David Brooks
East Belfast · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Does the Member accept that our position, as it has been laid out and although it is different from hers, is that schools should have autonomy to decide those things? It is not about appointing anyone, least of all men specifically, to make those decisions; it is about school leadership.”
“I recognise that the Member is being genuine, as all Members have been as they have laid out their reasoning, and I have some sympathy with that. However, Northern Ireland is being portrayed almost as an outlier.”
“We have seen some enthusiasm for private Members' Bills introduced by those on the Benches opposite progressing at speed, and I hope to see similar motivation for such a key issue as inspections. In the past — admittedly, when there was less time pressure — the Committee was generous with its time when hearing from stakeholders.”
“I will say a few words rather make a lengthy speech. The Justice Bill is coming up, and I am sure that my colleague Mr Frew will have that covered.”
“I echo the sentiments that racism is always wrong, but one of the pressures that are causing frustration is the lack of social and affordable housing, particularly in our most deprived communities. That has been exacerbated by Mears's operation.”
“I will not take lectures in scripture and Christianity from those who often spend their time opposing Christian values — I have no truck with such lectures. Equally, I say to those who have been involved in the violence that you will not rebuild a Christian nation by torching houses or cars or by attacking the police.”
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“They know that the chances of that in the short to medium term are slim to none, yet they are happy that the controlled system will live with inequality in the meantime. Let us be frank: were any other sector in that position — were Catholic maintained, Irish-medium or integrated schools shown by independent evidence to be systematically under-supported — the Assembly would not hesitate to act. No one would tell them to wait nor would anyone suggest that equality could be deferred for the sake of administrative neatness. Yet, when it comes to controlled schools, some suddenly argue that targeted support is unnecessary, inconvenient or even unfair. That position is not neutral, nor is it technical; it is a choice to tolerate inequality in the largest sector in our education system in a way that would not be tolerated if it were elsewhere.”
“That is a criticism not of EA staff but of the structure that asks one body to be everything to everyone but succeeds for some sectors better than others. The new unit is a direct response to that inequality. It is a modest but practical proposal for a dedicated unit within the EA to provide tailored support, clear accountability and strategic focus for our controlled schools. There will be no more being an afterthought, and no more being treated as the default sector that can simply be asked to make do. <BR /> <BR />I struggle to understand the opposition to the policy. Critics on the Sinn Féin and Alliance Benches hide behind the review's aspiration for a single managing authority, but they know that that is making the perfect the certain enemy of the good.”
“Today, I want to recognise and welcome the establishment of the Controlled Schools Unit within the Education Authority (EA). At its heart, that is about equality for our controlled schools, and we should be honest about that. Controlled schools educate almost half of all pupils in Northern Ireland and comprise the largest sector in our system; yet, for years, they have been the least-coherently supported. I do not make that claim lightly, but it is the clear finding of the independent review of education and reflects the lived experience of many of our controlled-school leaders. <BR /> <BR />The review could not have been clearer. The current system is failing our controlled schools and the Education Authority, which is spread across every sector, has been unable to give them the focused and consistent support that they need.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. One of the sectors that are likely to grow fastest in the EU in the coming years is defence. Would she welcome some of that investment into the north-west to ensure that the UK and Northern Ireland can play their part in defending Europe, whether within it or from without?”
“EU law is the problem, and the evidence from hauliers, particularly on customs, makes that abundantly clear.”
“Not at the moment, thank you. I am going to make some progress. <BR /> <BR />Businesses can count the very real costs of the Windsor framework, but its supposed benefits remain impossible to quantify. No amount of engagement, guidance or signposting can remove the fundamental issue: the people of Northern Ireland do not have the democratic right to make or change the laws that govern them. The barriers faced by businesses are the direct result of EU law, and no amount of administrative smoothing can change that. When will those who tabled the motion stand up for the integrity of the UK's internal market and for the United Kingdom as a whole? We will continue to make the case for the full restoration of Northern Ireland's place in the United Kingdom, including removing EU law from our country and the Irish Sea border that it created.”
“We do not support the motion. <BR /> <BR />It has been proven that dual market access is a myth. Businesses can count the very real costs—.”
