Timothy Gaston
North Antrim · Traditional Unionist Voice · Northern Ireland
“I begin my remarks by putting on record, once again, my thanks to the victims and survivors who have campaigned for many years to bring us to this point today, where the Bill will pass its Final Stage.”
“There is an onus on the Assembly in the next mandate to ensure that the work continues, with a second phase of redress that will consider individualised acknowledgement of the harm and trauma that the birth mothers and adult adoptees experienced.”
“I trust that those who have worked diligently in the background on the terms of reference will reflect the requests of the Committee and those who have given evidence to ensure that they are victim-centred and that truth and justice will be pursued.”
“Throughout the process, the Committee has taken steps to ensure that victims and survivors of religious institutions, state homes and private homes see themselves reflected in the Bill.”
“At a recent meeting of the Committee for the Executive Office, the Migrants' Rights Network complained that, in the second half of 2025, the UK Government increased raids focused on illegal working. When raids increased by 76%, arrests increased by 169%.”
“The revelations that have come to light since dirty Donaldson's conviction and the red flags that his colleagues ignored raise profound and troubling questions for the DUP, but for Sinn Féin generally and Deirdre Hargey in particular to come to the Chamber and pontificate about safeguarding is utter hypocrisy.”
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“Where is the demand for immediate action against a Minister in the Executive who is supposedly accountable to the House and who, just a few days ago, gave the public inaccurate information about the duty of previous employers when it comes to passing on information about those who pose a threat to vulnerable children?”
“It is beyond ironic that, after yesterday's farce, the Assembly should find itself debating a motion recognising the need for immediate and sustained action to protect and support vulnerable children and families. Where was the concern for the vulnerable children who regularly visit the Building when the party that is leading on the motion on behalf of the Health Committee allowed a paedophile to have access to the Building that was revoked only last week? How can the House deliver lectures on the need for immediate action when some of the Members who are here, potentially, were so laissez-faire when it came to such a vital issue? <BR /> <BR />Where was the outcry from my fellow members of the Executive Office Committee when Ministers were shielded from questions last week?”
“They want to be paid a fair price for the produce that they produce on their farms. For a sustainable model, that is the direction of travel that we need to go in. We should not be solely reliant on subsidies. We should pay farmers the money that they deserve for the product that they pour their heart and soul into producing.”
“We have a beef support package — the beef carbon reduction scheme and a separate cow scheme — that contributes to the environmental enhancements in the direct payment scheme, but there is no package for sheep farmers. The task force recommendations were made early last year, but they are still sitting with no action from the Minister. <BR /> <BR />From 2025, sheep farmers who farm only sheep are set to lose 17% of their basic payment unless they change to include protein crops and cattle. For many, that is just not possible. There is an urgent need for the Minister to address that issue. We need to see that the AERA Minister is a Minister for farmers, not just for the environment and for net zero. <BR /> <BR />Many of those with whom I speak do not want to rely on subsidies and handouts from the Government.”
“With over a third of our population living in rural areas, we can ill afford to not pay attention to the needs of our farming community. All too often in the House, their concerns are overlooked or glossed over. One has only to look at the current state of our waterways to see how the farming sector has become a scapegoat when NI Water is the biggest cause of the problem. <BR /> <BR />In advance of the debate, I received a briefing paper from the Ulster Farmers' Union. Under the section entitled "Sector-specific Support", it highlights the vexed issue of sheep farming support. As the paper observes:”
“I welcome Diana to the Chamber. Congratulations on making your maiden speech, Diana. I was in that position a number of weeks ago, and I understand the pressure that you can be under. Well done. I enjoyed listening to your comments. <BR /> <BR />I will move on to the motion. Recent global events have starkly highlighted the need for food security. As the Government have stated, food security is national security. With an increasingly aggressive Russia and turmoil in the Middle East, there has never been a more important time to support our farmers.”
“when the lead party is engulfed in a paedophile scandal? What business does the party to my left have in claiming that, when one of its number did not even revoke the pass of Michael McMonagle? This is a document that is wafer-thin on policy, seeks to con the public when it comes to childcare and is fatally undermined by the actions of those trying to sell it who are sitting on the Front Benches to my left.”
