Timothy Gaston
North Antrim · Traditional Unionist Voice · Northern Ireland
“I begin my remarks by putting on record, once again, my thanks to the victims and survivors who have campaigned for many years to bring us to this point today, where the Bill will pass its Final Stage.”
“There is an onus on the Assembly in the next mandate to ensure that the work continues, with a second phase of redress that will consider individualised acknowledgement of the harm and trauma that the birth mothers and adult adoptees experienced.”
“I trust that those who have worked diligently in the background on the terms of reference will reflect the requests of the Committee and those who have given evidence to ensure that they are victim-centred and that truth and justice will be pursued.”
“Throughout the process, the Committee has taken steps to ensure that victims and survivors of religious institutions, state homes and private homes see themselves reflected in the Bill.”
“At a recent meeting of the Committee for the Executive Office, the Migrants' Rights Network complained that, in the second half of 2025, the UK Government increased raids focused on illegal working. When raids increased by 76%, arrests increased by 169%.”
“The revelations that have come to light since dirty Donaldson's conviction and the red flags that his colleagues ignored raise profound and troubling questions for the DUP, but for Sinn Féin generally and Deirdre Hargey in particular to come to the Chamber and pontificate about safeguarding is utter hypocrisy.”
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“That was the direct question that I put to the First Minister that seems to have got up the nose of the Chair of the Committee. In my book, those are all good questions, yet they all remain unanswered. Let me ask the House a simple question: why did that evidence session take place? Mr Buckley articulated it well. The answer, of course, is that the public were demanding answers about the fallout from the Michael McMonagle scandal, which was that a now-convicted paedophile was on the payroll of the First Minister of no alternative, Mrs O'Neill. <BR /> <BR />The Executive Office is responsible for matters including legislation on historical abuse. Those questions not only were relevant to the First Minister personally but went to the heart of her suitability to hold office.”
“which is mentioned on page 110 of Máiría Cahill's book. Finally, I asked:”
“Do we know the answer? We still do not. I asked whether McMonagle had done any work or whether Sinn Féin was using the money for itself: can anybody answer me that question? I asked:”
“A simple question that I asked the First Minister about Michael McMonagle was:”
“Thank you very much, Mr Speaker. At the heart of the complaint and the finding against me is a political witch-hunt. The complaint is not about protecting and promoting scrutiny or holding Members accountable when they fall short. The complaint exposes the disdain of the middle class for this country, working lad rocking up to the big house on the hill and daring to challenge the process and hold the establishment accountable. The complaint is rooted in protecting those in power. <BR /> <BR />Paragraph 24 of the report lists a sample of the questions that I asked which the commissioner objected to and judged to be in breach of rule 13. There was, I am told:”
“and, indeed, saying to Mr Buckley across the Floor that he is a liar? Is that misandry? Have there been three instances of misandry from the Chairperson?”
“Thank you very much to the Member for giving way. Since he has become an expert on this topic, can I ask him for his thoughts on the Chairperson telling Mr Burrows to:”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. I find it awfully rich that we are debating today my comments in the Committee, when, at the same time, the Member has said that I bullied the Chair. I ask for your ruling on that, Mr Speaker, because I think that it is completely unacceptable.”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. Further to Mr McGuigan's point of order and, indeed, in the vein of what you have just said, is it appropriate that those who sat on the Standards and Privileges Committee get to vote on the matter? They have been subject to bias throughout the investigation. I put their names on record: Jemma Dolan, Colin McGrath, Cathy Mason, Connie Egan, Stewart Dickson, Mark Durkan, Paul Frew, Brian Kingston, Declan McAleer and Emma Sheerin. I look for your guidance on whether those Members may vote on the issue after it has been debated in the Chamber.”
“If it is procedurally sound for the Assembly to adjudicate on the propriety of questions asked in the name of a victim and to characterise them as misconduct without even notifying the victim that such deliberations were taking place or giving her the opportunity to be heard, shame on the House for the way that the matter has been conducted and for the fact that Máiría Cahill had to find out from the media that the debate was coming up today.”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. The debate is on a report that finds that I breached the code of conduct because of questions about IRA rape victim Máiría Cahill. This morning, Ms Cahill informed the public by way of her X account that she was not informed that the debate was to take place, contacted during the standards commissioner's investigation or considered in any way during the Committee's deliberations on the report. <BR /> <BR />The Assembly will be asked to impose a sanction on a Member for asking questions that, according to the report, were inappropriate, yet the individual whose experience the questions related to was never spoken to, consulted or afforded the opportunity to express a view.”
