David Brooks
East Belfast · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Does the Member accept that our position, as it has been laid out and although it is different from hers, is that schools should have autonomy to decide those things? It is not about appointing anyone, least of all men specifically, to make those decisions; it is about school leadership.”
“I recognise that the Member is being genuine, as all Members have been as they have laid out their reasoning, and I have some sympathy with that. However, Northern Ireland is being portrayed almost as an outlier.”
“We have seen some enthusiasm for private Members' Bills introduced by those on the Benches opposite progressing at speed, and I hope to see similar motivation for such a key issue as inspections. In the past — admittedly, when there was less time pressure — the Committee was generous with its time when hearing from stakeholders.”
“I will say a few words rather make a lengthy speech. The Justice Bill is coming up, and I am sure that my colleague Mr Frew will have that covered.”
“I echo the sentiments that racism is always wrong, but one of the pressures that are causing frustration is the lack of social and affordable housing, particularly in our most deprived communities. That has been exacerbated by Mears's operation.”
“I will not take lectures in scripture and Christianity from those who often spend their time opposing Christian values — I have no truck with such lectures. Equally, I say to those who have been involved in the violence that you will not rebuild a Christian nation by torching houses or cars or by attacking the police.”
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“The Minister will, no doubt, deal with the points that the Member has raised, but we are all aware of the vast amount of investment that would be required, particularly around the estate and so on, to make the right provisions available to enable these children to have the right places and the appropriate setting. We all know the challenges around that — I do not want to underplay them — but I am sure that the Minister will address the points that the Member has made. <BR /> <BR />We recognise that, due to the issues with the estate, some of the placements can be suboptimal compared with what we aspire to, ideally. Indeed, we know that it is not what the Minister aspires to, not least through his plans, as outlined, for new special schools in the future.”
“Issues remain with children awaiting facilities to be completed and built, and there will be parents who will appeal for a different placement — some justifiably so. I do not think that anyone stands here to paint a perfect picture. Equally, however, we should not dismiss the progress that there has been, for political means. We know that the estate is in a poor state and requires vast investment. It was slightly disingenuous of the Member who spoke before me to suggest that the Minister has a budget and could, therefore, prioritise as he wishes. We know that there is a shortfall in the budgets; we know that the block grant is not meeting needs, so —.”
“I was going to go on to expand on and to go through some of the outcomes framework and so on, but the discussion that took place between my colleague and the Chair of the Education Committee has probably shone more light on some of the views around that than I am likely to. Work is ongoing on that, as my colleague highlighted. <BR /> <BR />The catalyst for the motion being tabled is frustration around the annual issues regarding placements. I understand that, as it stands — perhaps, the Minister will clarify this in his remarks — we have few or no children currently awaiting a placement. I understand that that does not mean that all is well, as we have heard in the Chamber, and I do not seek to portray that it is.”
“Nevertheless, I believe that those most involved in the sector understand the situation and want to see progress. The concerns raised in the motion and the call for more action and clearer timelines are, no doubt, reflections of the urgency that is felt by parents, educators and communities. That said, I want to respond with a recognition of the ambitious path that has already been charted by the Minister and the careful work that is under way. In February of this year, the Minister published what was, perhaps, the most ambitious SEN reform agenda in a generation and, alongside it, a five-year delivery plan designed to ensure that children with SEN receive the right support at the right times.”
“All of us — I include the Minister in that — share the ambition to aspire to more and to work to deliver better for our young people with special educational needs. That is reflected in the fact that, earlier, we had Mr Gaston commend the Alliance Party and my colleague Peter Martin commend Danny on his speech. I say to Mr Burrows that that is not a normal occurrence: do not get too used to it. We all want every child in Northern Ireland to have a happy and fulfilling educational experience that develops them to their potential. <BR /> <BR />Nobody expects the transformation of SEN services to happen overnight. We all understand those who have been at the coalface. We have heard of classroom assistants, teachers and parents awaiting placements who, at times, have had reason to lose faith and confidence in the system.”
“I welcome Mr Burrows to his seat and to share in his good wishes to Colin Crawford. All of us who sat on Committee with him recognise the tribute that Mr Burrows paid to Colin, and I stand with him on that. <BR /> <BR />Today's topic of discussion is familiar to us all in the Chamber, and I have said that before.”
