires to join, would say that it likes those common European values of freedom, democracy and equality. Yes, those are virtues that those parties hold dear, but do not ask them to provide defence for those European values or their allies. The first duty of any credible nation is to provide for the security of its citizens. That is where the Irish state is found wanting and where Irish nationalism has a disinterest. The shameful policy of neutrality is an article of faith in the South and on the opposite side of the Chamber. They will require this European future to be without threat, because if it is not, do not ask them to pick a side when those values or their supposed allies are challenged by tyrants.”
“TikTok, indeed. <BR /> <BR />In the current global context, it always strikes me as curious that we have two nationalist and separatist parties in this place whose primary objective is to achieve full Irish sovereignty over the whole of this island, yet they would enthusiastically see any new state subsumed immediately as part of the ever-closer union with Brussels. The pan-European solidarity, however, is not all that it seems. They have watched the Republic, which, before Brexit, unlike the UK, had long been a net beneficiary rather than a contributor to the EU, and they have seen how the Republic's infrastructure has been modernised by EU funds. They like the ability to travel and work across the continent freely.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I was referring more to my following of your leader's TikTok account. I will leave it at that.”
“The rigorous implementers seem to have fallen out, which I regret. Here we are. In recent weeks and months, the constructive Opposition have taken to making rather disingenuous and selective social media jibes about the finishing times of this place and regularly whinging about what is debated on the Floor. Yet, they are using one of their picks on this Opposition day to debate a motion that seeks to rehearse our party positions on the lesser-known issues of Brexit and a border poll.”
“Will the Member accept that those interventions were required because parties such as his sought to thwart the democratic process as expressed through probably the largest democratic exercise that the United Kingdom has ever undertaken?”
“Today of all days, the Minister will be well aware of the needs and asks from around the Chamber and from Departments. In recent weeks, I have engaged with local police, who, it is clear, are stretched, and we are all aware of the pressure on our housing stock. Today, however, particularly in advance of the ministerial visit next week to Dundonald High School that I asked for, what is the Minister doing to impress upon Whitehall the crisis in our school estate, with maintenance backlogs amounting to £450 million?”
“He would have referenced the need to operate appropriately the Children's Services Co-operation Act (Northern Ireland) 2015 in that area. <BR /> <BR />My party has long argued the need for greater resources for the PSNI and greater numbers of officers. Our amendment includes support for progressing the Chief Constable's recovery business case in that context, which would strengthen the motion. <BR /> <BR />I realise that my time is drawing to a close, so I commend our amendment to the House.”
“<BR /> <BR />The motion references the Department of Education and the Department of Justice, but Members will know — certainly, this has been reflected in discussions at the Education Committee and elsewhere — that the cross-departmental working of which it speaks must go further. For example, we know that the mental health supports that young people can require in the modern age — counselling and so on — require joint working with the Department of Health. Pupils need to know that, whether in general or in response to a specific issue that they have encountered, they will be supported appropriately. The Education Committee has worked collectively on that point, and I am sure that the Chair would not challenge me for speaking about it on his behalf.”
“I will not labour a point that has been repeated many times, other than to say that, although certain aspects of RSE can be more divisive in the House, the area of online harms, even during the Committee's mini-inquiry, was one on which all parties shared similar concerns, motivations and intentions. Again, I note that education and schools have an important role in that regard, but they are not solely responsible for the raising, forming and protection of our children. Other parts of society, most crucially, the family at home, must be at the core of that. Nevertheless, a curriculum that provides opportunities to develop a knowledge and understanding of e-safety and acceptable online behaviour, along with an ethos and school culture that fosters appropriate behaviours, attitudes and respect in schools, can play a key role.”
“Such is the nature of a pilot scheme. The phone pouch pilot is about building the evidential base and seeing where we go from there. The Minister has explained the logic behind it. <BR /> <BR />Colleagues have rightly noted that, if we are to make a difference, banning phones in schools cannot be a cure-all. Protecting our children extends beyond the classroom into the community. At home, children should have appropriate supervision, and parameters should be set for device use and online access. <BR /> <BR />We have also heard references made to RSE and how it relates to tackling online harms.”
“In the context of the Education budget or the Executive Budget, a £250,000 spend is a relatively small sum. As the Minister explained, the pilot is about building an evidential base and building understanding. I think that a Sinn Féin TD in the South referred to it as a drop in the ocean, so we have heard different views on it.”
“There is sympathy on these Benches for that intention. Indeed, it may well be the eventual destination. As Members opposite have said, we have heard that some schools get pupils to use their phone in a way that is deemed to be educational and that assists with lessons. There is some concern that that sends a mixed message. We should be clear that, even where there is occasional use in school or the ability for pupils to carry a phone in case of emergencies — a Member mentioned that a smartphone can be used for diabetes monitoring — that should not be an excuse for their having greater general access throughout the school day. Children should have time each day during which they are free from the distraction and temptation of their phone screen. In that context, our amendment strikes a good balance.”
