David Brooks
East Belfast · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Does the Member accept that our position, as it has been laid out and although it is different from hers, is that schools should have autonomy to decide those things? It is not about appointing anyone, least of all men specifically, to make those decisions; it is about school leadership.”
“I recognise that the Member is being genuine, as all Members have been as they have laid out their reasoning, and I have some sympathy with that. However, Northern Ireland is being portrayed almost as an outlier.”
“We have seen some enthusiasm for private Members' Bills introduced by those on the Benches opposite progressing at speed, and I hope to see similar motivation for such a key issue as inspections. In the past — admittedly, when there was less time pressure — the Committee was generous with its time when hearing from stakeholders.”
“I will say a few words rather make a lengthy speech. The Justice Bill is coming up, and I am sure that my colleague Mr Frew will have that covered.”
“I echo the sentiments that racism is always wrong, but one of the pressures that are causing frustration is the lack of social and affordable housing, particularly in our most deprived communities. That has been exacerbated by Mears's operation.”
“I will not take lectures in scripture and Christianity from those who often spend their time opposing Christian values — I have no truck with such lectures. Equally, I say to those who have been involved in the violence that you will not rebuild a Christian nation by torching houses or cars or by attacking the police.”
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“It is a world-class advanced manufacturing hub, producing highly skilled talent for world-leading and growing local businesses nearby, like Thales, Spirit AeroSystems and Harland & Wolff — businesses that we discussed just yesterday in the Chamber when talking about the growing potential of the defence industries here. Indeed, the campus, quite uniquely, has an aircraft fuselage and the advantage of significant space, which other campuses lack, to host such facilities that could be utilised to train our future workforce. <BR /> <BR />It is not just about manufacturing. At the opposite end of Montgomery Road from the campus lies Loop Studios, which is another base for Belfast's relatively young but booming multimedia and creative industries.”
“Along with colleagues, I was exasperated and expressed my frustrations that the college had positive blueprints and visions on its shelf that were never seriously promoted or driven forward and, as such, have had little progress. Furthermore, BMC has raised concerns about the condition of the campus. It is simply not an acceptable or valid argument for BMC to use the condition of the building as a reason to move out of an area when it has chosen actively not to invest in the campus. <BR /> <BR />The real shame is that the Castlereagh campus is so perfectly located to serve a spectrum of growing new industries and reinvigorated traditional industries in east Belfast. These businesses are ever hungry for skilled workers, and nowhere is better located than Castlereagh to partner with them to serve that need.”
“The removal of further education facilities in Castlereagh would only reinforce that negative perspective and further entrench educational underachievement. The fact that the consultation on the potential closure of Castlereagh campus seeks to use the lack of diversity as a reason to consider closure is to discriminate against communities in that part of Belfast on the basis that many come from a Protestant working-class background. There is a failure to consider that that cohort has repeatedly been identified as requiring greater access to and assistance in attaining qualifications and skills. I share the concern of others about the lack of engagement on, imagination about or serious consideration of alternative options.”
“I know that the Minister, not least from our short time together in Belfast City Council, has a strong interest in building up working-class communities. Indeed, I know that she is aware of this issue, having attended the consultation at the college with me in the past months. I ask her to listen to the appeals here today. <BR /> <BR />It is well known that there are long-term issues with educational attainment in Protestant working-class communities, particularly among males. A recent study of educational underachievement that Queen's University and Stranmillis undertook identified the lack of access to local educational provision as a major contributor to underachievement, and it said that distances to provision serve to reinforce the idea that education is not a priority.”
“Like my colleagues, I speak today in support of Castlereagh campus, its staff, students and people in the local community, all of whom are dismayed by the proposal to close the site. Any such closure would be, as my colleague said, regressive and a denial of opportunity to the community that it serves. It would also be a strategic error when it comes to supplying the workforce that is required for growing industries in Belfast and Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />Castlereagh campus is ideally situated in the heart of working-class communities in East Belfast. It plays a vital role in ensuring those communities' access to courses that Belfast Met provides, equipping them with education and skills for work, encouraging social mobility and equality of opportunity.”