“In October 2024, the chief executive of Invest NI confirmed that there was no evidence of FDI as a result of dual market access. More than 12 months later, nothing has changed. <BR /> <BR />I give way to the leader of the Opposition.”
“While the Secretary of State points to purchases from Great Britain in 2023, senior economist Dr Esmond Birnie has shown that, when we compare 2023 with 2020, we see that trade from the Irish Republic has grown at twice the rate of Great Britain. <BR /> <BR />What of the promised benefits of so-called dual market access? At a recent meeting of the Economy Committee, Members from across the Chamber heard from representatives from Invest NI, who were unable to cite a single example of foreign direct investment (FDI) linked to it.”
“If, as Ministers claim, trust has been restored with the EU through that SPS agreement, it would be entirely incongruous to continue to insist on the costly phasing-in of "Not for EU" labels for products that are eligible to be produced to UK standards under the Northern Ireland retail movement scheme (NIRMS). <BR /> <BR />We are told that engagement with the EU is improving, but current arrangements allow businesses and officials to be informed of the European Commission's work programme without having any meaningful role in reshaping it. That is not democracy. <BR /> <BR />Trade diversion is not theoretical; it is real.”
“<BR /> <BR />We believe that the Government should be radical in moving on from the Windsor framework, rather than tinkering around the edges or merely treating the symptoms. The sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) agreement reached in principle between Great Britain and the European Union may help to ease the flow of trade between GB and Northern Ireland, but let us be clear: it is not a silver bullet. It does not address the fundamental problem created by the application of EU law in Northern Ireland. If alignment on food, plants and animal products is now envisaged, the Government should immediately halt the construction of border control posts at our ports. Such an agreement removes any supposed justification for such facilities, yet the work continues regardless.”
“Is anyone really surprised that, instead of seeking to address the internal trade friction in the United Kingdom, it now wants us to focus our attention on an external customs union? <BR /> <BR />Let us consider the real-world consequences. Great Britain is the source of the overwhelming majority of veterinary medicines used in Northern Ireland. Those products are vital for animal welfare and health, yet the primary market will now be pushed to the bottom of the pecking order, as local vets are given powers to procure medicines from other jurisdictions instead. Why? Because the Government believe that it is necessary to impose EU rules on the marketing, authorisation and distribution of medicines in Northern Ireland. That is not pragmatism; it is displacement.”
“We fundamentally reject the notion that trade friction within our internal market was ever inevitable. The UK Government should never have conceded that the customs and regulatory controls needed to be shifted away from the recognised international land border between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic and placed instead in the Irish Sea. That decision was always going to create deep economic and constitutional harm that could not simply be managed away with technical fixes or warm words. <BR /> <BR />The Northern Ireland protocol was imposed over the heads of the people of Northern Ireland without the support of a single unionist elected representative. What has been the record of the Alliance Party since then? A record of rigorous implementation.”
“Well, well, is it not interesting? Here we are again to debate matters relating to Brexit, the protocol and the Windsor framework. To my shock, the motion was tabled by the Alliance Party, a party that, when unionists bring concerns to the Floor or table motions, is usually found hand-wringing at the repetitiveness of debates or snarking about the predictability. Now that Alliance has brought the matter to the Floor, I trust that it will be deemed worthy of our time. We may even be grateful that its Members have elected to cast their wisdom before us. <BR /> <BR />The DUP has always been clear: continued barriers to trade between Great Britain and Northern Ireland are unacceptable. They undermine the integrity of the United Kingdom's internal market.”
“The Minister and his departmental officials should be commended for this work. The fact that we see a vast increase in the number of referrals, as was reported this morning on the BBC, should be welcomed by every party in the Chamber. However, it is clear that the Department for Work and Pensions on the mainland has also been undertaking significant interventions. Will the Minister detail the extent of that work and what subsequent Barnett consequentials we are likely to receive?”
“Minister, given the fact that America is a key tourism market, what is being done in relation to the America250 event to tell a key part of that story, that of Ulster-Scots and Scotch-Irish immigration, and, in doing so, to bring some of that Ulster-Scots diaspora back to Northern Ireland?”
