David Brooks
East Belfast · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Does the Member accept that our position, as it has been laid out and although it is different from hers, is that schools should have autonomy to decide those things? It is not about appointing anyone, least of all men specifically, to make those decisions; it is about school leadership.”
“I recognise that the Member is being genuine, as all Members have been as they have laid out their reasoning, and I have some sympathy with that. However, Northern Ireland is being portrayed almost as an outlier.”
“We have seen some enthusiasm for private Members' Bills introduced by those on the Benches opposite progressing at speed, and I hope to see similar motivation for such a key issue as inspections. In the past — admittedly, when there was less time pressure — the Committee was generous with its time when hearing from stakeholders.”
“I will say a few words rather make a lengthy speech. The Justice Bill is coming up, and I am sure that my colleague Mr Frew will have that covered.”
“I echo the sentiments that racism is always wrong, but one of the pressures that are causing frustration is the lack of social and affordable housing, particularly in our most deprived communities. That has been exacerbated by Mears's operation.”
“I will not take lectures in scripture and Christianity from those who often spend their time opposing Christian values — I have no truck with such lectures. Equally, I say to those who have been involved in the violence that you will not rebuild a Christian nation by torching houses or cars or by attacking the police.”
The complete record
Every one of 817 lines we hold for David Brooks, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 13 of 17.
“As we are seeing, and will see, increasingly with the issues around Amazon and eBay, others, too, will stop supplying. <BR /> <BR />To that end, we have welcomed the appointments to Intertrade UK and the independent monitoring panel. The Command Paper clearly envisaged a role for both in feeding into the work of the independent review, particularly with respect to the implementation of the internal market guarantee. We must see further work to progress the work of both bodies so that they can help to prevent the kind of disengagement that we are seeing from key businesses and, indeed, to enhance the information available to those of us who serve on the Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee.”
“Colleagues who have spoken have presented many examples of the damage due to the current system, and I suspect that colleagues who are yet to speak will draw upon similar examples. <BR /> <BR />While others have the ability to couch their arguments in the positive elements of anything that the EU is bringing forward and is wishing to achieve with such regulations — in this case, consumer protection — it does not take a genius to draw the lines and see how such red tape and additional burden will make GB suppliers, whether direct to the consumer or to other parts of our manufacturing base, simply decide that Northern Ireland, with its 1·8 million people, is not a big enough market on its own to warrant the additional risk and expense.”
“The chilling effect, which was referred to today, of divergence increasing over time means that we are seeing, and will increasingly see, Great British businesses choosing not to sell to Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />In the past two weeks, we have discussed provisions that pertain to the ability of consumers to hold a company in the EU's customs area ultimately legally responsible for product defects, even where it is not the responsible manufacturer. That is particularly important in circumstances where the manufacturer is outside the EU. That means that local companies that sell products from GB suppliers or the suppliers themselves, if they have a presence here, face increased risk and potentially increased costs. That is one example that is relevant to the work of the Committee.”
“The levers available to us, as a Committee, and to the Assembly are time limited, but we often cannot possibly know if or when an impact will be felt by our constituents or local businesses. Generally speaking, some members — I appreciate that they will point to examples in recent weeks that, I hope, reflect a sustained change in approach — have been, up to now, exceptionally trusting of the idea that what is good for the EU at large will also be in our interests. That is an idealistic approach that not even member states take when considering regulations. We have little ability as yet to consider regulations in light of their cumulative effect when combined with other regulations over the course of time.”
“We have said that a strengthened independent review should be the basis for Labour to honour their stated commitment to protecting the UK internal market. Again, the full suite of the Government's statutory duties should be delivered in good faith. <BR /> <BR />In common with a number of the contributors today, I sit on the Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee. Each week, we are increasingly sitting through sessions on complex EU legislation on which officials invite us to lean only upon the presumption that the UK Government will probably approximately align their regulations with those that are being brought forward. We are compelled within a short time frame to make decisions without complete and necessary information.”
“However, any moves forward by the Government must honour and advance commitments that have already been made to the people of Northern Ireland, particularly those that form part of the basis for the restoration of these institutions. On that basis, I say to the Government that they, too, should reflect on the corrosive effect that a failure to honour such commitments would have on trust and confidence in government, politics and these institutions. Such failure would sow instability for the future. <BR /> <BR />My party secured in law a commitment to an independent review of the framework, including the areas on which there is not cross-community consent. It also secured a commitment that there would be completion of the review within six months rather than two years, as agreed under the Government's original unilateral declaration.”