“I am delighted by the well-paid and stable employment that those industries provide to families here. If the constituents of the party opposite do not want those jobs, they can be sure that East Belfast does. I, of course, have a natural bias towards East Belfast, but there are many other examples across Northern Ireland. Given our skills base and huge untapped potential, I ask the Minister and colleagues across the Chamber to join us in realising that potential.”
“<BR /> <BR />As has been stated, Belfast is a globally recognised centre for cybersecurity excellence. Cyberattacks by malevolent regimes and rogue states do not just target the military; they have targeted the NHS, the police, councils, payroll operations and key private businesses. <BR /> <BR />Belfast's skill base can provide a key defence through more good jobs, which, the Members opposite tell us, they want. I am hugely proud of the role that east Belfast, our city and Northern Ireland as a whole plays in our nation's defence, and, like colleagues, I am keen to see us do more still.”
“It is one of only three UK naval shipbuilders suitable for major MoD contract work and boasts two of the largest dry docks in Europe. It is part of a £1·6 billion contract to manufacture three 216 metre-long naval support ships for the Royal Navy. There are good jobs at Spirit Aerosystems. That global leader in the production of aerostructures already supplies 3,000 good jobs at its sites in east Belfast, Newtownabbey and Newtownards. While predominantly commercial, just like its predecessors on its Belfast sites, the company has a strong heritage in defence. There are good jobs at less familiar but no less formidable names like Vikela Armour, a business developing world-class body armour systems that provide advanced protection to our service men and women.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. Yes, absolutely, I agree with the Member. <BR /> <BR />As I say, many of my constituents are able to testify to the good jobs that they have secured because of the defence industries. There are good jobs, as we have heard, in Thales, which contributes over £77 million to Northern Ireland's GDP and employs over 500 people. We can be immensely proud of the role that that east Belfast workforce played in supporting Ukrainians defending their homeland from attack, notably with the new generation light anti-tank weapon (NLAW) that became so iconic of that resistance. There are good jobs in Harland and Wolff, the shipyard famed for its past but with renewed vibrancy today as a UK strategic defence asset.”
“<BR /> <BR />In spite of what has been said in the debate, many of my constituents — "workers", to use the preferred terminology of some — are able to testify that the defence-related industries have provided them with a good job and work from which they can take pride and, more importantly, provide income for their families.”
“Evidencing that work, the 'Safeguarding the Union' Command Paper provides a commitment on strengthening Northern Ireland's defence industries, and we have seen the commencement of the inquiry into defence spending in Northern Ireland by the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee at Westminster. The DUP has also called for the exploration of an MoD hub in Northern Ireland to help nurture and facilitate a strategic approach to supporting and developing the industry. East Belfast, which is already a thriving hive of relevant industries such as aerospace, missile systems, cybersecurity, shipbuilding and a range of other advanced manufacturing businesses, is ready to be at the centre of such a strategy.”
“That is expected to rise to £57·1 billion in this financial year. The Prime Minister has spoken of further increasing defence spending to 2·5% by 2030 and rightly so. In a world where the safety and freedoms of the UK and our allies are increasingly threatened in both traditional and new ways, it is vital that we uphold our NATO commitments on defence spending. <BR /> <BR />In the past, Northern Ireland has been undervalued in defence spending and procurement, with MoD spending per head of population much lower here than in other regions of the UK. We have, however, seen a 20% rise in that spending in the past year. The DUP, most prominently through our party leader Gavin Robinson's efforts at Westminster, has worked to champion and advance that growth and address the imbalance.”
“I declare an interest in that I have a close relative who works in Spirit Aerosystems, which I may refer to. <BR /> <BR />The Member who spoke previously shows concern around the British Government being unionist in their outlook. Does she show the same concern when the Irish Government work towards a united Ireland? That is not a concern that I have heard from those Benches. <BR /> <BR />As you might expect, as a Member for East Belfast, which has such a significant heritage but also present industry in defence, I fully support the motion proposed by my colleagues. When speaking about defence spending, I thank all those who serve in our armed forces for all they do at home and abroad to ensure the safety of our nation and that of our allies and neighbours. <BR /> <BR />In the 2023-24 financial year, the UK spent £54·2 billion on defence.”
