David Brooks
East Belfast · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Does the Member accept that our position, as it has been laid out and although it is different from hers, is that schools should have autonomy to decide those things? It is not about appointing anyone, least of all men specifically, to make those decisions; it is about school leadership.”
“I recognise that the Member is being genuine, as all Members have been as they have laid out their reasoning, and I have some sympathy with that. However, Northern Ireland is being portrayed almost as an outlier.”
“We have seen some enthusiasm for private Members' Bills introduced by those on the Benches opposite progressing at speed, and I hope to see similar motivation for such a key issue as inspections. In the past — admittedly, when there was less time pressure — the Committee was generous with its time when hearing from stakeholders.”
“I will say a few words rather make a lengthy speech. The Justice Bill is coming up, and I am sure that my colleague Mr Frew will have that covered.”
“I echo the sentiments that racism is always wrong, but one of the pressures that are causing frustration is the lack of social and affordable housing, particularly in our most deprived communities. That has been exacerbated by Mears's operation.”
“I will not take lectures in scripture and Christianity from those who often spend their time opposing Christian values — I have no truck with such lectures. Equally, I say to those who have been involved in the violence that you will not rebuild a Christian nation by torching houses or cars or by attacking the police.”
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“<BR /> <BR />Currently, goods brought into Northern Ireland from Great Britain face no customs fees if the applicable EU rate of duty is zero. If imposed, however, the EU's new flat fee per item will potentially require more local businesses to be signed up to the UK's internal market system, with all the time, cost and upheaval that that entails. That scheme currently allows goods staying within the UK to maintain some level of facilitation when moving to our part of the United Kingdom, even where the relevant EU tariff is higher than the UK's. How the Government respond to that threat will ultimately be a test of whether they have the backbone or inclination to resist the emergence of additional trade barriers within the United Kingdom.”
“It is why the UK, and, in devolved areas, the Assembly, not foreign powers, should have responsibility for its own laws. Even where we have similar interests, we should have the freedom to decide how we choose to deal with issues. If we had Brexit, we would. Those, however, who tell us repeatedly that that is the cost of Brexit deliberately ignore the fact that this is evidence that we have never been granted the Brexit that the largest ever democratic exercise in this country voted for. Instead, we have special status, or rigorous implementation — call the constitutional outrage what you will — but it is not the Brexit that was promised by Vote Leave or warned about by Remain, which would have seen Northern Ireland treated similarly to the rest of the United Kingdom.”
“I hope that other parties in this place would choose Northern Ireland interests over the needless zealotry of Brussels bureaucracy. It goes back to the point that we have made repeatedly at the Committee, which is that, often, the subjectively positive aims of the EU's legislating on any issue, and whether such legislation would be successful in achieving something deemed positive, unless properly balanced against all its impacts on Northern Ireland businesses and communities, should have no bearing. <BR /> <BR />Although I respect the interests of other nations and their right to make their own decisions, I care much less about what legislation achieves for people in France or Italy than I do about its impact here. How does the measure impact on consumers? How does it impact on our businesses and our communities?”
“Some will argue that the measure is aimed at small parcels from China in order to counter Chinese fast fashion from companies such as SHEIN or at the influx of cheap foreign goods from platforms such as Temu and DHgate. It seems that the primary aim is to try to close off the incentive that sees such companies send large-value orders in smaller packages of under €150 in order to avoid paying fees. The UK grapples with similar issues, although, as with many issues that we deal with on the Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee, the differing timelines leave Northern Ireland consumers vulnerable to charges, costs and obstacles that are not applicable elsewhere in the United Kingdom. The question therefore is this: why must the measure apply to Northern Ireland?”
“When the new EU general product safety regulation (GPSR) came into force here in December 2024, we all heard about small UK firms stopping shipments to Northern Ireland rather than add to their compliance burden. That is the impact of the imposition of EU law on Northern Ireland.”
“My party's action prior to the Windsor framework forced changes on parcels. Our pressure meant that many of the worst bureaucratic demands on parcels were set aside. However, we also warned that it was not a permanent fix; it was a political sticking plaster. It merely treated symptoms rather than the cause: the recurring parasite of the continued primacy of EU law. Meanwhile, real-world consequences have mounted. The Consumer Council for Northern Ireland has tracked shrinkage in choice, noting that, even by February 2025, a significant number of retailers still did not deliver to Northern Ireland. That is a tangible, measurable loss to households.”