“In voting against the continuation of the current arrangements, nobody on these Benches is deluded about the likely outcome, thanks to the design of the mechanism, which represents a further capitulation by the Johnson Government. Brexit was never about making an enemy of Europe; it was about the freedom to set one's own course in the world. Acrimony with the EU, which includes some of our longest-standing allies and friends, was never the aim. We, too, would welcome a reset in relations, but not at the expense of ignoring the continuing thorn in our national flesh. <BR /> <BR />The vision that the Labour Government have laid out in recent days will, no doubt, be given due consideration by my Westminster colleagues in view of the current circumstances and the impact on Northern Ireland.”
“I will not give way. My colleague Mr Buckley was not afforded the same privilege, despite his being very generous with his time during his contribution. <BR /> <BR />The protocol remains an unacceptable incursion on our sovereignty and on our full integration into the UK single market. Northern Ireland should have left the EU on the same basis as the rest of the UK did, and as both campaigns said that it would, despite their opposing motivations. We will continue to work towards that aim. <BR /> <BR />Today's vote is flawed. As I said, it is a corruption of all that the "peace processors" have, until now, proclaimed to be essential. Nevertheless, today remains an opportunity for the DUP, in cooperation with other unionists, to demonstrate practically and give voice to the commitment to oppose that which has been imposed on us.”
“That is how we have landed in this place. It was never the case that we were always going to land here with Brexit. Rather, that happened as a result of people's campaigning to ensure that we landed here and that Northern Ireland was not granted Brexit on the same basis as others were granted it.”
“We believe now, as we did then, that the continued barriers to trade between Great Britain and Northern Ireland are unacceptable. Their impact continues to be significantly detrimental to the economic, constitutional, social and political life of this place. We are on record as saying that, even with the progress that was made through 'Safeguarding the Union', the Windsor framework did not fix all the issues or secure all our negotiating objectives. <BR /> <BR />The leader of the Alliance Party said earlier that we in the DUP had won when it came to Brexit and that we should smile about that. That is a corruption of the truth, however. The Alliance Party and others on the Benches opposite should recognise that they had some successes themselves in campaigning to thwart democracy and the result of a referendum.”
“I understand that Mr Buckley's contribution was lengthy, but it represented the dearly held feelings of a significant proportion of the community in Northern Ireland who feel that the Windsor framework and the protocol have impinged on their identity and on their place in Northern Ireland and in the United Kingdom. <BR /> <BR />Today, we, as MLAs, will be compelled to vote on what is a major and controversial issue, and, for the first time in decades, a vote will be decided in here on the basis of a simple majority. My colleagues have outlined how the DUP has a steady record of opposition to the measures in place and to the protocol that imposed them. My party voted against the protocol in our national Parliament and worked against it in the European Parliament before it was forced through by the Johnson Government in 2019.”
“I will not give way. I want to make some progress. <BR /> <BR />In recent weeks, I have said — I will say it again — that we have been regaled with sanctimonious interventions and preambles that point to the damage caused by this place having been down. I have heard some talk today, Mr Speaker — sorry, Mr Speaker, I have just seen that you have replaced Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair — of this place being down for the first period of the mandate. The Members making those comments and their parties may want to reflect on how the corrosive effect of their utter contempt for unionist concerns and their enthusiastic dismantling of settled government norms here led us to that point. The way in which Mr O'Toole — he is currently not in his place — referred to my colleague Mr Buckley's comments is reflective of that.”
“Not at the moment, thank you. <BR /> <BR />They were options that the Members opposite and the EU did not like. As was pointed out, the EU commissioned the study 'Smart Border 2.0'. Lars Karlsson was involved in the drafting of that document. The EU launched three documents on the same day. I was there in the room when they were launched. It was happy to cast aside 'Smart Border 2.0', because the very study that it had commissioned did not say what it wished it to say. I am not saying that the study was perfect or that there was no issue with it, but it has been built on since then, so it is untrue to pretend that no other workable options have been put forward.”
“A wealth of other options were proposed during the Brexit process. It is simply a case of their being options that the Members opposite and the EU —.”
“I am happy to look at the language that I use, but the Good Friday Agreement, which was built on those terms, was agreed by your party and the parties opposite, not by this party. The agreement does not hold any particular weight for me in that regard. It is something that some of the parties opposite have hung their identity on since 1998. No, on this issue, I will continue to articulate my points on the basis of what it means for the unionists in this country and the people whom I represent to have the constitution of the United Kingdom impinged upon and the protocol imposed in the way that it has been. <BR /> <BR />The leader of the Alliance Party and Minister Muir referred to a lack of other options having been proposed. As colleagues have said, however, alternative arrangements, such as mutual enforcement, have been proposed.”