“— as well as the massive increase that you tried to impose on those businesses.”
“Last Monday, the problem was that it was the Minister who was not listening, not Members. I am told that Reval2026 had an additional net annual value of £16 million across the board. That red flag exposes the fact that the process was flawed, unless it was the underhand intention of Sinn Féin to raise rates. Minister, will you commit to the House that, in making any future changes to the methodology for the hospitality sector, you will give businesses more than eight weeks' notice? Part of the problem this time was the eight weeks' notice —”
“On this day last week, the Minister condescendingly told me:”
“<BR /> <BR />While I have not yet seen the notes, over the weekend I received a copy of a letter from the PSNI confirming that police inquiries are ongoing into the meeting between the Chair of the Committee for the Executive Office, Ms Bradshaw, and Mrs O'Neill. It is time that the Executive Office came clean on the issue and published all documents related to it. Making judgements while those inquiries are ongoing is also, I suggest, unwise. <BR /> <BR />I trust also that all Members will reflect on Máiría Cahill's comments. This morning she raised serious concerns about the propriety of the Assembly debate on the report that deals with her case and the fact that she was never asked about its contents. That reflects very badly on the Assembly and its lack of concern for victims.”
“However, there are many questions about that meeting that still go unanswered. The only minute of that meeting between Ms Bradshaw and the First Minister was written up by the staff working to Mrs O'Neill's office. Furthermore, once released, it became obvious that the minute was drawn up after the absence of a Committee minute only because it became contentious. Finally, the minute was sent to Ms Bradshaw in draft form before it was produced. It is now somewhat a year since I submitted a freedom of information request, seeking the notes of that meeting that were taken in the room. I am told that a decision by the Information Commissioner's Office on the release of that information is imminent. Making judgements on what transpired that day in the absence of such information is, I suggest, unwise.”
“I have previously raised in the Chamber the challenges that I have faced in relation to transparency when it comes to the Executive Office's refusal to answer questions for written answer. Thankfully, that situation has improved somewhat since I last raised it in this place. What has remained a problem, however, are challenges in relation to freedom of information requests. I particularly think of the one lodged in the aftermath of the private meeting between the First Minister and the Chair of the Committee for the Executive Office, Paula Bradshaw. That meeting took place after giving the Committee 10 minutes' notice and without seeking the consent of its members. <BR /> <BR />Since then, I am pleased to say that everyone on the Committee has agreed that there should be no repeat of such meetings.”
“<BR /> <BR />The interface between County Antrim and County Londonderry cannot be left in its current disarray. Who is to say that the structural defects will not come back in the near future? I want to hear from the Minister today on her short-, medium- and long-term plans. The long-term plan must be a new bridge at Kilrea to ensure that, if the defects come back, we are already in the planning phase. Indeed, if you are planning a new bridge, I want to know the time frame within which you see it being in place. <BR /> <BR />It is over to the Minister. The people of North Antrim and East Londonderry want to know your plans for the bridge.”
“My goodness, given the amount of traffic coming across it each day, we must look in the long term at a new bridge. We have a bridge in Portglenone and a bridge in Agivey. What happened when the Kilrea Bridge closed? All of the traffic had to go on each side, which brought the town of Portglenone in my constituency to a standstill on many days. Yes, DFI had to put in temporary measures to stop on-street parking, but the knock-on effect of the Kilrea Bridge closure was gridlock in Portglenone. Many commuters and many people who live in the town were put out by that. We must look to the future and press the Minister on what she will do about this. I want the old bridge to be retained, but you have to focus on putting in a new bridge in Kilrea that meets the needs of 2026 and into the future.”
“For a small business, that is a massive drop in sales. To date, as far as I know, no Department has stepped forward to say, "Listen, we're taking responsibility for this. We're going to compensate you for the drop in sales". Likewise, on the Kilrea side of the closure, many businesses tell me that they have dropped by 50%. That impacted on them the whole way up to Christmas, and it will leave a lasting impact on their viability. Take, for example, the renowned Kilrea Livestock Mart: it lost all of its trade from County Antrim because of the closure. <BR /> <BR />I want to focus the Minister on what she will do about this. What is the plan? The bridge is a listed structure. It was built in 1883. It is outdated, and it is only a single track.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. The debate focuses on issues in East Londonderry, but North Antrim is ideally placed, as it runs into East Londonderry. I thank Cara Hunter for securing the Adjournment debate, as it gives me the opportunity to raise the issue of the Kilrea Bridge, the closure of which on 20 September has had quite an impact on my constituents and local businesses. <BR /> <BR />We have heard in the debate that the bridge has been partially reopened, with a full reopening to heavy vehicles scheduled for the middle of February. The full closure of the bridge has severed the ties between East Londonderry and North Antrim and stopped a lot of trade passing over the Bann. The takings for one business in my constituency, a small retail offering located on the Craigs Road, have dropped by £800 a day.”