“What business do the Executive have in claiming, as they do on page 8 of the document, that they are committed to ensuring:”
“As she was a member of Northern Ireland's small Indian community, one might think that she was the sort of person thought about when, on page 67 of the document, the Executive commit themselves to tackling racism. What happened to her? She was shot in the head while sitting in a car with her family while returning from a funeral. Shot by none other than the IRA. Can the Executive really combat violence against women and girls? Can they really claim to be concerned about minority ethnic communities while being led by someone who tells us that there was no alternative to the murder of Asha Chopra? I think not.”
“When I was preparing for this debate on Saturday evening, I decided to take a look at the people who were murdered on that date during the period that some gullibly call the Troubles. I found one murder, on 5 October 1974, which is particularly telling in this debate. It was the murder of Asha Chopra. Asha Chopra was a 25-year-old mother of two, soon to be three — she was pregnant.”
“Not only that, they claimed that they had abolished the idea of an all-Ireland economy. Oh yes, there is a reference to Intertrade UK on page 78 of the document, yet when I asked about its budget, I was told that there was certainly no money for it coming from this place. What a contrast with the other body mentioned on that page: InterTradeIreland. Just this week, in a response from the Economy Minister to a question for written answer, I received confirmation that, since the introduction of the protocol, the budget for InterTradeIreland has ballooned by £1·8 million. <BR /> <BR />What really takes the biscuit about this document is that one of its nine priorities is the ending of violence against women and girls. Who is taking the lead on that? None other than the First Minister and the deputy First Minister.”
“Yet, the other week, when I pressed the Finance Minister on what the Barnett consequential for childcare schemes in Northern Ireland is compared with Great Britain, I discovered that families in Northern Ireland are being short-changed to the tune of £32 million. The Executive got £57·2 million for that scheme from London but are spending less than half on it. A mere £25 million is being spent on childcare. That is not something to trumpet; that is a disgrace for the Executive. <BR /> <BR />When I looked at the other things that the Executive have found more money for, I discovered one measurable fact that will be of interest to unionists. Some sought to tell the unionist people that they returned to Stormont only because our place within the Union had been restored. The boast was that there would be zero checks and zero paperwork.”
“Members, whatever way you want to spin it, the draft Programme for Government is a distinctly underwhelming document. If anyone went to the public with it as their manifesto, they would be soundly rejected by the electorate. Even some of the things in it that are trumpeted as achievements do not stand up to the most superficial scrutiny. <BR /> <BR />Let us look at something specific and measurable such as childcare. I have heard Ministers cite the childcare strategy several times as a huge win for the Executive. On page 24 of the document, it is presented in the following glowing terms:”
“First Minister, your party brought us the Liam Adams scandal, the Máiría Cahill scandal and the Seamus Marley scandal. Sinn Féin has now brought us the Michael McMonagle scandal. You claim that you did not see him standing in front of you at an event in this Building, despite your employing him personally in 2020. Your credibility is in tatters, but, for the sake of those who share government with you, can you assure us that no more paedophilia scandals will come out of Sinn Féin?”
“If that remark had been made outside the House, my solicitor would have already been in touch with Mrs O'Neill. Is it in order, Mr Speaker, for a Minister to launch such an outrageous and groundless attack on the reputation of a Member while protected by the privilege afforded to her when appearing before a Committee of the House? <BR /> <BR />Furthermore, will you require the First Minister to appear before the Assembly to apologise publicly and withdraw her scurrilous accusation? Finally, is it in order for the Chair of a Committee actively to shield witnesses from proper scrutiny in Committee?”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. During last Wednesday's meeting of the Executive Committee, the First Minister launched a grotesquely offensive attack on my character. The attack, shamefully but not surprisingly, went unchallenged by the Chair, Ms Bradshaw, who afforded me just one minute and nine seconds to speak during an hour-long evidence session. <BR /> <BR />Back to the matter in hand, however. On Wednesday, the First Minister addressed me and said:”
“The Bill tells me differently, from my reading of it. I know that I have not been here for long, but that is certainly not the way that I read it. <BR /> <BR />Moving on to clause 25, perhaps the Minister will explain why it is thought necessary to amend section 7 of the Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act 2004. <BR /> <BR />Finally, clause 28 removes the long-standing supervisory and review role for taxing masters, whereby the quantum of legal aid payments can be independently reviewed upon an order for taxation by the court. Clause 28 makes the Department the judge of its own cause. Is that fair, Minister?”