“We also need to ensure that the use of technology does not come at the expense of children's social skills or result in increased anxiety, poor mental health or an over-reliance on devices. <BR /> <BR />Children socialise, engage, learn and concentrate better when restrictions are placed on phone use. Frankly, we all do. We all have to check ourselves, but doing so is doubtlessly more difficult for those who are growing up in a world in which, as has been said, the screen and the internet are so dominant in all that they do. They know no different. Habits that are learned when they are young, whether good or bad, will no doubt persist. <BR /> <BR />The Minister's phone pouch pilot is a positive step and is recognised as such by many of the school leaders to whom I have spoken. The motion calls for a ban on smartphones.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. Although I am making the winding-up speech on my party's amendment, colleagues who have already spoken clearly articulated the rationale behind our amendment and detailed the main points of our party's position, with which I align myself. <BR /> <BR />I thank the Members who tabled the motion, particularly Cara, who proposed it. The truth is that areas of division on the issue are largely over the nuances rather than the general principles. We all want to see a world in which our children are better protected online and in which, at the same time as they benefit from the many positives that modern technology brings, they are protected from the great harms that are posed by sinister and malevolent actors online.”
“We ask the Justice Minister to seriously look at how our police are resourced, enabled and empowered to resolve the issue for our communities.”
“From talking to the police, I feel that an increase in drone teams would be useful and make it easier to track, follow and, hopefully, apprehend culprits after the fact. The police also felt that the mandatory registration of such vehicles would be a step in the right direction. We could also look at education and awareness campaigns similar to those traditionally undertaken on speeding and drink-driving. <BR /> <BR />Ultimately, we have a problem where culprits are almost arrogant in their understanding of the limitations of officers, who often cannot give chase. We have to tilt the balance to ensure that those flouting the law are afraid of the repercussions and are aware that being caught is a real prospect.”
“I recall that, in 2016, a mother was killed in, I believe, Falls Park in west Belfast, yet it seems that the police are still trying to deal with the problem with their arms tied behind their backs by regulations on engagement. <BR /> <BR />The danger has increased because of the proliferation of quieter electric scramblers. There is also an awareness that scramblers are used not only in reckless, antisocial behaviour or by naive youngsters but in a more sinister role. It is suspected that the bikes are regularly used by those who seek to collect debts or intimidate and in the supply of drugs. <BR /> <BR />It is clear that our police require more tools and direction to tackle the issue.”
“There is an increasing plague on communities in east Belfast, as there is across the country, I am sure, and that is the illegal use of scrambler bikes. In recent weeks, I have met police officers who cover the east Belfast and Dundonald areas to discuss the subject. It was clear from our discussions that the police have dealt with issues in the same areas as have been reported to me: on the greenway, at Tullycarnet, on the Beersbridge Road and Albertbridge Road, in Orangefield Park, on the Newtownards Road and in Ballybeen. On roads and in parks, residents are tortured, and parents are afraid for their children. Only a couple of weeks ago, a police officer was hurt in the course of their duty while trying to prevent the misuse of a scrambler.”
“Will the Member accept that, just as members from the trans community come from a cross-section of our community, to put the lie to what the Member for People Before Profit said, women who are worried about protection for women's-only spaces also come from a cross-section of the community, from different faith backgrounds and political backgrounds?”
“Does the Member agree that, if we are going to respect all Irish citizens, those Irish citizens in Northern Ireland should not be treated any differently? They are not more Irish, for instance, than those Irish-born citizens in New York, Sydney or London. Northern Ireland should not be treated as a special case in that regard. If the franchise is to be extended to the Irish diaspora, it should be done internationally.”
“There has been talk of a democratic deficit. Does the Member agree that, if voting rights were extended to the Irish diaspora worldwide, which numbers tens if not hundreds of millions, the democratic deficit would fall on the people of the Irish Republic, who would be outnumbered by those living internationally?”
“In 2020-21, students from Northern Ireland made up only 0·6% of students in Ireland. Numbers from NI have increased each year but increased by only 12 students in 2021-22. If Irish institutions want to attract A-level students to choose their offering, they must provide clarity on how they can do so. <BR /> <BR />We will support the motion and the amendment.”
“Nevertheless, students from the UK struggle with the CAO application and the translation of A-level results into Leaving Cert points. The British Council found that some schools in Northern Ireland provided information on the CAO application system but that, generally, students did not receive assistance. The CAO system is challenging for A-level students to navigate and understand. <BR /> <BR />Cross-border mobility provides opportunities for students and opens doors to a range of courses. That is particularly the case for those who seek to study veterinary medicine, as we have no established veterinary school in Northern Ireland, and it would help to address our current shortage. Undergraduate and postgraduate enrolment in Ireland from students based in the UK has been volatile.”