“When the Europhiles on the Benches opposite zealously defend the EU like a football fan who has picked their team and will see no fault in it, we should recognise — indeed, they should recognise — that, in doing so, they are actively picking the interests of the EU over solutions for Northern Ireland and our people. When Sinn Féin, the SDLP and Alliance chose in late 2024 to support the continuation of arrangements that kept article 5 intact, which kept Northern Ireland aligned to EU customs rules, that was a disservice. They are now posturing by speaking against tax rises from London while tolerating Brussels picking the pockets of people in Northern Ireland with levies that are not applicable to other parts of the United Kingdom. <BR /> <BR />We have been on similar ground before.”
“If the charges were to be applied to movements from Great Britain to Northern Ireland, prices here would rise, and choice would shrink again. Small businesses would have to navigate needless hoops again. Customers would be bitten by Brussels again. <BR /> <BR />Let us remember how we got here. Article 5 of the protocol entrenched EU customs law in Northern Ireland for goods movements, and the EU's customs code continues to apply when goods enter Northern Ireland. That is not good for Northern Ireland consumers, its businesses or its economy.”
“That is not just bureaucratic nonsense; it clearly undermines the principle of consent enshrined in agreements to which some Members in the Chamber have feigned devotion but which, when it has suited them, they have shown a willingness to dispatch when it better fits their own aspirations. <BR /> <BR />The motion is necessary because Brussels has decided to impose a new €3 customs duty on small parcels from 1 July 2026 on consignments below €150. That charge is part of broader EU customs reform that aims to abolish the exemption on parcels of €150 altogether and may be accompanied by additional handling fees later in 2026. Whether we call it a "levy" or "fee", it remains an additional cost on parcels levied by a foreign, unaccountable authority whose writ should have no place in Northern Ireland.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />The motion goes to the very heart of what the DUP has consistently said: Northern Ireland should not and must not be treated as a place apart within the United Kingdom. When it is, the result is damaging for ordinary men and women, consumers, families and businesses. Under the protocol, businesses and consumers in Northern Ireland remain at the mercy of EU customs rules when buying online. The absurdity of the situation is that parcels that arrive from Great Britain — from within our own country — are perversely regarded as trade from a third country.”
“I thank the deputy First Minister for her contribution so far. I represent a constituency that has Titanic Studios and Loop Studios, as well as myriad other creative industries, and they will be glad to hear about the work that is going on on their behalf. <BR /> <BR />I will move on to one of the other important issues, and the deputy First Minister touched on something similar earlier. Did she take the opportunity to raise the important issue of veterinary medicines with the Prime Minister during the summit?”
“Will the Member acknowledge that, when his colleague spoke in the debate, she referenced that this was as much about Irish citizens who felt disenfranchised from Europe, having been part of an area that had left Europe, feeling that connection again? In itself, that says that this is about symbolism and the constitutional arrangement rather than simply pragmatism around trade arrangements.”
“I just wonder whether he is aware that we are talking about the opening of a European External Action Service office in Belfast rather than a military camp.”
“I am wondering who the Member thinks that we would engage with, if we had an office in Belfast. It would be mid-level officials, not commissioners.”
“The responsibility for promoting trade in Northern Ireland lies with elements of the Executive that work alongside the Department for Business and Trade on the mainland. That is how trade should be advanced within the UK. The Northern Ireland Executive clearly have a role in interpreting locally the realities of the rules under which we have been compelled to operate and in helping local businesses and individuals navigate the complexities that needlessly befall them under the continued application of EU law. There will be more on that tomorrow.”
“; I do not pretend that it often lends itself to my position. Nevertheless, I hope that others in the Chamber take more notice more of the trends in their work than they would of me. The report noted that, now, only a minority — 48 % — still view the Windsor framework as being, on balance, a good thing for Northern Ireland. That figure is still higher than those who outright disagree, but, given that it is at its lowest since February 2023, it represents a downward trend. <BR /> <BR />It is worth restating that international relations are a reserved matter. Northern Ireland is represented in such matters, first and foremost, by our sovereign Government, the UK Government. I do not always agree with them or like their decisions, but such is the sovereignty of Government.”
“No, I will not, thank you. <BR /> <BR />Those are not technical issues but barriers that drive up the cost of transport, logistics and production and ultimately increase prices for consumers. An EU office will not change that. Can other parties not acknowledge the disadvantage that that creates for local businesses throughout the supply chain? <BR /> <BR />In October, there was a report from Queen's University. I have to admit that I have not often quoted David Phinnemore and Katy Hayward's work on Brexit issues”
“<BR /> <BR />The Federation of Small Businesses (FSB), too, has shown that the Windsor framework is creating severe disruption and fracturing the UK internal market: 58% of businesses trading between GB and NI report moderate to significant challenges, and over a third have ceased trading altogether rather than face new compliance demands.”