“I was just pointing out that I literally prefaced my remarks by saying that I acknowledged the excellent work that classroom assistants do. You are misrepresenting what I said. That is clearly not what I said.”
“This is a genuine question. Does the Member have any evidence that one-to-one support is the best route? I respect the jobs that all of those workers do, but, surely, when it comes to education policy, we all want to be informed by what is the best route for our children, rather than other concerns. If there is evidence that one-to-one support is the best route, I would like to hear it from him.”
“I thank the Minister for her answer and her work in that area. There has scarcely been a more important time to engage with the president of the United States. <BR /> <BR />The deputy First Minister had to step up on St Patrick's Day this year when the First Minister decided not to show leadership. What are the plans in that regard this time? Will the First Minister attend?”
“That is not a request; it must be a demand. The DUP carries a clear mandate to continue to fight to fully restore Northern Ireland's place in our United Kingdom and remove any legislative or administrative apparatus that undermines it. We will not surrender from working to that end.”
“It should have been bold enough to demand reforms to remove the EU impositions and remedy the issues that divide this nation, harm business and corrode community confidence in the very idea that the mechanisms within our devolved institutions can be trusted to be used in a fair and balanced way for both sides of the community. <BR /> <BR />My party leader, Gavin Robinson, noted correctly that the independent review must be an honest assessment rather than an exercise in papering over problems and that there must be more urgency in responding to unionist concerns.”
“This party warned that that would be the case with the protocol, and the framework has not resolved those issues, not least because successive British Governments have failed to honour promises made. However, the British electorate at large will be as unsurprised as unionists in Northern Ireland that the current Government show scant regard for commitments made. <BR /> <BR />Unionists believe that the current arrangements continue to undermine sovereignty and seamless economic integration with the rest of the UK. Business and trade have been made not easier, as was heralded, but more complicated. What the independent review should have done was to confront the systematic distortions head-on, not merely document the inconveniences and encourage the Government to keep calm and carry on.”
“I will make some progress, if that is OK. <BR /> <BR />I thank the Member for his intervention. Yes, I wholly agree, although I recall that, at a previous meeting of our Committee, when we invited the FSB to speak to us, a Sinn Féin member remarked that it was not the only stakeholder. While I agree with that, we know that it represents 89% of businesses in Northern Ireland, and I think that it would be concerned to hear the party that holds the economy brief being so dismissive. <BR /> <BR />The message seems clear that, rather than functioning as the economic lifeline that many in the Chamber extol, the framework is introducing confusion, cost and red tape, fracturing the UK internal market and undermining business confidence across the region.”
“Absolutely, and, when some of those organisations were supportive of the vote to remain, other parties in this place valued their input.”
“Even more alarming is that 56% of affected businesses lacked confidence in future planning and only 14% understood or benefited from the touted dual market access. We look forward to welcoming the FSB to the Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee to discuss its concerns about widespread trade friction, low confidence —”
“<BR /> <BR />Unless the independent review assists the fulfilment of government promises and the full restoration of Northern Ireland's place within the UK internal market without the distorting overlay of EU law, it is fundamentally toothless. Moreover, as our motion outlines, recent findings from the Federation of Small Businesses (FSB) in Northern Ireland reveal the harsh realities of the framework's impact on small firms. Its comprehensive study found that 58% of businesses trading with Great Britain and Northern Ireland reported moderate to significant disruptions, while more than one third — 34% — had already ceased trading rather than grapple with the growing compliance burden.”
“Under the terms of reference set by the UK Government, Lord Murphy was asked to identify issues and make recommendations to command cross-community support. However, let us be clear: the terms of reference themselves presume legitimacy in the framework that simply does not exist. The framework maintains EU law supremacy in Northern Ireland in areas such as customs, VAT, state aid and even medicines regulations without unionist consent or an adequate time frame. The Stormont brake and the Democratic Scrutiny Committee are in place, but this party has always been clear that they are not enough in themselves and that there is more work to do. Current mechanisms are not a remedy to a sovereign Parliament electing to bypass cross-community consent when the protections afforded to nationalism become an inconvenience if wielded by unionism.”
