Timothy Gaston
North Antrim · Traditional Unionist Voice · Northern Ireland
“I begin my remarks by putting on record, once again, my thanks to the victims and survivors who have campaigned for many years to bring us to this point today, where the Bill will pass its Final Stage.”
“There is an onus on the Assembly in the next mandate to ensure that the work continues, with a second phase of redress that will consider individualised acknowledgement of the harm and trauma that the birth mothers and adult adoptees experienced.”
“I trust that those who have worked diligently in the background on the terms of reference will reflect the requests of the Committee and those who have given evidence to ensure that they are victim-centred and that truth and justice will be pursued.”
“Throughout the process, the Committee has taken steps to ensure that victims and survivors of religious institutions, state homes and private homes see themselves reflected in the Bill.”
“At a recent meeting of the Committee for the Executive Office, the Migrants' Rights Network complained that, in the second half of 2025, the UK Government increased raids focused on illegal working. When raids increased by 76%, arrests increased by 169%.”
“The revelations that have come to light since dirty Donaldson's conviction and the red flags that his colleagues ignored raise profound and troubling questions for the DUP, but for Sinn Féin generally and Deirdre Hargey in particular to come to the Chamber and pontificate about safeguarding is utter hypocrisy.”
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“It is therefore right that, for parents who wish to have them, we make provision for the issuing of certificates that recognise the loss of a baby. I commend those who have campaigned to get us to this point. However, I want to make some observations about the Bill and the language that it employs.”
“Like all other Members, I welcome the intention behind the Bill. The loss of a baby at any stage is a devastating blow to any family and something that the mother will feel particularly deeply, having carried the child. In many instances, the loss of the children is mourned privately. For those of us who have faith in Christ, we have the consolation expressed in 2 Samuel 12. On the loss of his infant son, David said "I shall go to him". Even then, however, the experience is a sad one, as David immediately followed that statement by saying:”
“I draw your attention to questions for written answer that were tabled in October of last year, which were about a private meeting between the Chair of the Executive Office Committee and the First Minister ahead of her giving evidence, that remain unanswered. I do so, because, on Friday past, the latest deadline imposed by the Information Commissioner on the Executive Office to furnish me with all the information that it holds about that meeting ran out. The Information Commissioner is pursuing the Executive Office for breaching the Freedom of Information Act 2000. What can you do, Mr Speaker, when the First Minister and deputy First Minister ignore their duties to the House under our rules, namely Standing Order 20, which requires Ministers to answer questions for priority written answer within two days, not six months?”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. On 24 March, I reminded the House of your remarks on 18 February to the Member for North Belfast Mr Brett. You said, in reference to Freedom of Information requests:”
“I certainly welcome the appointment of Mr Holtham to identify the up-to-date level of need for Northern Ireland, given his work in the Assembly in the past. As part of Mr Holtham's review, will he take submissions from parties or, indeed, MLAs?”
“Does the Finance Minister dispute the Chief Constable's contention on Friday that the policing budget has reduced by 6% since policing was devolved in 2020 — to the tune of £836 million — without accounting for inflation? If not, why is he giving additional money to the Executive Office instead of to policing, when it comes to tackling violence against women and girls?”
“However, in Cloughmills, Kirkinriola, Glenravel, Rasharkin and Mosside, the EA is slamming the door in the faces of local children destined to progress through the controlled sector. Where is the fairness in that, Minister Givan? I trust that you will act on that great injustice.”
“The group now boasts one of the best facilities in my constituency, and its reward is that the Education Authority has slapped a cap on it, whilst children from the village have to go elsewhere to get a preschool place. <BR /> <BR />?Let us look at See-Saw in Mosside. The?facility can offer 24 places. It has 24 first-preference applications but is being limited to 19 places. The enrolment number over the past number of years has been between 24 and 26, yet the powers that be, like in Cloughmills, are forcing children who can be catered for in their first-choice setting to go elsewhere. That puts?unnecessary stress and hardship on parents. <BR /> <BR />What makes matters worse and, indeed, discriminatory is that the criteria provide that, in the Irish-medium sector, all first preferences are guaranteed their place of choice.?”