“No, I will not, thank you. <BR /> <BR />Dual market access has been mythical. There is only so long that you can sing of something's virtue while it remains un-evidenced. We were previously told that it was down to the lack of a Government, yet here we are without any further evidence: it is all a bit like the emperor has no clothes. Businesses can see and, more importantly, count the real costs of the Windsor framework, but the benefits remain impossible to quantify. Was there ever a more hyped up example of jam tomorrow than that very element? Indeed, Invest has described a "seamless" trading relationship with both jurisdictions, which, I am sure, many local companies think is the stuff of Alice's looking glass.”
“I will make progress, thank you, not least because I will probably run out of time. <BR /> <BR />Over a year ago, its chief executive confirmed that there was no evidence of such investment. Nothing has changed.”
“<BR /> <BR />Members will know that, for example, analysis by Chartered Accountants Ireland states that our higher rate of corporation tax is the primary disincentive for those who choose not to invest in Northern Ireland, whatever relationships we have with the EU. They will know, too, that, when asked, Invest NI failed to identify a single business that has come to Northern Ireland as a result of dual market access. At a recent Economy Committee meeting, Invest NI could not provide a single example of foreign direct investment that was linked to dual market access. In fact, it stated explicitly:”
“What they seek is a visible symbol of the barriers between Northern Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom through the protocol. <BR /> <BR />The proposal would do little to address the real challenges facing businesses that cannot directly influence the laws that govern them. I find it difficult to believe that the major stumbling block for any major business considering investment in Northern Ireland and wishing to grasp that great white elephant of the protocol — the legion of so-called dual market access benefits — is the lack of a physical office for the EU in Belfast city centre.”
“In following the previous contributor, I remind people that the UK left the European Union as part of the UK's largest ever democratic exercise — something that you will not see in places such as Venezuela that other parties have tended to support until now. <BR /> <BR />Today, we are asked to consider a motion calling for the establishment of an EU office in Northern Ireland. The motion supposes that that will allow businesses to benefit from the so-called advantages of dual market access, and it speaks to aspects beyond the proposal for a pseudo consulate, but we know that, for those on the Benches opposite, the issue is more about symbolism. In fact, that has been more or less admitted. It is about bread and circuses. It is to add a facade and the perception of difference and a European connection without changing anything in reality.”
“The other aspect that will have been raised with the Minister is workload: can he give me an update on the independent report on teachers' workload?”
“The Minister mentioned capital funding for youth work. Will he give us an overview of the current position with that?”
“Minister, you were asked about the matter directly on 17 June 2024 in the Chamber and asked whether the Police Ombudsman should step aside. You did not inform the Assembly then that the ombudsman had previously tendered her resignation. Why did you withhold that important information?”
“There will be some cross words, it appears, in the Sinn Féin group room. <BR /> <BR />Minister, having seen some of the costs that are being brought about by policies in Belfast City Council, will cost be taken into account in the development of the strategies?”
“For what? So that we can go to that office to beg, after the fact, after those regulations have been imposed —”
“If passed, today's motion would compound that harm by further eroding the principle of consent — the cornerstone of our settlement, which it championed when it suited it and at national behest. Some claim that this would give us a voice, but the truth is that Northern Ireland has already had negligible influence over EU laws. Engagement has been tokenistic: merely communicative and not participatory. Goods regulations will still be dictated by Brussels, without the UK's input. The SDLP's answer is not to take back control of our laws but to have an EU office in Belfast.”
“It wishes to speak about European values and be part of the European system, but it does not want Ireland to contribute in any way to the defence of those values and people. It seems that Sinn Féin's position is no different now than Ireland's was in the 1940s, which is: "We're all right, Jack: you can pay for our defence while we sit on the edge of Europe". It wants to continue to take the benefits of that system, whilst the UK stands with those in Ukraine, as my colleague said, to ensure that defences are maintained across Europe. <BR /> <BR />The protocol was imposed over the heads of the people of Northern Ireland, without the support of a single unionist representative. Checks resulting from the border in the Irish Sea undermine our economy and constitutional integrity.”
“I assure the Member that I would not give up my seat for it to be filled by one of the Europhiles on the other side of the House. Yes, we will listen intently, but we will respect the vote of the United Kingdom. I know that the Member would like to reduce the referendum to one that is at a more local level, so perhaps he would look at how East Antrim voted in that referendum. <BR /> <BR />I will give the SDLP its dues: it has, at least, been consistent in its Europhile position, whereas Sinn Féin, as we know, has flip-flopped on the issue. Even now, with its relatively new-found passion and enthusiasm for fighting for freedom of sovereignty from the existing Union so that it can hand over power to Brussels, it criticises the Irish Government for not being neutral enough.”
