David Brooks
East Belfast · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Does the Member accept that our position, as it has been laid out and although it is different from hers, is that schools should have autonomy to decide those things? It is not about appointing anyone, least of all men specifically, to make those decisions; it is about school leadership.”
“I recognise that the Member is being genuine, as all Members have been as they have laid out their reasoning, and I have some sympathy with that. However, Northern Ireland is being portrayed almost as an outlier.”
“We have seen some enthusiasm for private Members' Bills introduced by those on the Benches opposite progressing at speed, and I hope to see similar motivation for such a key issue as inspections. In the past — admittedly, when there was less time pressure — the Committee was generous with its time when hearing from stakeholders.”
“I will say a few words rather make a lengthy speech. The Justice Bill is coming up, and I am sure that my colleague Mr Frew will have that covered.”
“I echo the sentiments that racism is always wrong, but one of the pressures that are causing frustration is the lack of social and affordable housing, particularly in our most deprived communities. That has been exacerbated by Mears's operation.”
“I will not take lectures in scripture and Christianity from those who often spend their time opposing Christian values — I have no truck with such lectures. Equally, I say to those who have been involved in the violence that you will not rebuild a Christian nation by torching houses or cars or by attacking the police.”
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“I welcome the opportunity to speak on the motion and to acknowledge the contribution to our educational landscape that is made by outdoor learning and the providers that bring it to our schools and that bring our schools to their facilities. <BR /> <BR />We have heard that, across Northern Ireland, the forest schools model has helped many of our young people connect with nature, develop confidence and strengthen teamwork and problem-solving skills.”
“Clearly, the Minister is sensitive to the concerns that some of the decisions will cause families across Northern Ireland. Some people would say that they might be looked at as controversial. On that basis, did the Minister consider bringing the decisions to the Executive?”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. I ask you to rule on remarks made by the leader of the Opposition in the earlier debate about the Minister's visit to Israel. He was entirely incorrect to say that the chief executive of the Education Authority was foisted on its board against its will: that board voted to support the move. The Member made that factually inaccurate statement in the Chamber knowing full well that, if he were to make it outside the Chamber, it would be actionable.”
“I make a declaration of interest, having been on the trip to Israel. Will the deputy First Minister clarify for the leader of the Opposition that the accountability of Ministers is to the House and not with him trying to politicise civil servants?”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. Given that the Minister did not make any decisions about amendments to the Bill in question, is it in order for the Member to challenge the Speaker's judgement on that issue?”
“Will the Member agree that one of the problems with short-term lets is that they also undercut some of the legitimate tourism businesses, which are subject to much more regulation and greater checks? I was at the event upstairs yesterday to do with electrical checks and regulations. They were talking about how private houses have to have many more checks than some of the short-term lets. Our hotels and so on also face that situation. Does the Member agree?”
“I entirely agree with the Member. Does he agree that the problem is not only second homeownership but those who have a portfolio of family homes that they have turned into Airbnbs? We need not only a low cap but a sufficiently punitive sanction for those who refuse to register.”
“We heard in the Chamber yesterday that the Minister's party has been responsible for holding back the discussion about that at the Executive. I am sure that he will agree that our SEN children and families should not be used as a pawn in a political game. Therefore, will he ask the First Minister to bring the matter to the Executive for proper discussion?”
“If the Sinn Féin Finance Minister has the funds to spare, I am sure that the Education Minister will be a willing and keen recipient. The implication of the motion is that the Minister is not already working as he is towards that which is being demanded. However positive the Minister's plans, ultimately money talks, and, when the rubber hits the road, resourcing or the lack thereof from the Department of Finance will obviously dictate the scale and pace of change.”
“This party recognises that the entire Executive face financial challenges and that, at times, there is not enough resource to fund all ambitions and pressures across Departments, so we should be careful about giving hope to people that there is enough resource. The Education Minister is clear on childcare, on SEN education and on the schools estate. He is laying out the plans to address the need. We have seen that in SEN education, where he has not only laid out ambitious plans for the future but has sought to find innovative ways to meet need in the short and medium terms. Indeed, we heard in the Chamber today that Sinn Féin is an impediment by refusing to table SEN issues at the Executive. <BR /> <BR />The Education Minister has said that he could do more, and more quickly.”