“Last year, the Education Authority threatened to remove its funding, as it had below the minimum of eight children due to a low birth year in the village.? Thankfully, the EA saw the folly of its decision, and the playgroup picked up its eighth child during October. This year, instead of allowing the playgroup to return to its previous numbers, it has been told that it can accept only eight, with 11 parents listing it as their first choice.? For next year, it already has 14 parents who have signalled that they want their child to attend that playgroup. ?The staff in Cloughmills have poured their hearts into the playgroup over the past 12 months to ensure that they would not find themselves in the same position as they were in last year.”
“I appeal to the Education Minister regarding the current allocations for community-based playgroups in North Antrim. To date, TUV has received representations from See-Saw Playgroup in Mosside; Kirkinriola Early Years Playgroup; Rasharkin Community Playgroup; Glenravel Community Playgroup; and Cloughmills Early Years. All those playgroups have the same problem: their pupil allocation numbers for this year are too low to deal with the number of parents listing them as their preferred preschool choice. Each playgroup can take more children than the number allocated to them for this year. <BR /> <BR />Take Cloughmills Early Years as an example. Over the past five years, it has had an average enrolment of 14.”
“The protocol ensures that we do have them.”
“he was lying to the people of Northern Ireland.”
“It also reminds us that, when the leader of the DUP, Gavin Robinson, wrote in the 'News Letter':”
“However, businesses can thank Mr Tennyson and the entirety of the nationalist and republican alliance in the House for making the situation far from clear. The protocol has left us in the EU customs code, so, when Brussels imposes counter-tariffs, anything coming from the USA into Northern Ireland will be subject to them. Great Britain will not face that problem. <BR /> <BR />Furthermore, I have little doubt that, if the EU seeks to use Northern Ireland as a back door into the US, Washington will clamp down on that. Therefore, while the announcement from President Trump highlights the benefits of being free from the shackles of Brussels for GB, it highlights once again the folly of the protocol, which leaves Northern Ireland in a foreign customs code.”
“A number of points deserve to be made in response to President Trump's announcement. Unsurprisingly, they have passed by the Member who tabled the Matter of the Day. The first is that the EU is not some champion of free and unfettered trade. President Trump is correct when he says that the US has been taken for a ride by the EU. The EU is an aggressive entity; a protectionist bloc that stifles free trade by imposing tariffs on anyone seeking to import into it. The US has now called time on that. That is entirely understandable from a US perspective. In normal circumstances, Northern Ireland would face the prospect of being able to benefit from that situation, as the tariff on UK goods is half that on EU goods.”
“I note that the Member used the term "confidential settlement". Will we never understand or get to the truth of the detail of how much of the bill is being paid from the public purse and how much is being paid by the contractor who caused the damage to the roof of the Building?”
“I thank the Minister for her answer. All efforts to date in the mid and east Antrim area have been led by the local council. At what stage will central government start to unfurl its strategy and take over and roll out the hydrogen industry across Northern Ireland? I made this case in the Chamber last week when I said that I believe that Ballymena should become the hydrogen hub of Northern Ireland. I strongly recommend that to you, Minister. Hopefully, through time, we will see the investment that comes with it. We have industry, we have a local government authority leading on it and we now need the Executive to get in behind it.”
“I encourage Mr Nesbitt and the Ambulance Service to answer this question: given that the Ambulance Service does not know whether the crews sitting in the station are in a union, why does it not ask them whether they will attend that call? The third thing that I wish to leave with the Minister is this: come on, this has been going on since November 2023. It takes three months to change contracts. Had the contracts been changed to allow an overlap that facilitated staggered shift patterns, Willy would have stood a better chance on 21 December 2024. Those three things could be changed today. Yes, we hear plenty about flow, but these are things that we could do today to ensure that the Darragh family's situation is not repeated for other families throughout Northern Ireland.”
“I welcome this morning's release by the Health Minister of a statement to 'The Nolan Show', but I was disappointed that, during last week's debate, he did not take up my point and respond to the Darragh family on some of the personal issues that have been raised regarding the case. Therefore, while Mr Nesbitt is in the Chamber this morning, there are three thoughts that I want to leave with him on action that he and the Ambulance Service could take today to limit the impact on those who desperately need the service when, during the last hour, crews are not assigned. First, I encourage them to assign crews to category 2 calls in the last hour of their shift. Secondly, in that last hour, crews are not even made aware that a category 2 call has come in.”