“The Government and Brussels should be aware that the oft-repeated sound bites of reverence for the Belfast Agreement and the peace process will be as a fig leaf if the fundamental basis of confidence on both sides of the community continues to crumble, while genuine appeals to secure the foundations of these institutions and the actions required to do so are treated with contempt.”
“I welcome the fact that Lord Murphy has listened to the concerns that all parties in this place raised about the accessing of information, the unrealistic timelines faced by the Democratic Scrutiny Committee, the need to have adequate staffing in relevant areas and the need for departmental points of contact to be empowered to speak to the Committee about areas as required. As I have said, however, the language on the more significant issues is weak.”
“Brexit was established by a nationwide referendum — it was the largest democratic exercise ever carried out in the United Kingdom — so it was a very different proposition. I do not argue that a sovereign Parliament cannot overrule this place, as a devolved institution; I am saying that it should not, given the norms that have previously been established. <BR /> <BR />Let us be clear: unless the framework delivers real powers and protections, it merely entrenches the democratic deficit.”
“The review, commissioned under statutory obligations, is set to become another layer of bureaucracy rather than a genuine vehicle for restoring parity of esteem for the unionist community. Unless it delivers —.”
“It was by design, not by accident, that the framework was adopted without the accepted norm of our constitutional settlement of there being cross-community support in this place. Unionist MLAs and, thus, the unionist community were overridden and had their concerns sidelined. That was not democracy in action, and it was certainly not the system of anti-majoritarianism that has been hypocritically championed by London, Dublin and non-unionist parties in the Chamber since 1998, when it was thought that unionists would otherwise benefit. The December 2024 consent vote, which passed with a simple majority, triggered the independent review precisely because the system lacks the essential consent of the unionist community.”
“The recommendations in the areas that require the most significant and urgent intervention are not filled with demands or pressing but merely meekly will the Government to "continue to do" all that they can, despite it being clear that the Labour Government are not currently showing and have never shown any intention of doing everything that they can to address the issues at hand. The framework risks being yet another exercise in glossing over the continued failure of successive British Governments to honour commitments and to address the problems faced economically and certainly constitutionally, if it has not already established itself as such. <BR /> <BR />Fundamentally, the framework continues to lack democratic legitimacy in Northern Ireland.”
“Beyond tinkering at the margins, there is clearly an unwillingness in London at this time to take on board anything, however valid and obvious, that causes frustration in Brussels. Perhaps I should be unsurprised. When I worked in the European Parliament for my colleague beside me, it seemed to me that Keir Starmer spent more of his time there, seeking to assist European efforts to undermine a democratically mandated Brexit for the UK as a whole, than he did in Westminster. <BR /> <BR />As our motion lays out plainly, the independent review of the Windsor framework, however well intentioned, has failed to address the obvious and extensive concerns that remain.”
“Many of us will have engaged in good faith with Lord Murphy's review when he visited this place in the previous term. I met him in my role as the Deputy Chair of the Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee and, later that day, as part of a delegation from my party. I feel that, even then, there was a sense that whatever was suggested would not stretch the Government's ambition to reform how the framework operates. Despite the fact that Lord Murphy clearly heard and understood some of the mechanical issues around the functioning of our Committee in particular, it is clear that the report has been a missed opportunity to press for the necessary fundamental reform of the framework.”
“I just wanted to make it clear. The Member for West Belfast made the accusation that the Minister had not given appropriate time to the issue that he was about to cover. I said that the Minister, with good grace, had agreed to give an update, on top of the issue that he is here to deal with, on issues relating to placements at special schools. The Member for West Belfast levelled an unfair accusation at him, and that should be put on the record.”
“On a point of order, Madam Deputy Speaker. I ask you to clarify that the allocation of time in the House to deal with any issue is a matter for the Business Committee and, in some cases, is at the discretion of the Speaker. Therefore, it is with good grace that the Minister has come today to give us an update not only on the matter in front of us but on other matters of some urgency. The time is not allocated by the Minister and is not of his choosing; it is allocated by the Business Committee or the Speaker.”
“If, at the end of the process, we proceed to repeal, it must be done sensitively and with safeguards in place. Otherwise, we will simply replace one risk — the use of force — with others that are just as harmful: staff leaving the profession, confusion in practice and educators feeling maligned or ignored. We must build a legal framework to boost trust not confusion.”