“That is why the Minister supported early years with a 10% uplift in 2024-25 and 11% in 2025-26 to stabilise Sure Start as its faces rising costs and increases in National Insurance and to expand the service to another 2,500 families alongside the other programmes that we are aware of such as Toybox, the pathway fund and others that target the key early years and aim to address educational inequalities and underachievement. <BR /> <BR />At times, Sinn Féin speaks out of both sides of its mouth on some of these issues. There is, of course, a commonality in what we support and what we want to see, but it wishes to create political hay and narratives out of motions such as this with simple demands for more, and sooner. However, the public are not fools. Sinn Féin holds the purse strings.”
“The £25 million support package announced for 2024-25 represented the most significant expansion of early years investment in decades. That was not an afterthought but evidence of the drive of this Minister and this party to deliver on the commitment to support hard-working families and to build a stronger and fairer Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />Our goal is to support every child and to empower parents to provide the best start for their children; to back working families so that parents can continue their career and see benefit not disadvantage from that and, in doing so, strengthen communities.”
“It is not a magic wand. It does not remove every challenge or financial strain, but it helps to ensure that more parents are not forced to choose between career and family and that children are given the best start in life. <BR /> <BR />While we can take pride in the progress made, this party is clear-eyed that challenges remain. The Minister has committed to launching the comprehensive early learning and childcare strategy, which is mentioned in the motion. That is to ensure that the childcare that we provide is affordable not only today but into the future. That is a commitment in the Programme for Government, and I am confident that we will see this Minister acting, as he has said, sooner rather than later on the implementation of that beyond its consultation.”
“The DUP is serious about tackling the issues that matter most to people. It is serious about helping our working families, and few issues matter more to working families than the affordability and availability of childcare. As has been mentioned, we have discussed the topic many times in the Chamber for that reason. As a result of that initiative, which the DUP Minister championed and led on, working parents are now seeing savings of up to 32% on their childcare bills. That is not rhetoric; it is delivery. It is the practical difference that good government can make when the focus is on what really matters. For too long, parents in Northern Ireland have been paying over the odds for childcare. Many families have felt that the system did not work for them and that it was too expensive and too inflexible. This scheme gave that foot up.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak to the motion on childcare. I do so with a sense of pride at the progress that has been made to support families across Northern Ireland, not least by this Minister. The extension of the Northern Ireland childcare subsidy scheme was an incredibly important initiative that is already making a tangible difference to the lives of parents and children in every corner of our country. By extending the scheme to include all school-age children, the Minister has increased eligibility by an impressive 60%. That means that thousands more families will now have access to vital support that helps them manage the cost of childcare. For many people, that support is the difference between being able to work and not. <BR /> <BR />It is a promise made and a promise kept.”
“I declare an interest in that I was also glad to join the visit to Israel. It was a useful visit, and we learned much. <BR /> <BR />Does the Minister share my concern that the obsession and faux outrage about his visit to a school in another country, having been absent when he visited schools in other countries, are fuelled by the institutional antisemitism that is characteristic of the parties that are backing a vote of no confidence that is being led by a man who, on 7 October, tweeted a cheerleading tweet while Jews were being massacred in Israel?”
“On the back of the Member's question, when will patients have access to those trials? For clarity, reiterating what the Member asked, can we be sure that the EU regulations will not be a barrier in future to patients accessing such trials?”
“In line with that, I record our support for the proposed Carryduff greenway that is being taken forward by the council. That is a worthwhile project that could greatly improve safety and encourage active travel. I call on the Department for Infrastructure to fully support that. <BR /> <BR />I realise that I am coming towards the end of my time. I am glad to have been able to contribute to the debate, and, again, I thank colleagues for their work.”
“Public transport is a key part of the solution not only to congestion but to issues around sustainability and quality of life. The extension of Belfast Rapid Transit to Carryduff has been proposed, but we must recognise the issues raised by residents around that. Consultation with the local community will be key to any further proposals on it. We have the Glider in Dundonald, which Matthew touched on, but it is not an answer to all ills: opinion is divided.”
“That situation is not unique to Castlereagh South but reflects a wider pattern from Kilkeel to Saintfield, where development has outpaced infrastructure. The strain is visible on roads, schools and essential services. Every morning, traffic from expanding communities feeds into the Saintfield Road, choking local routes and adding to residents' frustration. Without proper forward planning and targeted investment, that pattern will continue, and South Belfast will remain an area that carries the burden of growth without feeling any of the benefits. <BR /> <BR />If we are to be serious about connectivity, we need to have better public transport. Colleagues touched on that and talked about the need for enhanced bus services across the DEA and further into Carryduff in particular in order to give commuters real alternatives to the car.”