“<BR /> <BR />The family has every right to believe that the action short of strike being taken in the Ambulance Service through the unions was part of the reason for there being no ambulance available. On that evening, six ambulances were sitting at dispatch stations in the Northern Trust at the time of that first call, and, because of action short of strike, they could not be assigned to a call.”
“Thank you very much, Principal Deputy Speaker. I will use this opportunity to revisit the tragic circumstances in which the Darragh family have been left following the sudden passing of Willy Darragh on 21 December last year. <BR /> <BR />As I told the House last week, Willy Darragh passed away on the side of the road. His wife rang the Ambulance Service at 7.05 pm and was told that no ambulances were available. She was asked to take Willy to Antrim Area Hospital. During the journey to Antrim, Caroline had to pull over, because Willy's situation had moved from a category 2 heart attack to a category 1 heart attack — he was no longer breathing. Sadly, Willy passed away.”
“First, I congratulate the Minister on his recent trip to the US to promote Northern Ireland. Minister, I think of villages such as Dervock and Cullybackey in my constituency that have proud links to previous American presidents, as well as Coagh in Mid Ulster, which has proud links to Vice President Vance. What type of community events will you seek to support moving forward to ensure that those links can be celebrated now and, indeed, as part of the semiquincentennial celebrations of the Declaration of Independence?”
“Last Wednesday, civil servants giving evidence to the Executive Office Committee were unable to answer the basic question that asked at what point a community in transition becomes transitioned. We know that phase 3 of the fund will concentrate on the same eight areas as phases 1 and 2. At what point, Minister, will we look to move the fund to other places in Northern Ireland and not focus solely on the same eight areas as were first identified back in 2016?”
“If there were some joined-up thinking, progressing the Cullybackey College new build would remove the traffic problems in the village, and the need for the bypass would disappear. That would release more lands that could be used for housing. <BR /> <BR />One of the fundamental problems with this place is that Departments operate in silos, with no regard for what others are doing. That is hardly surprising when you consider that, politically, there is little to unite the Communities Minister and the Infrastructure Minister. The matter that we are debating today is yet another example of the unworkability of Stormont; in fact, the public land agency that the motion calls for would be better sitting in the Department of Finance than the Department for Communities.”
“I think of the Ballymena south-west distributor and the Cullybackey bypass in my constituency, both of which sit as plans, as they require land to be zoned for road network delivery, but have no possibility of being delivered.”
“The size of the development is too small for the developer to fund a capital works scheme to fix the issues in the catchment area, but there is a solution that will make the site viable again and help the Minister to meet his new-build targets. The solution is for the developer to build an on-site, dedicated waste water treatment works to an adoptable standard, but, no, Northern Ireland Water continues to drag its heels by sticking to its solution, the cost of which is double that of the on-site solution. If we are serious about meeting the Minister's target, there needs to be a change of approach by his Executive colleagues to delivery. <BR /> <BR />In addition to the Northern Ireland Water issues, we have large areas of land locked by zoning for new roads that will never be built.”
“<BR /> <BR />I have a case with Northern Ireland Water currently that is located within a stone's throw of the main Ballymena waste water pumping station. The Northern Ireland Water engineering solution for connecting 10 new houses requires the developer to run a pipe to a location three quarters of a mile away rather than joining with the main sewerage pipe at the bottom of the site. That solution makes the site unviable for the developer to build on and risks the approved planning application sitting in limbo until the required upgrades are made to the Ballymena waste water station by Northern Ireland Water.”
“It is right to highlight, as the motion does, the critical need for social and affordable housing across Northern Ireland. It is commendable that the Minister has a target to deliver at least 100,000 new homes by 2039, with 33,000 of those being social homes, as outlined in the housing supply strategy. However, I have to tell the House that, while there is, of course, a need for land to deliver the strategy, a basic requirement for that target to be met is a fit-for-purpose water network. As I have outlined in the House previously, that is where my concern rests. While the housing supply strategy highlights that as a problem and commits to working with Northern Ireland Water to resolve it, there is nothing in its 41 pages to say what the Executive are practically doing to address it.”