“Moving to clause 25, perhaps the Minister will explain —.”
“Certainly. I will bear that in mind moving forward, Mr Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />Once again, I encourage the Minister to explain to the House why she seeks to remove the confidence-building measure of the Audit Office having an oversight role.”
“Perhaps the Minister can explain to the House why she seeks to remove the confidence-building measure —.”
“<BR /> <BR />I want to flag my early opposition to clause 23. The clause, in repealing section 29 of the Police (Northern Ireland) Act 2003, removes the Audit Office's oversight role when it comes to the PSNI. That would be fine if we were to assume that the Policing Board is up to the job. It is important to remember, however, that the Audit Office is not just about finances. Recently, we had an example of that in my constituency when the Audit Office conducted an extraordinary audit of Causeway Coast and Glens Borough Council that was primarily about performance. The Audit Office can therefore perform a useful role. With the Policing Board boasting a terrorist such as Mr Kelly in its current membership, it requires all the oversight that is available to it.”
“<BR /> <BR />Nothing should be done with the Bill that snuffs out hope for such victims, and it should not deliver aid to terrorists like Seamus Kearney, who was convicted in the Proctor case. Again, perhaps the Minister would like to give me her assurance on that point, either now or at the end when she is summing up. <BR /> <BR />Clause 22 also raises interesting issues. While I appreciate that there have been serious problems and delays in the Policing Board reaching tenable decisions on ill-health retirement and injury on duty awards, the delegating of those functions to board officials, as proposed in clause 22 does not strike me as being any guarantee of a better outcome, as it is often those very officials who make the dubious recommendations. Giving officials the power to do largely as they please is not a solution.”
“We know that there is slim hope of prosecutions, but we also know that developments in DNA have produced breakthroughs decades later, as in the case of the murder of John Proctor, an RUC reservist who was gunned down as he visited his wife and newborn at Magherafelt hospital in 1981. Thirty years later, IRA man Seamus Kearney was convicted of that heinous murder because his DNA was discovered on a cigarette butt at the scene. Shamefully, because of the immoral Belfast Agreement on which this House is built, he served only two years of the life sentence that he should have faced for murdering a father who had just visited his newborn. Having their day in court and the guilty verdict, even after so many years, meant a lot to the family, however.”
“I welcome the Minister's intervention. <BR /> <BR />I will move on to clause 1. I trust that the Committee will give the provisions on the retention of biometric data particularly close scrutiny. Members will note that clause 1 amends the Police and Criminal Evidence Order 1989. That complex legislation deals with DNA and fingerprint evidence and how long it can be retained. I trust that the Committee will satisfy itself beyond doubt that no steps are being taken that would impede future prosecutions arising from the hundreds of unsolved murders resulting from the terrorist campaign. All the contributions to date have focused on the rights of people; I want to introduce to the debate the rights of victims.”
“Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker. I will move on. <BR /> <BR />Those two 10-year-olds displayed a degree of premeditated viciousness that is hard to credit.”
“Given those parameters, I press the Minister to reassure the House by confirming that she has no plans to attempt to raise the criminal age of responsibility either by way of amendment or by secondary legislation. I note that Mr O'Toole had concerns in that regard, coming from a different angle. I am happy for the Minister to take the opportunity through an intervention now or in her summing up to confirm her intentions. I caution Members against any attempt to amend the Bill to raise the age of criminal responsibility. I remind the Chamber of the horrendous murder of two-year-old James Bulger by Robert Thompson and Jon Venables.”
“I will begin by noting the long title of the Bill. We are told that it is a Bill to:”
“Minister, there has been a lot of focus on the farming community when it comes to water pollution in our system, but is it not the truth that, whether it is Lough Foyle, Lough Neagh or any other waterway in Northern Ireland, the Executive, particularly the Department for Infrastructure, and Northern Ireland Water need to get their own houses in order before pointing the blame at farmers?”