“<BR /> <BR />With regard to the transport network, residents from across the DEA face daily gridlock on roads, such as along the Saintfield Road corridor, where traffic from new developments funnels into Belfast with limited alternatives. We acknowledge progress where it has happened. We welcome the upgrade of the Knockbracken junction and the resurfacing of parts of the Saintfield Road, but those represent only small steps in addressing a much bigger problem. Road improvements were promised more than a decade ago, when new housing was zoned for development, yet those promises have not been delivered on. The proposed Saintfield Road relief road to connect the A55 at Belvoir to Cairnshill remains a concept, with no planning work having been undertaken.”
“There are over 450 people on the social housing waiting list in Carryduff alone. That figure should serve as a wake-up call. Housing plans must include a stronger commitment to affordable and social housing provision and not just private development. With that private development and other development, however, there needs to be a focus on an overall master plan for the area. We have seen that in Dundonald, where developments grow the number of people living in an area and the pressure on services, often without oversight of what the overall area should look like. I have heard that those frustrations are shared elsewhere.”
“Beyond Lough Moss leisure centre and the emerging Killynure community hub, residents in other parts of the constituency have little access to local or council-owned community space. Pitch and recreational space is also extremely limited. The Killynure pitch and community provision has been delayed unnecessarily, and the Cairnshill and Hydebank football pitches are in serious need of investment and improvement if they are to meet the demands of local clubs and youth organisations. At the same time, school spaces are stretched, and there is little planning for future growth. Play parks are welcome additions, but they have been funded largely by developers or through small council grants rather than through long-term investment strategies. <BR /> <BR />We look at housing policy, but we also need to look at housing need.”
“For years, residents have watched significant housing growth in the area without seeing significant investment in roads, transport, community facilities and essential services to match it. That issue is familiar from areas of my constituency too. The Castlereagh South area, which covers Carryduff, Four Winds, Newtownbreda, Cairnshill and Bests Hill, has grown rapidly over the past decade, yet it remains an area where development has far outpaced delivery. Over the past 10 years, we have seen 1,200 new homes proposed or built across the area. Despite the scale of the growth, there is still no dedicated, council-owned community centre anywhere at the lower end of the DEA, and I think particularly of Newtownbreda, Cairnshill and Four Winds.”
“People in Dundonald will be surprised to hear that they are privileged, given that they cannot even get a household recycling centre from the council. A lot of the issues that have been talked about today are similar to the issues facing people in Dundonald, and I hope to give voice to them. I can do that only because of the work of my colleagues. If I am honest, I am giving voice to them — Councillor Brian Higginson and the office of Edwin Poots, who is precluded from speaking in the debate because of his role as Speaker — and leaning heavily on their knowledge of the area. <BR /> <BR />I welcome the opportunity to speak on the continuing issue of underinvestment in infrastructure in Castlereagh South. It is not a new problem.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker, and thank you, Kate, for securing the Adjournment debate. <BR /> <BR />First, as a Member for East Belfast, I will respond to my colleague across the way. As a Linfield fan from east Belfast and someone who works closely with Glentoran who is speaking in a debate about South Belfast, I understand your care about where you nail your colours to the mast for GAA teams. Secondly, from an East Belfast point of view, I would say that the Ice Bowl is a regional facility that benefits many of the Member's constituents as well as others across Belfast who use the facility, so everyone will see that.”
“I thank the Minister for his work on childcare. It is an example of a DUP Minister delivering against DUP commitments. My question follows on from Ms Nicholl's question: how long will it be before we see the strategy implemented?”
“The proliferation of HMOs is a cancer in our communities, largely caused by greedy, profiteering speculators. It has been interesting to hear equivocation by parties that are, supposedly, on the left, as well as some theology from a member of the Alliance Party, who is concerned about Christian values. How many unlicensed HMOs have been identified, and what actions are being taken against landlords who operate illegally?”
“Those pledging more must also consider how that can be paid for as a significant recurring cost. Again, tackling poverty and child poverty must be the responsibility of the entire Executive. It cannot be left to one Department or Minister. Our children deserve the same opportunities as those anywhere else in the UK: the chance to grow up healthy, educated and with a route to fulfil their potential future. That is what the anti-poverty strategy seeks to achieve and what the Minister seeks to achieve, and I will be behind him every step of the way.”
“<BR /> <BR />Some have criticised the draft strategy for not including targets at this stage, but the Minister has said that those targets will come in the action plan once the delivery mechanisms and budgets are properly aligned. That is a responsible and evidence-based approach. We have seen elsewhere that simply throwing money at the problem has not helped. The Scottish system has been mentioned: £471 million annual spend on a Scottish child payment that has done little to move the dial in poverty and has been inconsistent across different regions of Scotland. <BR /> <BR />I welcome the Minister's ambition and support his compassionate approach, but I also welcome the fact that his approach is practical and realistic, not promising that which is far beyond our means.”