“If, however, the issue exposes the fact that Richard Bullick was correct in his article of July 2020, in which he warned that the Executive Committee (Functions) Act (Northern Ireland) 2020 would significantly weaken the ability of unionists to stop republican Ministers going on solo runs, the whole basis for devolution is, once again, called into question.”
“Minister Kimmins's decision has caused significant unease amongst unionist MLAs. I welcomed Deborah Erskine's statement last week that correctly described the move as "controversial". I also welcomed Gavin Robinson's announcement that a marker is to be put down on the issue. Some MLAs recognise that the community of Sandy Row had already been treated like dirt when it came to the road closures in that area to facilitate the building of the station. However, words are not enough. It is time for unionism to take a united stand for the loyalists and unionists of south Belfast. I am not precious about how that is done. Whether the decision is stopped by the petition that I have lodged or by unionist Ministers calling it into the Executive and blocking it, I simply do not care.”
“Last Tuesday, I lodged a petition in the Business Office to refer Minister Kimmins's divisive move to the Executive and subject it to a cross-community vote. In order for that petition to be successful, 29 other names are required.”
“In 30 seconds: this place will never work because of mandatory coalition. If you move towards voluntary coalition and have a Government of the willing —. We have a lead party here that does not want Northern Ireland to work. If we want to move towards a society that works, the Alliance Party should look at getting those in government to agree a Programme for Government that will work and deliver for the people of Northern Ireland. This place is a toy town. This place will never work.”
“I certainly disagree with the Member that I am nitpicking. I am here to speak up for a large section of the unionist community who feel downtrodden by the Alliance Party, its policy and its decisions, when its members portray themselves as the great champions of a shared society but, in reality, that is not the case. <BR /> <BR />We see in Belfast a prime example of the Alliance Party showing its true colours. Before its Members bring a motion to the House, they need to look at their glass house, essentially, and how their decisions entrench division. If you want to move beyond that, Mr Honeyford, certainly, let us do that, but the decisions and actions that your party takes in the Chamber and chambers across Northern Ireland —”
“In much the same way, the Alliance Party likes to talk about ending the social impact of division while acting as Sinn Féin's little helper in entrenching division in its approach to the Irish language. The Alliance Party needs to open its eyes to the fact that its decisions are embedding division in my community and the community in Belfast with its approach to Irish street signs.”
“In dealing directly with the motion, I note that it talks about the cost of division in Northern Ireland. That is a symptom of division. It has created in Belfast a lot of anxiety, distress and annoyance in the unionist community, so it is relevant to the debate today. To impose Irish street signs when only 15% of those who live on the street want that is to embed division. Mr Deputy Speaker, that is something that you cannot rule out of order in regard to the motion. <BR /> <BR />The Alliance Party tabled the motion. I will close with this: in Bunyan's 'The Pilgrim's Progress', we encounter a character named Mr Talkative, who likes to talk about religion but whose religion has no practical impact on how he conducts himself.”
“It is OK for the Member to say that, but she has not said where I am factually incorrect. Indeed, my understanding —”
“Yes, indeed. We are talking about division in Northern Ireland and how decisions taken by political parties impact on that. <BR /> <BR />No thought has been given to the fact that such a policy in Belfast of wanting or allowing for street signage when only 15% of people want it —.”
“I find the motion deeply ironic. While the Alliance Party likes to portray itself as the champion of a shared society in meaningless motions such as this, when it comes to legislation and policy, it supports things that fan the flames of division. As I pointed out last week, polling illustrates that there is no greater indication of division than Irish language street signage. Some 88% of unionists are less likely to move to a road that has Irish language street signs. That might not worry the Alliance Party, but the party should take note that the same was true of 26% of its voters. In Belfast, however, Alliance supports a policy of imposing Irish street signs in areas where just 15% of residents want them.”
“That is because of the protocol, not Brexit.”
“The rest of the UK is protected by a ban that covers all of Germany, so why should farmers in Northern Ireland not receive the same level of protection?”