“Does the Minister agree that a way has to be found to prioritise those patients who are trying to reach their GP? I recently had contact from a constituent who found a lump. She complained to me that when she finally got through, she was told that she should go and talk to her local councillors and politicians about the frustration she faced rather than being given a face-to-face appointment. Surely that is unacceptable and surely a way has to be found to prioritise people who have very serious needs.”
“Does the Member agree with me that, given the broad range of ministerial statements on a number of important issues, it is regrettable that the Minister did not bring this issue to the Assembly via a written or oral ministerial statement?”
“I commend the Minister on his statement, which addresses an ever-growing need within our communities. Can he give any further detail about who is eligible and what the exact criteria are?”
“<BR /> <BR />Our critics say that we should not bank but should abandon any of the progress that has been made through 'Safeguarding the Union' in favour of no progress on any issues of import to Northern Ireland's economic and constitutional interests within the United Kingdom. Such an outlook has not furthered and will not further the cause of unionism in this place. The problems did not originate in the 'Safeguarding the Union' Command Paper; they stem from the withdrawal agreement and the protocol that this party voted against in the House of Commons. Some of our detractors and their friends did not.”
“<BR /> <BR />We presented the Government with an opportunity during the passage of the Safety of Rwanda (Asylum and Immigration) Bill through the House of Commons and the House of Lords to accept an amendment that would have put beyond doubt what they claim to be the case with the scheme's operation. It is telling that the Government chose not to accept it. <BR /> <BR />The ruling must be a watershed in the Government's approach. For Ministers to ignore what the courts have said would not merely be a case of sleepwalking into the creation of an immigration border in the Irish Sea but rather of embarking on such a path with eyes wide open. If that were the case, it would not only be a constitutional affront but make Northern Ireland a magnet for asylum seekers looking to escape enforcement in the rest of the United Kingdom.”
“This is the Rwanda issue. The DUP has long warned about how the law will apply in Northern Ireland. It is imperative that immigration policy apply equally across every part of the United Kingdom. We, as unionists, are clear that our national Parliament should have the ability to make decisions on immigration that are applicable nationally. <BR /> <BR />We repeatedly warned that the Government's efforts on immigration and other issues would not apply in Northern Ireland because of article 2 of the protocol. The Government repeatedly closed their mind to the incompatibility of the Rwanda legislation with the Northern Ireland protocol. Our concerns have now been accepted by the High Court in Belfast.”
“The deputy First Minister may be aware that, in the past week or two, the Committee has experienced some pushback from Departments on issues that are technically reserved matters but for which the expertise in this place and in Northern Ireland sits with Departments. I am sure that she will agree with me that it is in the interests of the Executive as a whole to work with us in order to ensure that we monitor and address any risk to Northern Ireland and its interests.”
“Does the Member agree that it has been inappropriate in the past but that it would be even more grotesque in the future should parties in the Chamber choose to indulge in relationships with Hamas, see Hamas speak at their events and so on, as Sinn Féin has done in the past?”
“Does the deputy First Minister have any insight to share into what will be discussed at future meetings of the Council? Will education form part of those discussions?”
“I thank Mr O'Toole for giving way. He speaks in a very conciliatory way, but does he agree that his party, Sinn Féin and Alliance combined in Belfast City Hall to ensure a policy around the Irish language. Some 15% in each street had to be reached — just 15% — before it could be imposed on a street. Does he understand that that is the same chilling effect that people in the Chamber talk about flags having on people? Some people from my community see the Irish language as essentially painting the curb stones in their street. Just 15% is not an awful lot to use to impose it.”
“Does the Member agree that none of what he said would require the introduction of new legislation?”
“I welcome the Minister's positive statement, including the announcement of the new school that is planned for east Belfast and the prioritisation of Longstone School, where my grandfather was once the caretaker. Some of the other special schools in east Belfast may wonder what it means for their facilities. I am thinking of Mitchell House School and Greenwood House Assessment Centre, which the Minister will shortly visit with me. Does the Minister plan any further calls for capital projects?”