“I do not dispute that there are inequalities that I would like to see changed. What I contest is that they are not caused by academic selection or the test. The small rooms and the other aspects that Mr Durkan talked about will exist throughout a child's education and will influence their education. It is those things that we need to change and address, and the Minister is trying to do that. It is not the academic selection that is the cause of those.”
“I hope that the Minister is aware of the totally unacceptable and entirely avoidable circumstances at the Ballygowan Road: on Wednesday, a funeral limousine was wrecked; and on Saturday afternoon and evening, many cars were damaged. I am interested in hearing what the Department has learned from that. Many Members report issues to local section offices between nine and five but, beyond those hours, rely on the emergency out-of-hours service. Given the danger to life posed by some of the defects, is there a target response time for the emergency out-of-hours service, particularly at weekends?”
“I thank the Minister for his answer, but the continued stress on the Education budget, especially when it comes to capital need and increasing SEN demand, is very real, and the sector has been shocked and stressed by the Finance Minister's draft multi-year Budget cuts to Education. Does the Minister agree that the Budget needs to prioritise front-line services? If he will not listen to the Education Minister, will he listen to our school leaders?”
“I am interested to know who the Member thinks better reflects working-class communities: the parties that sit on the Executive or the party with one Member.”
“I do have to say that the only people whom I hear routinely talking about those children as "failures" or being labelled "failures" are those arguing against the system. The system puts children into non-selective but often very good schools, but you do not hear us describing that as failure. It is only from those on the other side of the argument that we keep hearing that those children are labelled again and again as "failures".”
“Does the Member recognise that the story that he is telling us is one that I recognise from schools such as Ashfield in my constituency and proves the point that it is not condemning young people to failure if they do not do well in their 11-plus, because there are schools that bring them on, just as your school did for you?”
“Our responsibility is to ensure that those experiences are fair, proportionate and humane, not to pretend that they do not exist. We already hear frustrations from private industry, public services and emergency services that they find many in today's generation of recruits to be lacking in resilience. The solution is not for children never to experience adversity. <BR /> <BR />I recognise that children develop at different rates. Academic selection at the age of 11 is not perfect, but nor is a single, one-size-fits-all comprehensive model. No system will ever achieve the eradication of families seeing some schools as being better than others, and there will always be a measure of those with more money being able to ensure that they get what they need. To me, an exam seems to be a fair —.”
“I certainly agree that some schools face more challenges than others, but that is a reason that the answer, if we are serious about having equality, is not to level down aspiration but to level up support, particularly in early years education and childcare, in primary schools that serve disadvantaged communities and in community-based educational supports. That is a long-term objective and commitment, but I believe that this Minister has done more than anyone to develop and underpin those supports in a challenging financial climate. <BR /> <BR />Another argument that we will hear is that selection damages children's confidence. Any assessment system must, of course, be handled with care, but the solution is not to abandon assessment altogether. In life, young people will face exams, interviews and competitions.”
“Inequality does not exist because a middle-class parent can pay for their child to have tutoring. That may exacerbate inequality, but, by then, the die has already been cast. That is what we must address.”
“<BR /> <BR />I support academic selection because I believe that it is a vehicle for social mobility, but I am not blind to the inequalities that exist or their impact on skewing selection. As we have heard today and will hear again, critics claim that academic selection entrenches inequality. We must note — I am sure that we will hear about it today — that the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) and the OECD did not explicitly rule out academic selection. Rather, they talked about the inequalities and how they affect the system. Inequality does not begin at age 11, however. We know that it begins much earlier, as a result of poverty, housing insecurity, poor health outcomes and a lack of access to early years support. Blaming selection for an inequality that it did not create is inaccurate and counterproductive.”
“Not at the moment, thank you. <BR /> <BR />In my year, my school was one of the most in demand, yet that demand was dictated, at that stage, by academic ability, not by whether my parents could afford to pay private fees or buy a house in the right catchment area. At my school, I was not in a minority either. At Grosvenor, I went to school with friends from Ballybeen, Tullycarnet, Cregagh and the Newtownards Road. I know that the Members opposite, particularly those with whom I sit on the Education Committee, believe that the system is elitist and somehow keeps the working classes down. My ideals are far from their Marxist or socialist ideals, but I do care that people from backgrounds such as mine have the chances that I did, and that makes me want to defend opportunities for others from working-class backgrounds.”