“I will not; I need to make progress. <BR /> <BR />The Education Minister has also raised thresholds for free school meals and uniform grants, linking future increases to inflation and ensuring that support keeps pace with rising costs. The expansion of full-time preschool provision will give more children the best start in life. Those measures, taken together, represent the most significant enhancement of early years investment in Northern Ireland for decades, and they show what is possible when Departments work together around shared priorities. <BR /> <BR />We should also acknowledge the continuation of the welfare mitigations until 2028 — a decision made by Minister Lyons to give families much-needed stability and protection from the harshest impacts of UK-wide welfare reforms.”
“The point remains that, where you have hundreds of millions of pounds and people are talking about how they want more — that is fine; we would all like more — we all know that it is not always about the slicing of the pie: it is that the pie is not big enough and the resources are not there. Difficult decisions need to be made around resourcing, and those who, for the cameras, ask for more and say that more should be done should also be honest enough to say that the resourcing has to come from Finance to make those things possible.”
“Those on the Benches opposite who challenge the Minister to do more are, I hope, battering down the door of the Finance Minister to ensure that the finances are put in place, because it is the same Members across the way who would have this Minister spending hundreds of millions of pounds on Casement Park. We have to make decisions — hard decisions — about where we want money to be spent.”
“The Minister's disability and work strategy commitment to help 50,000 more disabled people into work by 2036 and reduce the disability pay gap is an example of targeted practical action that will make a difference to family incomes. <BR /> <BR />As has been mentioned, childcare is one of the biggest pressures on working families. The DUP Education Minister's childcare subsidy scheme has already begun to deliver on this party's commitments by reducing bills by 15%, and that support, we know, will extend further. <BR /> <BR />By the way, the Education Minister is on record as having said that he can do more, more quickly, but it will require investment.”
“As noted already, the Public Accounts Committee report made it clear that previous child poverty strategies have been characterised by failure, with poor monitoring and accountability and a lack of effective delivery. <BR /> <BR />This party and this Minister are determined to do things differently. Since taking office, Minister Lyons and his Department have worked intensively to bring forward a realistic framework that seeks to address the symptoms and the root causes of poverty. It is about helping families now but also about creating the conditions where future generations do not fall into poverty in the first place. That means supporting parents into work, raising skill levels, improving childcare and reducing the barriers for disabled people.”
“No one in the Chamber will be content with the statistics that we will hear from many Members in the debate. Some of the statistics that I was going to use have been mentioned already. Nevertheless, we must be mindful that behind each number that we hear is a person and a family. They are statistics that must challenge us all. <BR /> <BR />It is also clear that tackling child poverty cannot be achieved by one Department acting alone. The task is multifaceted, and, as such, it requires a cross-Executive, cross-society approach. Poverty is not simply about income; it is about housing, health, education, employment and opportunity. That is why the Executive's draft anti-poverty strategy is the right direction of travel. For too long, progress in that area has been hampered, fragmented and delayed.”
“When I was a councillor in Lisnasharragh, and even in my role today, communities like that came to me — I have spoken to members of Mr O'Toole's party on those issues as well — and we tried our best to have flags removed from areas where there is not consent and to engage with communities. However, we did not vote for a policy that allows 15% of an area to impose its will on the rest of it.”
“Belfast is a shared city with shared spaces and is welcoming to all. It should not be dominated by one cultural narrative or another. Imposing Irish language signs in strongly unionist areas does not promote harmony; it drives division. It tells one community that its sense of British identity is secondary and that its voice can be overridden by political symbolism. The DUP will always support genuine cultural expression, but it must be done with consent and context.”
“The Members of this place and of councils — the Alliance Party, the SDLP and Sinn Féin — and the Irish language lobby can engage in their culture as they wish, but they should rid themselves of the sanctimonious idea that they get to say what others identify with and how others celebrate their culture. <BR /> <BR />I respect the right of all to engage in and express their identity, but we should not have the voices of 16% of people in a street being granted more weight than the majority, as we saw in Shandon Park. Since 2022, 228 streets in Belfast have been approved for Irish language signage, yet only a small fraction of those had the backing of a majority of residents. We are told that bilingual signage promotes inclusion and diversity, but inclusion cannot be achieved by coercion.”