“We have the powers to legislate to prohibit pimping websites in Northern Ireland already, so we should prohibit them rather than waiting for others to do so.”
“Last year, Belfast Live reported that, between 2015 and March 2025, the PSNI had recorded 115 arrests for the offence of paying for sexual services. Between 2015 and the end of 2024, the PSNI referred 131 cases to the PPS. In 55 of those cases, the decision was taken not to prosecute. Even after such cases are passed to the PPS, they are rarely progressed further. The first case reached the Magistrates' Court in 2018, and the first case before the Crown Court was in 2021. We can change the culture in Northern Ireland only if we apply the will to properly enforce our law. <BR /> <BR />Today, I detect a loss of way or, at least, momentum in the motion. In 2015, we led the way in the UK. Had we, back then, simply passed a motion asking UK Ministers to criminalise paying for sex, nothing would have happened.”
“That is the principal reason why the 2015 Act is called the "Human Trafficking and Exploitation Act": while it engages with human trafficking, it is not just about human trafficking but about wider exploitation. As a society, we need to keep in view the central exploitation that arises from commodifying someone and paying for access to their body. That is deeply dehumanising and degrading and should have no place in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />In 2015, Northern Ireland took the lead in the area by criminalising paying for sex. I am concerned that we seem to have lost our way somewhat since then. In the first instance, the rates of arrests, prosecutions and convictions for purchasing sexual services remain low, although they are much higher than those that relate to the previous offence.”
“I support the motion. The truth is that one of the main drivers for human trafficking in Northern Ireland is the demand for paid sex. That is not to suggest for one moment that we should not do everything that we can to address demand for all forms of human trafficking. We all have a moral duty to do so. However, the way we address demand for forced labour is different from the way we address demand for paid sex. I strongly support having a focus on this element of the demand for human trafficking today. <BR /> <BR />It is really important that, in addressing the subject, we do not fall into the trap of seeking to address the suffering that arises from the demand for paid sex only if people have been trafficked. While some people who are drawn into prostitution have been trafficked, most are exploited in domestic prostitution.”
“I thank the Speaker for ensuring that the issue was brought to the Chamber, which is something that the Minister tried to avoid. <BR /> <BR />Minister, will those who come to Northern Ireland who hold European driving licences, which are valid for three years before they have to apply for a Northern Ireland driving licence, be exempt from the arrangements? If they are, why should an indigenous person be subject to the constraints that you propose?”
“We have found, in our vast array of evidence sessions on the mother-and-baby institutions, that, even in trusts, the conditions in which the medical records are being kept are not adequate or up to standard. I have major fears that, as we proceed and as people look for their medical records, those records either will not be found or will be in a condition that means that they are not recognisable. I commend the motion and the amendment.”
“<BR /> <BR />The uncomfortable truth is this: when setting up the commissioner's office, the Executive Office starved it of the resources that it needed to do its job properly. An office charged with representing some of the most vulnerable and traumatised people in our society was left underfunded, understaffed and, at times, effectively marginalised. If the First Minister and the deputy First Minister are serious about getting justice for survivors, they should begin not with another announcement but with something far more basic: properly funding and empowering the very office that they created to stand up for survivors. <BR /> <BR />I welcome the motion. It shines a spotlight on all clerical child abuse. I also commend Gerry for his amendment about protecting all records and making them readily available.”
“<BR /> <BR />Before I conclude, I wish to place something on the record. There has been much legitimate criticism of the Executive Office today, but it would be entirely wrong not to note the efforts of someone who, with limited means, has genuinely sought to stand with victims and survivors. I refer to the Commissioner for Survivors of Institutional Childhood Abuse, Fiona Ryan. Ms Ryan has brought to that office not only professional competence but something far more important: compassion. Those who have dealt with her know that she listens and takes victims seriously. She has consistently sought to be a voice for people who, for decades, had no voice. She has pressed for action and, too often, has been met not with the support that she requires but with silence.”