“I, as the son of a fitter in Shorts and an entry-grade civil servant, was able to attend one of the best academic schools in the country.”
“There are many aspects of the current system that are not optimal, but I do not think that the Member would be willing to facilitate the system that I believe to be optimal. There is therefore an understanding that we have an issue with getting consensus on the best way forward, but I absolutely believe in the principle of academic selection. <BR /> <BR />Northern Ireland is often described as having one of the more unequal societies on these islands, and that has been said today. Paradoxically, we also have a record of social and occupational mobility that matches or, in some ways, outperforms that in other parts of the UK. For generations, children from working-class families, many without an academic tradition at home, have used grammar schools as a ladder of opportunity.”
“Of course, it can be stressful, and not everyone is successful, even within their own expectations, but such is the nature of exams throughout children's education.”
“We all recognise that this issue is one that raises strong opinions and passions; one on which views can be polarised. Education shapes not only the future of our children but the economic, cultural and civic health of Northern Ireland. Individuals and families will have different but equally valid experiences — positive and negative — of our system: experiences and views that cross political and religious divides. That is why passions are so strong. <BR /> <BR />Let us be honest, however, about what academic selection is and is not. It is not a judgement on a child's worth. It is not a declaration of lifelong success or failure. It is not a denial of opportunity. At best, academic selection is about matching children to the educational environment in which they are most likely to thrive at a particular stage in their development.”
“I thank the Minister for the clarity that he has brought this morning on the way forward. He, like me, will have received a petition last week, which was signed by over 90,000 people and outlined their concern at the Supreme Court judgement. He spoke about the unique role of the Churches in drafting the curriculum. Will he outline that role?”
“Does the deputy First Minister agree that the 250th anniversary of the US gives Northern Ireland a prime opportunity to showcase itself stateside?”
“— and acted on only after the damage has occurred.”
“The Minister needs to come to the Assembly and give an honest account as to why defects are repeatedly made safe, allowed to fail —”
“The consequences are now playing out on our roads: repeat failures, repeat damage and ordinary people left stranded, out of pocket and waiting for compensation from the Department that decided that the road was safe enough and met the intervention criteria. <BR /> <BR />This is not about bad weather or bad luck; it is the predictable outcome of policy choice. When the cost of those choices is borne not by the Department but by hard-working road users, deferred maintenance simply converts maintenance costs into compensation payouts. Twelve road users are now bearing the cost of that failure from their own pockets. I dread to think what the consequences would have been had a motorcyclist encountered that situation.”
“I must simply ask this: how many times can a road defect be, allegedly, made safe before it is acknowledged that that approach no longer works? <BR /> <BR />In recent years, road maintenance in Northern Ireland has shifted to what the Department for Infrastructure describes as a "safety-only approach". Defects are left untreated until they meet higher intervention thresholds. Even when those thresholds are met, repairs are much smaller, more limited and far more likely to fail, reopening in the same location and creating repeat hazards. When the Department changed that policy in 2021, it was presented as an emergency response to funding pressures. That emergency position has now become the default operating model, overseen by the Minister for Infrastructure.”
“Despite that media attention and that warning, 12 road users found themselves stranded on the side of the road on Saturday night at the same location for the same reasons. <BR /> <BR />Potholes are, unfortunately, a fact of life but, increasingly, they have become symptomatic of systemic failure, rather than isolated wear and tear. I cannot recall a situation in which so many vehicles were damaged in such a short time by the same defect. That does not happen by accident. That particular pothole was, reportedly, made safe. A direction was issued by the Department for Infrastructure to contractors that, typically, involves filling the defect with loose stones until a permanent repair can be carried out.”
“I see that the Infrastructure Minister has now left the Chamber, I hope, to get a grip on the issue of potholes across Northern Ireland. On Saturday night, my phone lit up with constituents getting in touch with urgent reports that 12 cars with their hazard lights flashing were blocking the country-bound lane on the Ballygowan Road after a widening pothole had severely damaged or burst their tyres, one after the other. The damage was so severe that I had to contact the PSNI to ask them to attend the road, which had been brought to a standstill. <BR /> <BR />That was not an isolated incident in that location. Just days earlier, the same pothole was headline news when a funeral cortege suffered two burst tyres, forcing a grieving family to walk the remaining distance to Roselawn cemetery.”