“I thank the First Minister for her answer. She spoke about difficult choices. Most will understand that additional funding will come with some push for more efficient, cost-effective and better services through reform. Given the lack of pace of reform in some areas — health, for example — how will the Programme for Government encourage significant progress?”
“It is this party that is willing to lead, make difficult decisions and do what is required to move beyond stirring but empty words to deliver tangible progress.”
“I recognise that, at times, it is complex and convoluted. I suspect that none of us who sit on the Democratic Scrutiny Committee would argue with that, but it has given the unionist population of Northern Ireland safeguards that we did not previously have. It has extracted from the UK Government and Brussels concessions that they would not previously give and that, our detractors said, they would not give; indeed, it was said that they would not negotiate at all. <BR /> <BR />Our detractors have no plan. They have never offered an alternative road map for the way forward. They can certainly articulate idealism — even, in many cases, in terms that would be desirable to many of us on these Benches — but they offer no means by which, in today's Northern Ireland, those ideals can be delivered.”
“Some try to misrepresent our position when we have been clear: we argued that the people of Northern Ireland, through their elected representatives, must have a say in the laws that govern them. While removing EU law is desirable, the DUP has focused on tangible, practical outcomes and on preventing regulatory borders from emerging. The DUP has made it a key objective to tackle the democratic deficit created by the protocol. The debate is further evidence of our success in giving the Assembly a meaningful say over future laws that apply in Northern Ireland. The safeguards against future uncontrolled divergence delivered by this party were a step forward from where the negotiation began. At no stage was it argued to be perfect, rather that we would bank the progress and work to build on it.”
“Speaking personally, such removal is desirable, but it will not be attained by any vote today, and deliberately voting for an outcome that will, at best, force continued divergence with GB, is irrational. Those shouting from the sidelines have no plan, only rhetoric. From what I can ascertain, our detractors agree that the outcome is desirable, but the route is objectionable. I understand that. Indeed, I do not disagree in sentiment, but I do not agree that we should willfully prolong needless, even potentially, economically harmful divergence with the rest of the UK, knowing that to do so would not result in any move from the UK Government to rectify the same. <BR /> <BR />We recognise that some EU law remains in Northern Ireland.”
“Should no reasonable accommodation be reached with Brussels, I suspect that it is likely that the available mechanisms will be used to object to those rules as well, ensuring our ability to remain aligned with UK rules, which, in that case, are not only beneficial but absolutely necessary. <BR /> <BR />The party has said, however, that it will not use the mechanism on every piece of forthcoming legislation, but with reference to the impact of relevant legislation on the people of Northern Ireland. This piece of legislation brings us into line with UK rules. To vote it down would be punitive and fruitless. It would not in any way lead to the removal of all EU law.”
“The Democratic Unionist Party will support the motion. In restoring the institutions for the good of Northern Ireland as a whole, we sought to restore unionist confidence by ensuring that the concerns of our community were heard and systems put in place to protect our trade within our UK borders and our place in the UK single market. We have successfully delivered changes to article 13 of the protocol to give locally elected representatives a say on whether new or amended EU laws should apply in Northern Ireland and have seen already that the applicability motion mechanism has allowed unionist representatives at the Assembly to vote against the adoption of EU rules that relate to non-agricultural GIs. <BR /> <BR />The issues with new EU legislation on dental amalgam have been well documented in the press.”
“I thank the Minister for his engagement on that, and, given the scale of the housing crisis and the issues with new developments and infrastructure difficulties that have been talked about today, I encourage him to engage with all relevant stakeholders, housing associations etc to ensure that we maximise the potential of those vacant dwellings and bring them back into use.”
“There must be a clear statutory duty on schools to share teaching materials in advance, and those materials should be the product of co-design with parents, who are best placed to determine what is in the best interests of their child. There is a genuine feeling of anger and fear amongst parents that the Alliance Party wishes to diminish their rights and that it will seek to legislate in a manner that forces teachers to teach materials that collide with their conscience.”