“The nature of the democratic consent mechanism by which we were brought here today is like much of the protocol and the Windsor framework: it has been imposed without the consent and certainly without the cross-community consent that, we were told, was essential to maintaining the confidence of both communities and the legitimacy of government here. On that point, the leader of the Alliance Party said that she was not sure whether we were serious in opposing the motion today. My colleagues have outlined precisely why we are very serious about the position that we are taking.”
“yet Boris Johnson and subsequent UK Governments and, indeed, the parties opposite are content to casually dispense with that fundamental consent principle. <BR /> <BR />Not one unionist in this place supported the protocol, yet, when it came to the democratic consent mechanism, the rigorous implementers, like others, were content deliberately and by design to dump the protections that they had baked into what was their agreement, not ours. That selective approach may win them the day, but they should know that it is noted by not only the DUP but unionist communities across Northern Ireland, which see that those parties value safeguards only for nationalists.”
“All have been shown to be hypocrites on this issue in their support for the corruption of the principle of consent and cross-community consensus that, for all its fundamental flaws, lay at the very heart of the Good Friday Agreement. Indeed, article 18(2) of the protocol decrees that any vote on the continuation of arrangements should be held:”
“That, of course, applies not only to the Opposition, Sinn Féin and Alliance but to the other key players of that time who were adding such clichés, be they the UK Government of the time, Irish National Caucus voices in Washington, EU negotiators — I agree with my colleague who spoke earlier and join him in sending heartiest commiserations to France's shortest-serving Prime Minister after the events of last week — or many members of the European Parliament to whom I listened, I assure you, during my time working for my colleague who is now the Member for Upper Bann, as they declared their undying devotion to and protection of a document that, I am sure, many of them had never set eyes on.”
“It is more concrete proof of that which unionists have known and seen to be true in the past eight years, which is that, for those who speak in such lofty terms about the peace process and have often hung much of their modern identity on it since 1998, referendums are to be respected only when they suit; that majoritarianism is to be discouraged and safeguarded against but only when it is not in their favour; that the so-called ugly scaffolding that was referred to earlier was necessary but is dispensable when it becomes advantageous to their cause; and that the upholding of the Good Friday Agreement in all its parts, not only in letter, as previously said, but in spirit, was vital during the negotiation of Brexit but apparently optional thereafter.”
“The mechanism that brings us to the House today represents a corruption of the most fundamental principles of the Good Friday Agreement that, we were told during the Brexit process by the very rigorous implementers who bring it before us today, no less, must have every jot and tittle respected and upheld.”
“I suspect that I will also go over some of the same stuff, but, whilst I have the list of issues that was read out earlier, the Chamber can be thankful that I will not repeat it.”
“Thanks to the comprehensiveness of my two colleagues who have spoken, I suspect that my speech might be only about two thirds the length of Jonny Buckley's contribution.”
“I am well aware that there are businesses in East Belfast looking into wind turbines and so on. I do not think that Harland and Wolff's previous venture into that space was particularly successful. Nevertheless, far more businesses in East Belfast rely on our biggest market, which is GB. Unfortunately, when you talk about dual market access, you do not recognise that it is not seamless between Northern Ireland and GB in both directions. That is the reality.”
“Does the Member accept that the protocol and the framework are the result of his and other Members' attempts to thwart democracy and not to honour the referendum, rather than of Brexit? Brexit has been achieved in other parts of the United Kingdom but has not been delivered here, largely because of the lobbying of those on the Benches opposite.”
“I associate myself with the Minister's thanks to the staff for their work. My colleague Joanne Bunting has been engaging with his Department to try to have a meeting about future plans to protect the houses in Dundonald. I ask the Minister to encourage officials to arrange a meeting so that we can discuss what we can do to support those people.”
“I welcome the Minister's statement and his vision for housing supply through the strategy. I share the hope of my colleague Joanne Bunting that it will deliver for East Belfast. Does the Minister believe that renewed effort from the housing associations will be key to delivering the outcomes of the strategy?”
“I thank the Minister for the statement, which delivers on some of the commitments that he made when he gave us his vision early in his tenure. I know that many schools in my constituency, some of which he has visited, will be excited at the prospect of investment in pitches and outdoor facilities. <BR /> <BR />In the modern era of education, why is investment in technology so crucial?”
“In light of that answer, what is the impact on the SEN projects included in his April 2024 announcement?”