“I thank the Minister for coming to the House today. Over the years, Causeway Hospital has seen a gradual running down of its services. It lost its maternity unit to Antrim Area Hospital and is in the midst of a consultation on future general surgery at the site. There are lots of fine words in your statement, Minister, but what my constituents in the north end of North Antrim really want to know is this: will your proposals result in the removal of any of the cuts made to date? Will you take the opportunity to spell out your future plans for Causeway Hospital?”
“In May, I attended the subregional workshop in Ballymena, where I highlighted the vast swathe of grounds currently in the ownership of various Stormont Departments, that could be used to regenerate and re-kick our local economies. Will the Minister confirm whether the subregional action plan will identify all those lands across the various Departments? Furthermore, if a council identifies a need for regeneration, will the lands be transferred to it to take that idea forward?”
“— the Tories and, now, the Labour Government.”
“<BR /> <BR />I appeal to unionist colleagues in the Chamber. If you believed any of your own words about the Safeguarding the Union deal, you now know that you were sold a false bill of goods by your former leader —”
“Additionally, the green lane, which some in the House sought to dress up as the internal market lane to justify their return to ministerial limos, was due to come in today. That has also been postponed until the end of March. Why? It has been done because it would cause such devastation to our links with Great Britain that doing it so soon would simply be unworkable. <BR /> <BR />A single market for goods is needed within a country. It is one of the basic features of a nation state. The dropping of "Not for EU" labelling on a UK-wide basis severs yet more links between here and the rest of our nation. It also helps build the all-Ireland economy, something, I remind the Chamber, that the DUP claimed that it had removed from the protocol, only for the current Secretary of State to hail its benefits just a few days ago.”
“The practical consequences are that many manufacturers will simply cease to service Northern Ireland, meaning reduced choice for consumers, and that will result in Northern Ireland becoming even more isolated within the UK. <BR /> <BR />Significantly, 1 October was also due to see the imposition of a partial border in the Irish Sea. Two weeks ago, that was delayed until the end of March. Why? It was done because the Government were concerned about the impact that it would have on people in the run-up to Christmas. It would not exactly be helpful to the protocol fanatics in the House to have headlines about that when they will be tripping through the Lobbies to give a veneer of democratic legitimacy to Brussels dictating to us to follow 300 areas of law.”
“A key aspect of the Command Paper 'Safeguarding the Union', which, I remind the unionists sitting to my right, was the basis on which they attempted to sell to the unionist people their return to this place, was the assurance that such labelling would be introduced UK-wide. The previous Government could have introduced legislation to give force to that following the end of the consultation in March, but they, like the successive Labour Administration, were never serious about it. Consequently, "Not for EU" labelling is being imposed in Northern Ireland by our colonial masters in Brussels while it does not appear anywhere else in the UK. <BR /> <BR />The DUP promise of UK-wide legislation has proven worthless.”
“I rise to highlight His Majesty's Government's decision to drop plans for UK-wide "Not for EU" labelling. The issue has become a live one today because 1 October is the day when a new aspect of the protocol becomes real in Northern Ireland. The first time that "Not for EU" labelling appeared on the shelves in this part of the UK was 1 October last year. Today sees the beginning of a new phase of that labelling roll-out.”
“We must secure the equivalent figure for Northern Ireland and use it to address our unique local need, including tackling the legacy of the Troubles as it relates to mental health and suicide. Unless we get serious and start to fund those services adequately, we will sadly be speaking to motions like this in the many mandates to come.”
“My goodness. How did we allow our mental health services, and our health service in general, to get to that point? <BR /> <BR />When we make the case to Treasury for additional funding, we need to do so in a context that demonstrates why we have an additional need. Our failing mental health services and high suicide rates are one of the many reasons that we need, first, to be funded to the level of need at £124 a head for every £100 a head spent in England. Once we get funded to that level of need, we must, once again, look to the Welsh model, which was designed by Holtham, where not only has Wales been funded to the level of need since 2012 but it secured an additional 5% uplift in 2018, which has been worth an additional £1·17 billion to cover the additional need. That is a huge amount of additional money.”