“If our inquiries are limited to particular settings, many victims who were abused in settings outside the scope of those inquiries will simply be excluded. We need to learn from previous mistakes. If victims are abused in multiple settings, it is not good enough that only some of that abuse is recognised. The fact that that happens causes further profound mental distress. <BR /> <BR />We need to take a genuinely holistic approach. We need to look at the abuse, not the location in which it occurred. There is a compelling case for a properly designed prevalence survey so that we can understand how widespread abuse has been in Northern Ireland as a whole. Without one, we risk building policy on partial evidence and drawing conclusions from an incomplete understanding of the scale of the evil.”
“My understanding is that it was all clerical abuse. Let us not confine it to one institution. Clerical abuse, in whatever setting it happened, was wrong. I will cover that later. <BR /> <BR />We now find ourselves in the position in which independent research commissioned by the Executive Office and delivered to the First Minister and the deputy First Minister in July 2025 has not been published seven months later, never mind acted on. That delay is indefensible. <BR /> <BR />I have a serious concern about the framework in which the issue is being examined. To examine abuse in only one institutional setting risks creating a distorted and incomplete picture. Abuse does not belong to one Church, one institution or one building.”
“In November 2012, Jim Allister tabled an amendment to the Inquiry into Historical Institutional Abuse Bill calling for action in relation to clerical abuse. Had that amendment been accepted — had the political will existed at that point — many victims might have been spared 14 years of further dither and delay.”
“Child sexual abuse is a crime of profound cruelty. Its effects do not fade with time. The trauma has destroyed and shaped lives, destroyed trust and left scars that many have carried silently for decades. Those who have come forward to speak about abuse suffered in faith-based and institutional settings have shown extraordinary courage. I join the proposers of the motion and the amendment in paying tribute to the survivors' reference group and others who have shared deeply personal experiences so that the truth might be known and justice pursued. <BR /> <BR />The House must face an uncomfortable truth, however: the issue should not be before us in 2026. It should have been addressed properly 14 years ago.”
“As part of the ongoing work between the Northern Ireland Ambulance Service and the National Ambulance Service, was the issue of crews not being alerted to category 2 calls in the last hour of their shift due to the ongoing action short of strike highlighted as a major concern? Have you any update for the House on bringing the action short of strike to an end to ensure that category 2 calls are assigned to crews within the last hour of their shift?”
“When Alliance held the balance of power in December 2024, it decided to go with Sinn Féin and the SDLP to ensure that 300 areas of law were not governed in this place or at Westminster. Brussels has its claws in Northern Ireland because of the decision that that party made. <BR /> <BR />Let me be clear: the Assembly should not endorse a document that is dressed up as an economic analysis but is designed to undermine the constitutional position of Northern Ireland. No unionist should implement a protocol that is being used to build the economic case for dismantling our very union.”
“Thank you very much for the intervention. That is Mr Honeyford, who likes to be the champion of the rigorous implementers. He has not said much about the Alliance tax that his party is responsible for and that Kate Nicholl loves to pontificate about and champion at every opportunity. <BR /> <BR />I say to the Member that divergence has been about breaking up our east-west supply line in order to go North/South, which has increased costs to our suppliers and increased the cost of our everyday commodities. They might laugh, sneer and giggle, and think, "Oh my goodness, that is great". No. Your Alliance tax, your rigorous implementation and your Irish Sea border have increased the cost of everyday goods in Northern Ireland.”
“What does that mean? It means that, because Northern Ireland is, for trading purposes, treated differently from the rest of the United Kingdom, data is now being generated and deployed to advance a wider republican agenda, aided and abetted by the Alliance Party. Those who returned to the Assembly on the basis of the false claim that the Irish Sea border had gone would do well to reflect soberly on that fact.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is also notable that some of the data relied on in the report exists only because Northern Ireland has been placed under a different trading regime from that in the rest of the United Kingdom. Chapter 7.2, on page 41 of the report, expressly states:”
“<BR /> <BR />The motion asks us to draw sweeping conclusions about living standards and economic performance without addressing the most important economic fact, which is that Northern Ireland receives a block grant from the United Kingdom of more than £18 billion a year. Even the nationalists in the House must acknowledge that benefit. Our block grant pays for our hospitals, our pensions, our schools and our overgenerous welfare system. The report offers no analysis whatever of how those services would be funded in the event of the break-up of the United Kingdom. Will people in Northern Ireland wake up in what they thought was a utopia, only to discover that they need to get out their credit cards when they want to call the fire brigade? That is what happens south of the border, but there is no mention of it here.”