“I know that the Minister is actively engaging on the issue, and I look forward to hearing his plans. <BR /> <BR />Let us be absolutely clear that article 4(1)(c) does not make it lawful to use physical force as a form of corporal punishment. That is already outlawed. No one in our education settings is permitted to use physical contact to cause pain, injury or humiliation. Abuse of that kind is rightly prohibited. When it occurs, appropriate consequences must be faced. That having been said, we also have to engage on how repealing article 4(1)(c) would be perceived by those who are looking to enter our education system. We would risk deterring new entrants who might otherwise consider such a career. <BR /> <BR />I commend all those who campaign on the issue, particularly those who speak from their lived experience of harm.”
“I wish to look beyond the ambition — a noble one — to bolster children's rights and consider the broader implications. I wish to see updated guidance first. I look forward to hearing from the Minister about the steps that he intends to take. It is not an easy stance to adopt, but I believe that we would be doing a disservice to our responsibilities if we were to remain silent on valid concerns about even the most sensitive of issues. I still have unallayed fears that repeal could unintentionally disincentivise the professionals on whom we rely the most: our special education teachers and support staff. We have heard those concerns echoed by teaching unions. Guidance must come first. Once it is in place, we can make a more informed judgement about the future of article 4(1)(c).”
“Similar legislation exists in England and Wales, yet, as my colleague said, there has not been the same appetite or urgency there for repeal, even after consultations. That contrasting position leads me to pause and reflect. As I said, I am not opposed in principle, but I am hesitant to view increased legal jeopardy as the appropriate or optimal disincentive for such inappropriate actions, especially given that, in the context of a special school, such actions may have been undertaken without malice or intent, although that is not always the case, and I understand that. <BR /> <BR />It may be that we ultimately land on repeal, and I remain open to it. Today, however, I am not convinced that it is the only approach that is available or the optimal approach.”
“Their continued campaigning for Harry's law is strong and admirable. I say clearly that the campaign is courageous and deserves to be heard. I am utterly convinced that what happened to Harry in particular was wrong. The actions taken against him were unacceptable, particularly considering their sustained nature, and should absolutely be subject to sanction and correction. That said, my position and that of my party, which my colleague outlined, on the motion is one not of opposition but of caution. I hold sufficient concern about the unintended consequences that may flow from repealing article 4(1)(c) to believe that more thorough investigation and wider engagement is required than we have seen to date.”
“However, I believe that we also share a desire to ensure that, in striking that balance, we do not place education professionals, particularly those working in the most challenging environments in the Northern Ireland education system, at undue risk or even with the perception of increased legal jeopardy. All of us know that our special schools already face significant recruitment struggles. Even when staff are secured, schools regularly contend with illness and injury sustained by staff in the line of work. It is a sensitive and exceptionally complex issue. <BR /> <BR />The pain that families have shared is real. They are motivated by the, no doubt, unimaginable trauma of seeing a vulnerable loved one being detained inappropriately and by the years thereafter spent struggling to make their voices heard.”
“I thank all the Members who have made contributions to the debate so far. While my party has taken a slightly more nuanced position on the issue, there is much that has been said across the Chamber that many of us share. The passions are clear, and I hope that we all recognise that we ultimately share the same goal: to strike a balance that protects children as a priority. <BR /> <BR />None of us can have failed to be moved by what we heard from the Shakespeare family and others — some of them mentioned by Ms Hunter — who have experienced undeniably horrendous and utterly unacceptable treatment in the system.”
“The Minister will have, like me, welcomed the clarity from the Supreme Court around the definition of a woman being based on biological sex. Will he confirm that any strategy that he brings forward will respect that ruling?”
“Does the Member agree that, earlier in the debate, we were asked to turn our faces to what is happening in Gaza, but many would like us to turn our faces away from the legacy of the party opposite.”
“How many of those friends does Sinn Féin mention, do you think, when it is fundraising in the United States of America?”
“I, too, agree with much of what the Member has said, but does he have a single word of condemnation for Hamas, Iran and those who have brought the Middle East to this place? Will he consider the motion that he is about to support and whether that is truly turning his face to the fullness and nuances of the situation?”