“After leaving the home of Ulster Rugby at 7.00 am, he will pass through notable locations, including here at Stormont, Titanic Belfast and the Shore Road, before finishing at Windsor Park, near the George Best statue. Along the way, Kevin will visit St Paul's Gaelic Athletic Club where he will honour former Gaelic footballer Anto Finnegan, who also succumbed to MND. There will also be the Extra Mile event at the Mary Peters Track, at which members of the community can join Kevin. Proceeds from the challenge will benefit six motor neurone disease charities. Having raised nearly £10 million through his previous challenges, Sinfield's efforts continue to be a beacon of hope and solidarity for the MND community, and we wish him well. I encourage others to support him along the way and to help raise funds.”
“I will raise awareness of a campaign by the rugby player Kevin Sinfield, who was famously a friend of Rob Burrow, who died of MND. Kevin has since campaigned very well to raise money for the cause. Tomorrow sees his campaign — 2024's 7 in 7 in 7 challenge — come to Belfast, as he continues his inspiring efforts to raise funds and awareness to tackle the disease in honour of his late friend and teammate. This year's event, Running Home for Christmas, will see Kevin cover 50 kilometres a day for seven days, stopping in key cities across the UK and Ireland. As I said, he will stop here tomorrow. Kevin will start at the Kingspan Stadium, which is just about in your constituency, Mr Speaker. He will then almost immediately cross into East Belfast, where I, along with others, hope to welcome him.”
“I thank the Minister for his visit to Park Avenue in Dundonald earlier today. <BR /> <BR />As a private renter, I understand the anxiety that it causes renters. Will the Minister give his assessment of the no-fault eviction ban that has been in place in Scotland?”
“I was drawing my remarks to a close. All that I will say is that we look forward to engaging with the structures at Westminster that I have mentioned. Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker.”
“For those reasons, we welcome the creation of a House of Lords Select Committee, the Northern Ireland Scrutiny Committee. We suspect that that Committee will take a more open and transparent approach to examining the multitude of EU rules, regulations and laws coming forward that directly affect Northern Ireland. That multitude was the case in the previous parliamentary mandate, and that work will increase in importance in the coming months and years.”
“Having previously called for the rigorous implementation of the original protocol, which ceded control of our laws without any mitigation or role for the Assembly, it now appears that Sinn Féin, the SDLP and Alliance are committed to frustrating even the peripheral influence that has been handed to our institutions.”
“However, both of those processes provide Assembly Members with a say after the fact, when legislation has already completed its passage. That, in itself, demonstrates the gulf in democratic accountability that is still to be bridged. <BR /> <BR />Regrettably, even when taking account of the Committee's limited functions, the parties on the opposite Benches have demonstrated a willingness to constrain the scrutiny of proposed or published EU acts beyond an initial desktop exercise. Frequently, unionist calls for a Committee inquiry into a piece of legislation, especially where its impacts on Northern Ireland remain unclear, have been shut down and voted down.”
“We will continue to use the Democratic Scrutiny Committee to scrutinise legislation that is either under consideration by the EU or is published, whilst being cognisant that that still does not give Assembly Members a substantive role in how laws are developed or imposed. <BR /> <BR />The Stormont brake mechanism is distinct from the Democratic Scrutiny Committee, and the DUP will use it to full effect in the pursuit of our overall objectives of removing barriers within the United Kingdom and ensuring the primacy of its internal market. We have also successfully tested the Government's duty not to adopt EU laws that are not currently covered by the Windsor framework without cross-community consent in the Assembly.”
“Those are vital functions that local elected representatives in the Chamber should have over the laws that govern our economy, yet the Democratic Scrutiny Committee has been left bereft of those functions as a direct result of Governments ceding power to Brussels. In that context, we recognise that the Democratic Scrutiny Committee can serve only to mitigate rather than resolve the undemocratic nature of the current arrangements. <BR /> <BR />That said, neither the DSC nor the separate process of the Stormont brake were part of the original protocol. The fact that we have those mechanisms, however imperfect, is solely because of the actions taken by my party.”
“Those provisions dictate that Statutory Committees are to advise and assist each Executive Minister in the formulation of policy and to”
“As a result of those flawed arrangements and the failure of consecutive Governments to address the surrendering of over 300 areas of law to the EU, no Member of the House has any say or power in formulating, developing, amending or initiating legislation in those areas, even where it is directly contrary to the interests of businesses and communities in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />The draft Standing Order acknowledges and embeds that inequality. Paragraph (2) presents the DSC as a Standing Committee. Why is that significant? It means that the Committee lacks the powers and mandate of a Statutory Committee. Statutory Committees are clearly defined in section 29 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 and link directly to paragraph 9 of strand one of the Belfast Agreement.”