“Is that not the arrangement that they have at Westminster, where they are free to travel to London and live the London lifestyle without having any of the responsibility of the work of the House of Commons or any voice for those whom they represent? Perhaps the plan is for John Finucane to add "EU observer" to the jobs that he has but does not do, while he continues his legal career.”
“It offers no vote, no influence and no power. It would do nothing to fix the democratic deficit that has been created by the protocol. Instead, it would be an attempt to signal Northern Ireland's willingness to join the EU, a message that those who tabled the motion hope that Brussels would seize upon, entrenching the flawed arrangements that have already damaged our economy. We are still battling threats to veterinary medicine supplies and restrictions on car dealers registering UK-approved vehicles. Those are the real consequences of surrendering control. <BR /> <BR />In many ways, perhaps having the privileges of partial membership that were outlined by my colleague, without the responsibilities or costs, would suit Sinn Féin well.”
“If the motion is passed, it will lead to a letter being sent to Brussels claiming that the Assembly supports observer status, despite there being fierce opposition from all on the unionist Benches. No legitimacy will be given to the motion in this place today. Those in Brussels will not have the opportunity afforded to them to ignore and ride roughshod over the concerns of the unionist population of Northern Ireland, against the principles of the Good Friday Agreement, as they did when the protocol was imposed following the acquiescing of the UK Government of the day. <BR /> <BR />Today, the Democratic Unionist Party, along with unionist colleagues, has, rightly, had no hesitation in using the petition of concern to ensure that unionist voices are not silenced or misrepresented. What, after all, does observer status offer?”
“Not at the moment, thank you. <BR /> <BR />During the Brexit process, unionists were lectured about protecting the agreement in all its parts — every jot and tittle, we were told — but here we are again, faced with a proposal that seeks to trample on those very principles. While working in the European Parliament, I heard not only Sinn Féin MEPs but those from other nations wax lyrical about the deified Good Friday Agreement, when I am sure that many of them had not set eyes on much of it, much less on all its parts. Some of them had expansive and fantastical ideas about what it said. <BR /> <BR />The motion is not about political engagement. It is a Sinn Féin a ploy. As has been outlined, it is a stepping stone to its wish to break up the United Kingdom.”
“The motion is not harmless, as has been articulated, not only by my colleague Mr Buckley but by Dr Aiken and in the previous speech from the Benches opposite. It wishes to strike at the very foundation of Northern Ireland's constitutional position. The Belfast and St Andrews Agreements were crystal clear: on issues of this magnitude, cross-community consent is essential. Yet, today, those opposite would have that safeguard cast aside. Why? Sinn Féin, the SDLP and the Alliance Party know that they cannot achieve consensus on the issue and therefore seek to impose their will by simple majority.”
“On a point of order, Mr Deputy Speaker. I apologise to the House for missing my question to the Assembly Commission during Question Time. I was feeling unwell at the time.”
“I am reassured by the use of the public appointments process, which will be beneficial in ensuring that those who are appointed have a better mix of skills, knowledge and experience, and that they will be chosen on that basis rather than the factionalism that contributed to the failures of the past. <BR /> <BR />As I said, I look forward to grappling with the Bill at the Committee and, alongside other Committee members, growing my knowledge of the GTC's work and roles. It is right to say that our knowledge about a body that has such an important role in our education system is not as wide as it should be. I look forward to doing that in the Committee.”
“Some of the people who continue to call for a new structure, and, in particular, want a significant stake in the leadership of that structure, probably contributed to some of the issues that brought about the necessity for reform. Therefore, to further the leader of the Opposition's car analogy, it would be insane to go to the effort of creating a new independent body and give the keys of the new vehicle to the same unreformed driver who drove the previous vehicle into a ditch. The reformed GTC must have the leadership experience, knowledge and skills that, we were told, had been absent from it previously, as well as board members who can fulfil their roles and understand the parameters of their work and their responsibilities.”
“It is also clear, however, as the Minister said, that there has been significant improvement, and we heard at the Committee that the GTC has been operating under the Department's oversight. That has shown that, with the right structures in place, the body can have a future and serve its purpose. That avoids the problem of completely dismantling the existing organisation and, essentially, creating in its image a rebranded and reformed version of the same body. Doing that would take significantly more time and resource than it would to make the necessary reforms to the existing structures. <BR /> <BR />I understand that previous Ministers and others looked at doing away with the GTC, and for good reason.”