“I agree with the Member who asked the question and with the Minister's response: things are getting incredibly difficult for those in the private rented sector. What will the Minister's fuel poverty strategy do for those people?”
“It was worrying but not surprising to hear school leaders today echo the Minister's concerns on the Sinn Féin Budget. <BR /> <BR />I was going to ask about the court case, but the Minister has answered that comprehensively, so does he agree that the Members on the Benches opposite have routinely peddled falsehoods around the RAISE scheme, particularly in relation to the idea that the money will fall into the coffers of grammar schools? Will he speak to the benefits that working-class communities will see from the scheme?”
“I thank the Minister for her response. I heard some exasperation in her voice when she described the past couple of meetings that she had had as having been constructive but probably without bearing fruit. At any stage in the future would she consider bringing in external mediation to try to move things along?”
“I arrived during the supplementary questions to question 2, from the leader of the Opposition, so I apologise if there is any duplication in this.”
“Does the Member accept that we have a difference of opinion on what would solve the problem? Equally, being entirely in the UK would solve the issues. Sovereignty is not disconnected from the realities of the situation that businesses face with parcels and so on. It is about taking a decision about which side of a customs border we want to be on, so the problem could be solved on either side.”
“We must stand up for local traders and households.”
“<BR /> <BR />Unionists have been consistent: no internal borders in our own country; no foreign customs codes over our domestic trade. The people of Northern Ireland should not pay to receive a birthday present from Glasgow or a spare part from Birmingham.”
“<BR /> <BR />The clear solution is the end of EU law in Northern Ireland, but, short of the UK Government coming to that realisation in the immediate term, there are practical and reasonable steps that the UK Government must take. They must guarantee that consumer parcels from GB face no customs duty or handling fee not applied by the UK Government across the UK and that the parcels staying within the UK internal market are shielded, without the imposition of further registration burdens on honest traders. If the EU's own regulation preamble claims that 2023 parcel simplifications are not affected, we must codify an explicit exemption for Northern Ireland for movements from GB. We don't need warm words but guarantees.”
“The UK Government must explicitly reject any new customs duty on parcels moving from Great Britain to Northern Ireland. They must restore sovereignty and decision-making over UK trade, and they must defend the integrity of the UK internal market, ensuring that there is no disparity in the treatment of low-value parcels between GB and NI. Where facilitations under the UK internal market scheme or partial easements no longer provide equal protection, Ministers must use the framework's legal mechanisms and notify the Joint Committee. However, if Brussels then refuses to listen within 30 days, and we revert to the original protocol provisions, that simply demonstrates the democratic deficit that we have condemned from day 1.”
“There are also UK internal market scheme (UKIMS) registrations, reduced datasets and risk-based interventions, with the slightest EU changes able to shift the ground under our traders. We know that independent retailers and microsellers have already struggled with GPSR compliance. Adding customs fees and handling charges to low-value items is and will be for some a bridge too far. Consumers here will pay more than their counterparts in Great Britain if the EU-imposed costs are passed on to them. The disconnect between the EU and the UK timetables only worsens uncertainty. Legal and trade experts are already warning that the EU reform brings in platform responsibilities, new fee lines and administrative weight. <BR /> <BR />The motion is not abstract but a test of the Starmer Government's mettle.”
“It is concerning that the announcement seems to have caught officials off guard, and it adds to the concern that is often raised at the Committee about the lack of appropriate horizon scanning or engagement at Whitehall. Those cannot be solely desktop, tick-box exercises. <BR /> <BR />Our circumstances are as a result of UK Government actions. A sitting UK Government must own and live up to their responsibilities to the people of Northern Ireland. That Whitehall was blindsided by the Council of the EU's decision undermines the trust that the UK Government expect the people and politicians of Northern Ireland to place in them. Businesses need clarity now. Complexity is already evident in Royal Mail and carrier guidance.”