“Unionism must remember that the document that the motion focuses on was produced through the Shared Island initiative, which the Irish Government established with the express purpose of advancing the case for breaking up the United Kingdom. Even the report acknowledges the obvious fact that the economies of the Irish Republic and Northern Ireland are not comparable. One is a sovereign state heavily distorted by multinational profit-shifting and an ultra-low carbon tax, which is something about which the professed socialists in the Chamber seldom talk. The other is a devolved region that belongs to the sixth-largest economy in the world and is a G7 member, with public services funded UK-wide.”
“I hope you have listened to the industry.”
“Last Wednesday, the Minister's Sinn Féin Economy colleague promised the sun, the moon and the stars to the hospitality industry at the Tourism Ireland event in Belfast. Just 24 hours later, the Minister served rates bills on the Galgorm Resort and Spa, with a net annual value increase of 128%; the Marine Hotel in Ballycastle, with an increase of 140%; and the 14-bed Fullerton Arms in Ballintoy, with an increase of 455%. Meanwhile, Kilroot power station has been paying reduced rates for over two years while its input has increased year-on-year. Is this a Sinn Féin economic policy laid bare for all to see, only giving the industry eight weeks' notice of the increases that are coming their way?”
“Minister, do you believe that the current standards process properly protects Ministers and Members from unjust or unsupported conclusions? Furthermore, do you believe that the findings against you undermine other decisions that the commissioner has taken?”
“I know of North Antrim farmers who have been waiting on consultation responses from SES for over four years. That delay is holding up investment to make the farms more viable and efficient. SES has taken the position that, before issuing responses, it needs to know the impact of land spreading on sites in the Republic for farmers who want to export hen litter across the border. No objections or other responses have been received to many of those planning applications, yet SES continues to hold up the issuing of its consultation responses. As the Minister for Agriculture, what will you do to resolve the issue?”
“Minister, Protestant working-class boys remain one of the most educationally disadvantaged groups in Northern Ireland. While the Irish Government might not care much for educational achievements in working-class Protestant areas at the North/South meetings, I certainly do. What progress have you made to ensure that working-class unionist areas are not left behind?”
“It is no different now: the political movement thinks that it can do what it wants, when it wants. The Minister must act now, fulfil her ministerial Pledge of Office, show that she is serious and instruct her Department to remove the illegal Sinn Féin billboard without further delay. <BR /> <BR />I will finish on a positive. I place on the record my thanks to Let's Talk Loyalism for taking the ugly look off the Sinn Féin billboard by amending the wording to read "Northern Ireland is for Everyone". I pay tribute to the artists for the work that they have done to turn it around and make it a sight to behold in south Armagh. However, my encouragement goes to the Minister: if you are serious about law and order, holding the portfolio and fulfilling your ministerial pledge, lead by example and take the billboard down.”
“However, instead of enforcement, we have had evasion; instead of a timetable, we have had buck-passing to the council; and instead of action, we have got silence. That is why the DUP felt that it had to table the motion. <BR /> <BR />What the Department has confirmed is damning. In September 2023, DFI confirmed that the billboard had been erected unlawfully, that those responsible had been asked to remove it — indeed, we have heard that they were asked on two separate occasions to remove it — and that the Department had the power to remove it and had chosen not to. More than a year later, the billboard still stands. <BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin flouts the law when it suits it. That is no different from what it has done for years and what its bedfellows in the IRA did previously.”
“Once again, the Member misses the point of the motion. A massive billboard has been put up by Sinn Féin. We are not talking about a Correx poster that will blow in the wind. It is a permanent structure that it has illegally put up, and it needs to be removed. The motion is not about a technical planning dispute; it is about a safety hazard for road users. <BR /> <BR />The motion is also about whether the law applies equally to everyone or whether Sinn Féin gets a free pass from DFI simply because it holds that ministerial portfolio. In June last year, I asked the Minister for Infrastructure whether she would take action to remove that illegally erected billboard. Article 87 of the Roads Order is crystal clear: the Department has the legal power to require removal or to remove the structure itself.”
“I will in a second. We are talking about a serious structure that is impacting on road users by bringing their safety into question. I am happy to give way to the Member.”
“What I took out of his contribution is that Alliance completely misses what the motion is about. It is about a massive billboard, so talking about a Correx poster that is 2 feet by 4 feet just does not cut it.”