“The Democratic Unionist Party acknowledges that it is appropriate to provide in Standing Orders for the underpinning of the Committees established in this place. On that basis, I align myself with the Chair's comments, particularly on substitute members and the provision thereof. I thank the Chair and members of the Committee on Procedures for their work with us on that and for their commitment to a review in a year's time. <BR /> <BR />From a party political position, however, let us be clear from the outset that the Committee does not scratch the surface with regard to resolving the fundamental problem that led to its creation, namely the democratic deficit created by the Northern Ireland protocol.”
“I thank the Minister for what, as he said in his statement, will be a truly life-saving investment. He has already covered the element of training, which I was going to ask about. When the devices are in place, will there be an effort, in collaboration with other Departments, to increase the wider community's awareness of their location?”
“Ms Dillon said that the Minister is ready to step up. The residents of Park Avenue want to see that being delivered on. They want to see a permanent solution that means that they will not have to face this situation again this year or in the coming years. We need a permanent solution that can protect them.”
“In times like that, it is good to see communities coming together and rallying round to support those who have been most affected. <BR /> <BR />The issues in Park Avenue in Dundonald have been there for some time. In previous years, Joanne Bunting, Gavin Robinson and I, along with DUP council colleagues, have supported residents to get sandbags and so on as the waters rose. What they really want, however — their frustration came across at the weekend — is a permanent solution. When the river waters rise, they are left vulnerable. This incident was the worst for some years, but the water levels have been increasing and the warnings were there. I appeal to the Department for Infrastructure and the Minister for Infrastructure to investigate and find out what the problems are, because we need to see action.”
“<BR /> <BR />I thank the Northern Fire and Rescue Service for the huge effort that its personnel made to clear the water at Park Avenue in Dundonald. I thank the community groups and agencies that attended the scene. Crosspoint Church opened the church to allow affected residents to come in to get support from various agencies, and Dundonald Orange hall made the same offer. Staff from the British Red Cross, Lisburn and Castlereagh City Council, the local health trust and the Housing Executive all spent much of their Saturday as part of the emergency response to help residents who were in distress and families who could not, for quite some time, get access to residents who were stuck in their houses. I also thank the local businesses, including The Golden Chip and Café Nosh, that offered to feed those who were affected.”
“Like many in the House, I spent some of this weekend dealing with residents in my constituency who had been affected by the flooding caused by Storm Bert. It has been a stressful time for them and their families. We know, especially in the mouth of Christmas, how they will feel, looking at their belongings that have been ruined by the water that got in. We need to step up and take action to assist them. I know that they are thankful for the contribution of the Minister for Communities, Gordon Lyons, who has quickly brought forward the emergency £1,000 payments. We know that those will go only a short way towards mitigating the losses that have been incurred, but they will be of assistance in the initial stages, and the residents of the area are thankful for that.”
“I understand from the report that a lack of refuges and a lack of access to family may be barriers to men's coming forward. That does not all fall within your remit, Minister, so do you plan to have conversations with other Ministers to see how men can be supported across the Executive?”
“I have an extra minute. There you go. I thought that my time was up. <BR /> <BR />We cannot rely on the fantastical pipe dreams of how we will fund that. Of course, it would be desirable to be able to give everyone in society universal free healthcare. Of course, it would be desirable to give everyone who depends heavily on childcare, particularly working families, a 50% cut in their bills. I hope that we can work towards that, but we should not set unrealistic targets or raise expectations beyond what they may be. Instead, we should stick to the Minister's plan, which is to help people and deliver that in real time. We look forward to all parties in the Executive supporting efforts in the longer term and multi-year budgets to see further support for childcare.”
“I recognise that the Opposition will want to be seen to hold feet to the fire and to push for more, push for it faster and push for greater ambition. However, if I may say so, they have plucked the arbitrary figure of 50% out of the air, even if it sounds good to the public's ears. You could pluck arbitrary figures on just about anything. We could have a 50% cut to electric bills, food bills and fuel bills. That is all desirable — perhaps, even, universal for Mr Carroll — but, while all those things would help families, and there is nobody who would not welcome them, we need more than that from the official Opposition. We need to have a plan in that regard.”
“We have seen the Finance Minister bring resources to the Minister that have allowed him to progress. It is fair to say that, in the Committee, there has always been a rightful intent to apply scrutiny to decisions and not allow Ministers to rest on their laurels. I know that the Minister wishes for that. There has, nevertheless, been general acknowledgement of progress and a shared interest in seeing the issue prioritised and advanced. I certainly believe that the Minister, as he has outlined, is grasping those challenges and meeting them head-on. <BR /> <BR />My colleague Peter Martin has already laid out our party's position on the motion and amendment. I align with that. I will not duplicate too much.”