“If we want to address the elephant in the room when it comes to mental health provision and suicide rates, we need look no further than that stark reality. Too much pressure is being put on the community and voluntary sector to pick up the crisis that the NHS is in. I asked the charity what key message it would like shared with MLAs today, and this — Turning Point NI's urgent call for support — is the response that I got:”
“In financial terms, Turning Point estimates that, last year, through statutory referrals alone, the counselling sessions that it provided saved the trust £70,000. Members, that work came about without any help or funding from the trust.”
“I will put that in the context of the local demand: as of this morning, there are 90 people on Turning Point's waiting list to commence a six- to eight-week programme. Many of those referrals have come from statutory bodies, such as CAMHS.”
“The common problem that I have found when dealing with broken people is the lack of statutorily funded organisations with enough resources to meet their needs. <BR /> <BR />Over the past 15 years, Ballymena has had its fair share of heartache. I want to talk briefly about a local charity that has become a lifeline to many people locally. In May 2025, Turning Point NI will be 10 years old. That charity was formed by local people as a reaction to the many young lives in the area being lost through suicide. Throughout the past 10 years, the charity has depended on lottery funding, as well as the generosity of local communities, to sustain itself. Turning Point employs nine staff, with its lottery funding due to finish at the end of March 2025.”
“This is a motion that every Member will be able to relate to. Every Member will be able to cite examples of how the current system fails our constituents, who often turn to our offices for assistance and signposting. Prior to coming to the House, I spent four years in Jim Allister's constituency office, where I regularly encountered people spanning all age groups who were struggling with their mental health for a variety of reasons. I recall the mother whose primary-school child was self-harming with a pencil in the school toilet and an elderly man who, through failing health, simply lost his purpose and the will to live. I think of the young lad who had fallen into an addiction and the father who, through redundancy, struggled to provide for his family. That is the reality of Northern Ireland in 2024.”
“Thankfully, Robin was a saved man and was ready when the call came.”
“Robin was a husband, father and granda. I think today of his wife, Agnes, his son, Allister, his daughter, Pamela, and his two grandchildren, Eva and Isaac. The wisest man who ever lived reminds us in Proverbs 27:1:”
“I pay tribute to the life of Robin Kyle, who was suddenly called home last Wednesday while sitting peacefully in front of the fire in his living room. <BR /> <BR />Robin was well known in the farming community and in the Presbyterian Church, where he served as an elder. However, it was through the loyal orders that Robin gained respect from right across Northern Ireland. He served 39 years as county grand master of Tyrone Royal Arch Purple Chapter and 29 years as secretary of his own Orange lodge and a grand lecturer and grand master of the Royal Arch Purple. <BR /> <BR />Whether through the loyal orders or over half a century with the Department of Agriculture, Robin's life was one of service to others. Robin will be sadly missed in all those circles, but he will be missed most in the family home.”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. Following on from that and from the ruling that you made earlier this year, on 12 March, regarding a Minister's responsibilities, I ask you and your office to have a look at the answer to AQW 14683/22-27, where the Minister for Communities has partially answered the question and has left out the detail that I would request. On that basis, I would like you to follow on from what you have been doing and to make a ruling to ensure that the Minister provides a full and frank answer to all the questions that have been asked.”
“The real democratic deficit in this part of the UK is the failure to honour the biggest democratic mandate in British history: the mandate to leave the EU.”
“Yes, Mr Speaker. If you give me time, I am just getting back to that. <BR /> <BR />It will be a vote resigning us to the idea that the laws made in those areas will be made for us by the Republic of Ireland and 26 other states and not the UK or Northern Ireland's MLAs who sit in the House; a vote that unbundles the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland's single market for goods in favour of an all-Ireland single market for goods; and a vote that violates the cross-community consent and democratic provisions of the Belfast Agreement as international law, treating the people of Northern Ireland with complete contempt. Do not argue that the protocol is just and then lecture us on votes for 16-year-olds. It just does not wash.”
“It will also be the most controversial majoritarian vote in Northern Ireland's 103-year history, a vote to disenfranchise 1·9 million people in 300 areas of law. A vote resigning to the idea that the laws made —”