“Why then, on 15 January, did the Minister for Food Security and Rural Affairs tell the House of Commons:”
“<BR /> <BR />I trust that the Minister is listening not only to what I have said about Ballymena but, more importantly, to what the industry has said and the message that it has asked me to convey. Northern Ireland has huge hydrogen potential. We already have an established link between business and local government in Ballymena. I trust that we can use that link to roll out clean hydrogen production to the rest of Northern Ireland in the future.”
“For our economy to take the next step towards having a green energy economy, significant Executive investment is required. After engaging with industry on hydrogen, it has asked me to convey a simple message to the Executive, which is that there is still a lot of interest in creating opportunities for clean hydrogen production. There is, however, no meaningful support from central government to help establish what is effectively a brand-new sector. There is therefore a critical need for a hydrogen strategy to help define the role that hydrogen will play in Northern Ireland. DFE should prioritise such a strategy. I encourage the Minister and her energy team to work closely with the sector to ensure that it can act as a real catalyst for investment.”
“I could add that as a third reason, no problem. I am happy to champion my constituency and, indeed, will lobby hard to bring jobs to North Antrim. I am setting out how we have already set the scene for clean hydrogen production. We are not looking for the Executive to reinvent the wheel. The infrastructure between business and local government already exists in Ballymena. I am trying to encourage the Minister, the Executive and MLAs to buy into the idea, because we have been working on it for a number of years. I championed the issue passionately when I was a member of Mid and East Antrim Borough Council. Now that I have come to the Assembly, I will continue to champion it at every opportunity. <BR /> <BR />I will return to what I was saying on the motion before Sinéad took me off on a tangent.”
“I thank the Member for her intervention. When we debated the motion yesterday, I explained why I was sceptical. Today, I recognise where the future economic opportunities lie for Northern Ireland, and I will certainly —.”
“It will create a well-equipped workshop that focuses on developing products, services, training and solutions for the clean tech sector across Northern Ireland, particularly the emerging hydrogen economy. In Ballymena, we have already established a partnership-working approach between industry and local government through the manufacturing task force.”
“One such initiative is the hydrogen training academy. Delivered through partnering with further and higher education institutions, including Queen's University Belfast, Belfast Metropolitan College and the Northern Regional College, the training academy will offer courses from level 2 to level 7 across a range of hydrogen subject areas that focus on developing the skills that are required to maximise opportunities in the hydrogen and clean technology sectors. <BR /> <BR />Additionally, the council has been working on developing an innovation and clean tech centre called i4C as part of the Belfast region city deal. The integrated industrial inspiration and innovation campus will be a £24 million green energy hub that will include an innovation lab, allowing for an engineering team to be based there.”
“Mr Bamford has brought further expertise in hydrogen to the business, leaving it well positioned to continue to lead the design and development of hydrogen vehicles on a global scale. Wrightbus employs 2,000 people directly on its Galgorm site, with another 1,500 employed locally throughout its supply chain. The business has plans to continue to scale up its workforce as demand for its buses increases. <BR /> <BR />The second reason that Ballymena should be made a hydrogen hub is because of the work that the local council has already undertaken. Mid and East Antrim Borough Council has prioritised supporting the development of the hydrogen economy as part of its economic growth strategy. Through teaming up with local industry and academia, it has developed a number of hydrogen economy initiatives that support the sector's development.”
“I am very aware of where the future growth opportunities are for the Northern Ireland economy. In particular, Ballymena should be designated as the hydrogen hub for Northern Ireland. I say that for two reasons. First, long before hydrogen was identified as the answer to fuelling large vehicles, Wrightbus, in Ballymena, had a team of engineers developing a prototype hydrogen bus. Wrightbus has always been ahead of the curve when it comes to hydrogen technology. The company is known as a global leader in the development of the next generation of clean tech buses in design and manufacture. Since Jo Bamford acquired the company a number of years ago, it has continued to build on the foundations laid by the late Sir William Wright CBE.”
“Minister, the problems with NI Water are long-standing and the investigation is long overdue. Will the scope of the investigation consider how much subcontractors are charging for works, which is well above what it would cost for those works to be carried out internally by NI Water staff? If not, the investigation needs to include that in its terms of reference.”