“<BR /> <BR />Thankfully, the recently published regulations and guidance from the Department provide more robust protections than those in England, allowing an absolute right to parental opt-out up to year 11 and, if the child does not object, beyond. That must remain. However, it seems that, for Alliance, this does not strip back the parents' rights nearly far enough. It seems to me that the signatories to the motion wish to harness the power of the House and the levers of the state to which they have access to impose their own ethics as mandatory for all, while seeking to design a system that excludes views that they do not share. <BR /> <BR />The DUP believes that parents must be at the heart of this discussion.”
“Perhaps that is because the Alliance Party direction on this is directly at odds with the 91% of respondents to the RSE consultation who agreed that parents should be informed about the nature and content of the RSE curriculum and the 61% of respondents who believe that parental rights should take precedence. Over 13,000 responses were received by the close of the consultation. Over 10,000 signed the petition. The emails and phone calls that MLA offices have received on this issue since the debate was put on the public agenda highlight the concern of the Northern Irish public to protect these parental rights.”
“There will be parents from a range of faith backgrounds and none, and there will be conservative and liberal parents. Some will endeavour to pass on their values to the next generation; others will minimise that influence and allow the child to cut their own path. It is the right of the parent to decide on that course. Indeed, as we have heard, the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child acknowledges the right and responsibility of parents to bring up their children. Few in the Chamber have questioned the judgement, morality or influence of parents or school governors in general. Why, then, refuse to trust them in this specific field? <BR /> <BR />It is notable that there is not a single reference to parents, parental rights, responsibility or opt-outs in the Alliance Party motion.”
“No, thank you. I am going to make progress. <BR /> <BR />Clearly, in the opinion of many who responded to the consultation on RSE, it is dangerous and immoral to insist on disregarding the views and beliefs of parents in that area. Recognising and including the diversity of family types that we have in the modern Northern Ireland, if the family unit is recognised as the optimal means by which children are raised, cared for and taught as they progress towards adulthood and if we trust parents with the shelter, health, nutrition and care of their children, why would we insist, in this particular area, that they cannot be trusted? <BR /> <BR />I argue this point recognising that many parents have views and values that differ from mine and that they are raising children who are ingrained with values that differ from mine.”
“The undermining of the role of schools and boards of governors in shaping policy, which the motion calls for, alongside arguing for the removal of parental consent would be regressive. The state has never been a good parent, and in my opinion —.”
“Indeed, it is recognised as a key element in preparing our children and young people for life. The statutory curriculum for personal development and mutual understanding at the primary level and the personal development strand of learning for life and work at the post-primary level prescribe the high-level minimum content for RSE at each key stage. Grant-aided schools are required to have an RSE policy that is based on consultation and co-design with parents and pupils. <BR /> <BR />Whilst governors and principals have a statutory responsibility to deliver the minimum curriculum content, they also, rightly, have autonomy over when, how and who is involved in curriculum delivery that is aligned with the ethos of the school. That is the approach that we take to providing education in Northern Ireland, not just RSE policy.”
“I declare an interest, as my wife is a governor of Grosvenor Grammar School. <BR /> <BR />Throughout the debate on RSE, the DUP has been steadfast in defending parents as being best placed to determine what is in the interests of their child and in arguing that the ethos and values of our schools should be respected. It is on that basis that we oppose the motion. <BR /> <BR />The teaching of RSE is nothing new. There were requirements for schools to deliver RSE well before the introduction of the Education (Curriculum Minimum Content) Order (Northern Ireland) 2007. It is mandatory for all pupils of compulsory school age, despite what the motion implies. The idea that it is right and important for pupils to receive high-quality, age-appropriate RSE is not in dispute.”
“I encourage the Minister to have those conversations at the earliest possible stage, and to encourage his officials to do so as well, particularly around data sharing, to support planning for education. I also encourage the increased integration of DOH counterparts in the Education Authority's local integrated teams.”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. For clarity on a question that I asked the Economy Minister earlier and to keep myself right, I declare an interest as I have a close family member who works in Spirit Aerosystems.”