“Those are interesting quirks of history, and some are vital to the history of the language, but they are not reasons why unionist communities today must identify with it. I tell you: 30 years of being bombed, murdered and maimed by people who stand and sit in front of tricolours and tell us that every word spoken in Irish is a bullet for Irish freedom will affect people's attitude. Therefore, when you find that unionist and Protestant communities in Belfast are resistant to the language, perhaps some people — particularly those on the Benches opposite — will look closer to home for the reasons.”
“We have heard talk of Linda Ervine, who is no doubt passionate about the Irish language. As a unionist, however, I know that many people whom I represent are sick of having those examples thrown at us as if they mean that we must adopt it as our culture. Do not tell me what my culture is. Do not tell me what my language is. I respect your right to speak Irish if you so wish, but I will not be told that it must be my language. That is what is happening to communities in Belfast: they are being told that they must have the Irish language whether they like it or not; that is the reality. <BR /> <BR />If people in the 18th or 19th century, such as Douglas Hyde, had an interest in the language, that is interesting. It is often quoted that King William had backing from the Pope.”
“The official name of the place is Londonderry, although I understand that some do not wish to use it. I hope that a similar attitude will be taken to the continuing damage to signage that has the name Londonderry on it, which has been happening for years across the Province, in light of what happened, for instance, in Shandon Park. <BR /> <BR />I want to address a particular element of the debate that, I think, grassroots unionism is sick and tired of: the disproportionate weight given to outlying examples from a unionist or Protestant background as if they are examples of what unionism really desires or are paragons of what unionism ought to be; the suggestion that unionists resist only because they do not know. I have heard the usual things invoked today, including the history of the Presbyterians in the Irish language, which I respect.”
“Again, the parties that most strongly champion the Good Friday Agreement so easily set aside the fundamental principle of consent when it concerns unionists. That is not cultural respect: it is cultural imposition. <BR /> <BR />Let us be honest: were the situation to be reversed and another community was being subjected to cultural symbols that they did not identify with, there would be outrage, protests and endless calls for respect. Indeed, a five- or 10-minute parade past a nationalist community once or twice a year is often deemed too much for nationalist parties in this place to stomach, much less the permanent imposition of divisive symbols in their communities.”
“I suggest that the only people who are driving a wedge between our communities are those on the opposite Benches. I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important issue concerning Irish language signage being imposed in parts of Belfast, particularly in areas where there is little demand or support for such measures. <BR /> <BR />Let me say at the outset, as clearly as I can, that this is not about hostility to the Irish language. No one in this party objects to anyone learning, speaking or celebrating Irish as part of their cultural heritage. What we do object to is the use of language as a political weapon and as a means of advancing a nationalist agenda in communities that do not identify with it and did not consent to it. That is what we have seen at Belfast City Hall.”
“I am listening to the Member, and I do not disagree with much of what he is saying. He clearly has a love for the language. However, does he believe that the optimal way to promote the language is to impose it on streets where 16% say that they are in favour whilst 50% say that they are against it?”
“Will the Minister agree with me that members of the Committee often talk about priorities but that they do not always practise what they preach?”
“The Member says that he does not believe that officials acted in good faith. His party colleague said that he thinks that they did. Is there therefore a difference of opinion?”
“<BR /> <BR />I am pleased to support the Bill and commend the Minister and his departmental team on what, I believe, will be the passing of the School Uniforms Bill today. It will be good and fair legislation, and it is proof that the Assembly works for all the people of Northern Ireland.”
“<BR /> <BR />I pay tribute, therefore, to the Minister for the determined way in which he has steered the legislation through its various stages, and how he has challenged the Committee and Assembly not to dither or delay but to advance as soon as possible, so that families can see the benefits of the legislation, while allowing schools and local businesses adequate time to prepare. Good governance is not about grand gestures or big speeches but about delivering practical results for the people we serve. I trust that that is what we are about to complete our part in doing today and that the outcome will be positive. It shows that the Assembly, in particular with a DUP Minister, can, through common-sense politics, deliver common-sense solutions for local families.”
“However, as I said, I am sure that the Minister will show the same drive and determination to make family-focused improvements as he has done on childcare, curriculum and SEN education, and that he will continue to deliver change across the priorities that this party outlined to the public at election time. <BR /> <BR />The DUP has always believed in supporting our schools to make the right choice for their pupils, while ensuring that the policy serves the wider community fairly and responsibly. The Bill achieves that balance. A school uniform should be a source of pride, not pressure. It should bring young people together and not highlight difference. By keeping uniforms affordable and accessible, we make sure that every child can stand on the same starting line, ready to learn and achieve.”