“I do not intend to speak for too long. It will not surprise those present in the Chamber that we support the general thrust and direction that the Minister has outlined. Like others, however, we look forward to grappling with the Bill at the Committee for Education and asking some of the difficult questions that the leader of the Opposition was talking about. We will not forgo our duty in that regard. <BR /> <BR />It is clear that the GTC's existing format and governance arrangements were not working for anyone, least of all the teachers whom the body was intended to serve. It was underperforming and had significant issues at board level, as has been outlined.”
“Is the Member making any specific allegations about whether there was any impropriety in those appointments, or is he just throwing muck and hoping that some sticks?”
“I will have another rattle and see whether we can get past the press office's prepared lines. As has been said, on 22 October, the Minister stated that a Sinn Féin employee had admitted involvement in the incident that led to the criminal damage of the portrait in Belfast City Hall. I am not asking about the PSNI or PPS investigation, but I am asking this: was a Sinn Féin employee involved, or did the First Minister mislead the House?”
“I thank the First Minister for her answer. The office has an important role in not only influencing in Europe but being the canary in the mine that will warn us of any serious difficulties that may come from European legislation. <BR /> <BR />One of the current difficulties is veterinary medicines. Has the First Minister had any conversations on that, or has she any update for us on the real threat that that poses to our veterinary sector and animal health in Northern Ireland and on what can be done as the end of the grace period looms?”
“We will not oppose the motion, but it is worth noting that, while praising much of the work that is being done, we must also be realistic with people and not build false hope about the position that the Department is in.”
“It is not a reflection on providers or their merits; it reflects the difficult financial environment that we face. My position is not that we should close the door on future departmental support or that we should not work to develop a strategy; it is to recognise that mainstreaming and directly funding this work from the core budget is probably not feasible right now, without compromising other critical areas. In the meantime, I would continue collaboration with providers, schools, communities and other partners. I remain hopeful that, in the future, if we can navigate some of the challenges that we face now, we should continue to look at these issues. <BR /> <BR />In closing, I reiterate my respect for our providers and the movement that they are a part of and my appreciation for their contribution to our young people.”
“Therefore, while I do not question the worth or impact of outdoor learning or the programmes that are being provided without it being mainstreamed, I must also be honest about what, I think, the Department can realistically support at the moment. If additional resources were to become available, as, we all hope, they will, there are, regrettably, more urgent and immediate priorities that must be addressed first, including safeguarding, essential front-line services, supporting children with special educational needs and ensuring that schools can simply keep the doors open and staffed. <BR /> <BR />That is not to take away from this priority. As I said when we discussed it in Committee, it is a worthy issue, but it has to be set against the other issues that we face.”
“I record my appreciation of the dedication of the educators, volunteers and the partner organisations that deliver the work, often with limited resources — I recognise that — and a great deal of personal commitment. Their contribution is undeniably valuable and enhances the educational experience for many of our pupils. <BR /> <BR />While recognising all of those strengths and positives, we have to say a word about recognising the financial reality and the challenges under which the Department of Education is operating. The pressures on the Education budget are severe and well known to Members of the House and the Committee. Schools struggle to meet basic needs, and support services are stretched. Many statutory responsibilities are already competing for insufficient funding.”
“It is also helpful to children who have additional needs, which will be relevant to the Committee as it continues its special educational needs (SEN) inquiry. <BR /> <BR />I do not think that anybody will say anything today that is not positive about outdoor learning, a strategy to look at the same or the work of providers. Like other Members, I have had the privilege of visiting the forest school in the Clandeboye estate and have seen the excellent environment, facilities and ethos that makes so many passionate about it and has seen so many kids benefit. All of us will have had opportunities to go to our local schools to hear from them about some of the opportunities that they have had and what it has meant to them and to see the excitement when the kids talk about it.”
“Teachers have consistently reported the positive impact that outdoor learning has on behaviour, well-being and engagement — benefits that extend far beyond any single lesson — and, at a time when concerns about children's mental health, physical activity levels and connection to the natural environment are well documented, the work of the Forest School Association, PlayBoard NI and some of the other organisations that the Chair mentioned provides creative and meaningful contributions to the development of young people. Outdoor play, in its various forms, is an important part of learning. The ETI has also acknowledged how outdoor learning improves health, well-being and progression in learning. It also helps young people to manage emotions, develop social skills and improve concentration after adventurous play.”