“I thank the Minister for his answer. I encourage and ask the Minister to keep an eye on the situation and to continue to engage with Spirit. We know that speculation, as it may be, may lead to nervousness amongst the workers at a key employer in East Belfast and in Northern Ireland generally. I ask him to continue that engagement, as I know my party colleagues Phillip Brett and Gavin Robinson MP have been engaging with him.”
“However, last week, the House debated SEN provision. We are all aware of the need for more funding to meet the challenges there. It is a familiar retort, but such initiatives all require resource. Nobody is opposed to supporting families and children in this way, least of all the Education Minister, but the decisions to deliver or not deliver such support are often not made at his desk; they are made when the budget is allocated, which, as ever, is something for all parties and all Ministers to consider. <BR /> <BR />Parents in Northern Ireland should be able to consider a school on the basis of educational outcomes and pastoral care and not of whether they can afford its uniform. However, ensuring that that fundamental principle is reality is not just a role for the Minister: we all have a role to play.”
“We should thank those individuals and organisations, yet we should not be relying on them. In many ways, their existence demonstrates the need for all levels of government to do more. That is something that the DUP has argued for. We urged the Westminster Government to act to extend the zero rate and consider a cap. The Minister, early in his tenure, is looking at ways to protect parents from financial stress and enhance pupil experience that are not overburdensome on schools. A pre-consultation exercise is taking place, and I look forward to promoting school, parental and wider community engagement with a fuller consultation later in the year. That will doubtless address some of the key issues that we have already heard about today. <BR /> <BR />An uplift in uniform grants is a sensible and desirable option.”
“They are often the first to recognise and assist when a pupil is facing difficulty. In that vein, most schools have been proactive in meeting the needs of their wider school community and awake to the challenges of the cost-of-living crisis, limiting branded items and facilitating pre-loved uniform shops. However, we know that, disappointingly, a minority have been less sensitive and reactive. <BR /> <BR />Many of our communities, as we will have heard, have been supported by charities and community organisations. I am aware of a number of excellent schemes in east Belfast. The EastSide Partnership's Scaffolding Project and the Cregagh's TeamDot provide free pre-loved school uniforms. I am aware of many voluntary, community and faith-based organisations that help in that way.”
“If, through excessive use of branding or exclusive trader arrangements, a uniform itself becomes an indication of who has and who has not, it accentuates rather than curbs elitism and social hierarchy and becomes a source of anxiety rather than pride. That is not only unacceptable to us; it violates the fundamental reason for having them. <BR /> <BR />I do not think that any school wants to add significantly to the financial burden or anxiety of parents, nor would they seek to make a child feel excluded. The vast majority adhere to guidance that is already out there, are sensitive to such barriers and rightly seek to minimise them. They want to see pupils thrive; indeed, few, if any, elements of the public sector have as much engagement with young families as our school staff at all levels.”
“On that basis, I am glad that the motion implicitly recognises the value of a school uniform as a leveller and as something that should promote togetherness, unity and pride in a child's school and shared experience. School uniforms are a positive part of our school days, yet there is clearly and increasingly an issue with their cost. That is why, I suspect, every party had something to say on it during the previous election campaign, and it is why the issue has come to the Floor so soon after the Assembly's re-establishment. <BR /> <BR />The motion is right to warn that the very reasons why we support the use of uniforms risk being undermined when the cost of those uniforms become exorbitant.”
“A school uniform will have formed a key part of the childhood of most if not all of us here and been part of our earliest and, I hope, for most, our fondest and happiest days. School uniforms are symbolic of a shared experience between ourselves, our friends and our classmates in our formative years, who are often people from different backgrounds and types of family and from homes with varying incomes. <BR /> <BR />For many of us, any other child was a friend to talk to and play with. I do not say that naively, and I do not presume that it is the experience of all, but, for the most part, children at our schools do not analyse their classmates through a lens of social class or parental income as immediately or as instinctively as many of us who are older do. That is a good thing, and it is, at least in part, down to a uniform.”