“The disparity in timing is further demonstrated by the fact that Leaving Certificate students applying to UK institutions will have their offer held pending confirmation from the UCAS system. <BR /> <BR />From our end, as well as engaging in working towards a fairer system for our students, we may wish to reflect on what more can be done to inform and prepare them for as wide a choice as possible. At my school, as far as I recall, we were encouraged to apply to the universities in Northern Ireland, one in GB and one in the South or internationally, but I am not sure that, back then — it seems a while ago now — I had a full understanding of the system. Perhaps those who expressed an interest in going South had more information provided to them.”
“The Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) found that that partly relates to those candidates being less likely than those from Ireland to meet the minimum matriculation requirements. In Northern Ireland, very few students take four A-level subjects, and, therefore, when students apply to an institution in the Republic of Ireland, the points system can cause them difficulty. ESRI produced a report on student mobility in Ireland and Northern Ireland, which found that the points differential and the timing disparity between CAO and UCAS offers, as the Member mentioned, discourages our A-level students from applying to Irish universities. Mr Honeyford's personal experiences reflected some of that as well.”
“It is, of course, any country's prerogative to set its own system, but, in wanting to support mobility for our students, I observe that there is a continuing disparity and unjustified disadvantage in the current CAO system; a disadvantage that has not been inherent for Republic of Ireland students who engage with UK universities and in our system. Indeed, those students are able to access our universities on a similar basis to students from Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK, rather than as students from a foreign jurisdiction. <BR /> <BR />Only a minority of applicants from Northern Ireland or the rest of the UK make it all the way through to be offered and to accept a place in Irish higher education institutions.”
“Whilst the Member on the opposite Benches has indicated his disappointment that the Education Minister is not here for the debate, the Education Minister addressed the issue in response to Mr O'Toole just 20 minutes ago, so his view is on the record. <BR /> <BR />The CAO system has clearly undervalued A-level qualifications in a way that has been exclusionary towards Northern Ireland students or, at least, forces them to go over and above in their A-level workload, despite the same qualifications being more than acceptable for many world-leading universities.”
“I was just outlining a point of difference. I do not plan to get into that particular debate. I am going to address the issue, but I was outlining how we come from a different angle in that regard. <BR /> <BR />There is a degree of uncertainty when those big choices have to be made. If more clarity can be provided for students when they are making those choices, that should be encouraged. Our party has been to the fore in raising that issue, and, indeed, I know that the deputy First Minister has raised it at the North/South Ministerial Council, with the Taoiseach and with other relevant stakeholders. We want a system that is fair for our students and for students here to have those choices not only open to them but achievable through appropriate recognition of their academic achievements.”
“Thank you; I do not plan to use it. This party believes that it is sensible to have cross-border cooperation. We are not against that; we have seen it in health and other areas. I was not looking to get into a back and forward. From your party's point of view, there is a plan to project the idea of moving in a particular direction and to plan for a joining together of two jurisdictions. Nobody on these Benches is planning for that.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I will probably speak along similar lines. There is some commonality, although I would dissent from some of the more ideological comments that were made by my colleague on the opposite Benches around the all-island elements in terms of the economy and so on, but we will not get into that now. We all recognise that making decisions to apply for a higher education course can be a stressful time for many young people across Northern Ireland. It comes with much uncertainty, and there are big choices to be made.”
“I thank the Minister for his statement. Can he provide additional information on the school youth and teacher exchanges?”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. What about those of us who have asked questions but not had the responses recorded?”
“I thank the Minister for his answer. The campaign group Parents 4 Pegs NI will be holding a drop-in session upstairs and would welcome the engagement, if you are free later, Minister. They would welcome further clarity — you have given some — on whether the current strategy, as they understand it, of having two surgeries a week, the partnership with Evelina hospital in London and the surgeries currently being done at the Ulster Hospital will be sustained in order to see the rest of the waiting list reduced and will continue to be the way to move forward.”
“That is slightly disingenuous. We did not divide the Committee, but the Member is well aware that, as the Chair confirmed, we made our objections clear. We did not divide the Committee largely because we did not feel that there was an appetite for that amongst Committee members.”
“The School Uniforms Bill will deliver. It will deliver the necessary powers to cap branded items and/or uniform costs, and it will deliver access to uniform grants for eligible pupils who attend independent schools. It will support parents and families in a range of ways. We want to see that happening sooner, not later. The Bill gives statutory effect to departmental guidance, placing a duty on relevant schools to adhere to that guidance, providing a power of direction in the event of non-compliance by schools and defining key terms, such as "specific styles" and "unfair costs aspects", to be addressed via school uniform policy. When taken together, all those measures will make a real impact for hard-pressed families. Let us realise that impact, and let us do so quickly. On that basis, I commend our amendment to the House.”
“Further work on the detail of how a cap might operate can be taken forward in parallel with, but without delaying, the implementation of the statutory guidelines and other aspects of the Bill.”