“The previous Member who spoke did not give way, yet he was talking about the health system and hospitals. He did not make any reference to Hamas or the fact that it uses those places as bases and its own people as human targets. That has an awful lot to do with the number of dead.”
“Given the part that the Act played in yesterday's ruling, does the Minister agree?”
“Last December, the Sinn Féin Member for West Tyrone Nicola Brogan spoke passionately in the Chamber in favour of the interim climate targets and the draft carbon budgets that the Alliance Environment Minister proposed. Indeed, she stated:”
“I thank the Minister for her answer. Our party, of course, supports that work and was among the first to push for it. Given her meeting with the Finance Minister, can she provide any insight into which Departments may be asked to provide resource for it?”
“The Minister will know that some international tests are held not far from where we are today. He will be aware of the upcoming Cricket World Cup. Will he make provision to ensure that Northern Ireland has the opportunity to host some games?”
“<BR /> <BR />Today is about raising awareness, because awareness fuels research; awareness brings resources; and awareness helps families to feel seen, supported and less alone. More important, awareness drives action, from funding for scientific breakthroughs to better access to care and support. We celebrate the children and families who face Batten disease with unbelievable strength: your stories matter, and your voices are powerful and are being heard. It is also a day for us to let those families know that they are not alone. Those of us who know George, Lauren, Colin and Edie want them to know that we are here for them.”
“They have been inspirational in how they have faced and are facing that unimaginable circumstance for their daughter. George told me recently that, thankfully, Edie is too young to be aware of the seriousness of the condition. She is a happy child who, like any other, enjoys few things more than watching cartoons. The family's aim is to ensure that she enjoys every day and that they do not waste a single day spent as a family with her. Anyone who wants to see a great picture of Edie should see me afterwards, as Lauren once sent me a photo of their little girl dressed in a beautiful pink Linfield T-shirt, which made her Glentoran diehard father, George, almost crash the car when he was told about it.”
“Batten disease is a rare inherited disorder of the nervous system that typically begins in childhood. It is progressive and, at this time, has no known cure. Children with Batten disease may experience seizures, vision loss, difficulties with movement and a decline in cognitive function. As the disease progresses, it steals the abilities that most of us take for granted. Batten disease does not just affect the child: it reshapes the lives of parents, siblings, caregivers and the networks and communities around them. It challenges them to find strength, courage and resilience in the face of unimaginable hardship. <BR /> <BR />Some in the House will know one such set of parents: my friend and former colleague George Dorrian and his wife, Lauren. Their beautiful daughter Edie, who is four years old, has the condition.”
“Today is Batten Disease Awareness Day. This is a day that carries great meaning for families around the world, and for around 100 to 150 families in the UK: a community that refuses to give up hope.”
“That is not to mention other costs, such as deposits, and it is not an extreme example, which also exist. That has become standard, and it feels as though costs have doubled or more in recent years. That is unsustainable. <BR /> <BR />Mr Deputy Speaker, I have more to say, but I realise that I am coming towards the end of my time, so I will just concur with all the sentiments that have been expressed by colleagues. Again, I thank my colleague for bringing the issue to the Floor.”
“However, it remains the case that, when faced in our constituency offices with people who have those problems, we have to provide that advice, even when we know that they will struggle to cope in the current market. <BR /> <BR />A combination of factors has reduced the availability of long-term rentals and inflated rental costs across the board. Last weekend, I saw on social media a Victorian-era, standard two-bed, mid-terrace house in the Bloomfield area, which has one bathroom, one reception room and a backyard that is functional for little more than bin storage, being advertised for over £1,000 per calendar month. I see today that it is "let agreed". That is over a grand a month for what has traditionally been entry-level social housing.”
“<BR /> <BR />A few short years ago, when I worked for my colleague Joanne Bunting, there were times when I advised constituents that, while I would do all that I could for them, their low points would mean a long wait and that, in the meantime, they may need to look at private rental options. While that remains a stark reality, it borders on the ridiculous to give such advice. On that point, I recognise the Minister's exploration of options specifically for those caught in that quandary, including bringing forward the intermediate rent initiative and his ongoing support for co-ownership to make it easier for those who are able to take that first step towards owning a home.”