Timothy Gaston
North Antrim · Traditional Unionist Voice · Northern Ireland
“I begin my remarks by putting on record, once again, my thanks to the victims and survivors who have campaigned for many years to bring us to this point today, where the Bill will pass its Final Stage.”
“There is an onus on the Assembly in the next mandate to ensure that the work continues, with a second phase of redress that will consider individualised acknowledgement of the harm and trauma that the birth mothers and adult adoptees experienced.”
“I trust that those who have worked diligently in the background on the terms of reference will reflect the requests of the Committee and those who have given evidence to ensure that they are victim-centred and that truth and justice will be pursued.”
“Throughout the process, the Committee has taken steps to ensure that victims and survivors of religious institutions, state homes and private homes see themselves reflected in the Bill.”
“At a recent meeting of the Committee for the Executive Office, the Migrants' Rights Network complained that, in the second half of 2025, the UK Government increased raids focused on illegal working. When raids increased by 76%, arrests increased by 169%.”
“The revelations that have come to light since dirty Donaldson's conviction and the red flags that his colleagues ignored raise profound and troubling questions for the DUP, but for Sinn Féin generally and Deirdre Hargey in particular to come to the Chamber and pontificate about safeguarding is utter hypocrisy.”
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“— to exercise that power and bring Belfast City Council —”
“that is a statistical sleight of hand. In the early phase, applications came from overwhelmingly nationalist areas, where unionists raised no objection. Now, applications are targeting mixed or majority unionist streets, and residents there are rejecting Irish language signage, sometimes at a rate of 3:1, yet the signs go up anyway. <BR /> <BR />There is a remedy. I am glad that the Communities Minister has come into the Chamber. Under section 111 of the Local Government Act (Northern Ireland) 2014, the Minister for Communities has the power to issue guidance to councils. Surely the time has come, Minister, —”
“Although the headline in 'The Irish News' screamed:”
“Do I get an extra minute for that intervention?”
“— that a unionist should want to defend. I did not mention any names, Principal Deputy Speaker.”
“I will take your guidance on that, Principal Deputy Speaker, and finish the point that I was making: presiding over not only the protocol but an Irish language enforcer is not any record —”
“Over time, the balance shifts, not necessarily by force, but by exclusion. That is a form of non-violent ethnic engineering. <BR /> <BR />The council's new citywide Irish language policy makes it even worse. Alliance, a party that calls itself a united community, has championed that divisive policy at every stage. However, let me make this clear: while some here rightly condemn Belfast City Council, the DUP sit in an Executive who are recruiting a language commissioner. A fanatic is the man touted to be the new Irish Language Commissioner. By all accounts, he thinks that the law does not go far enough and intends to impose an Irish cultural identity across Northern Ireland. If, indeed, you oppose what is happening in Belfast City Council, use your powers in the Executive to stop the next phase of this republican project.”
“It is about imposing minority rule, territory marking and shifting community composition. That is not rhetoric; it is fact. The survey commissioned by Analogical Research via LucidTalk in March showed a clear chill factor amongst unionist and Protestant residents, with 71% of unionists saying that Irish language signage in their street would make them more likely to move away, 88% of unionists saying that they would avoid a street with Irish language signage and 75% of unionists saying that they would be less likely to use leisure centres featuring Irish language signage. If many in a community are being chilled out of civic spaces, what kind of shared society is that? The effect is, indeed, obvious. Unionist households leave or avoid certain areas, and sympathisers then gravitate there.”
“I start tonight by looking at the facts. Since 2022, only 12% of applications for Irish language street signs in Belfast have secured majority support from residents. That means that, in nearly nine out of 10 cases, minority wishes have trumped the view of the majority. That is not cultural expression; it is, indeed, imposition. It is undemocratic, oppressive and designed to subjugate one community in our capital city. In Belfast, the tyranny of the minority has been permitted. Take Shandon Park: under 17% of respondents supported Irish language signage, yet the signs went up anyway. Given the outrage over alleged damage to Irish language signs, I look forward to the wall-to-wall coverage when the next "Welcome to Northern Ireland" or "Londonderry" signs are defaced. <BR /> <BR />Let me be clear: this is not about language per se.”
“From the outset, however, despite all the cheerleading from the Front Bench this afternoon, I am concerned about the concept of the Bill. Members may cite the recent unrest in our Province, but the reality is that there was not a single case where the alleged lack of legislation would have made any difference. The law provides protection for people in any walk of life from discrimination or racism. When it comes to attacks on individuals or homes, a racial motivation is, rightly, already considered as an aggravating factor. Article 2 of the Criminal Justice (No. 2) (Northern Ireland) Order 2004 makes that abundantly clear.”
“I ask the Members to my left whether they are happy with that language. I remind them that marriage has been redefined in Northern Ireland. Whatever the Bill will do, it will operate within those parameters. While I appreciate that there are moves to increase the age for marriage across the UK in order to prevent child marriages, I observe that some in the House have pushed, through the so-called gaps in equality legislation, to hold an inquiry into lowering the age of consent. Calling for that, while pushing for the age for marriage to be raised, would be hypocritical, and I trust that no one in the Assembly will find themselves in that position. <BR /> <BR />Finally, I will comment on the race equality Bill. As it will come through the Executive Office, I will have the opportunity to pay particular attention to it.”
“That is a 28% overrun with no apparent approval for the expansion. The Minister assures us that a review of the staff complement is under way, subject to approval from both sponsoring Departments. One must wonder whether that review would have happened were it not for the questions for written answer from this Back-Bencher? Despite the swollen ranks and staff, successful prosecutions for illegal net use have plummeted from 15 in 2015 to zero in 2022 and zero in 2024. In truth, the Minister does not need a Bill to deal with those issues; all that he requires is the interest to do what he should be doing. He needs to carry out an audit and put a pause on recruitment. <BR /> <BR />Next, I look at the Department of Finance. The Executive have agreed to introduce a Bill:”
“I have no doubt that the farmer will, once again, be in the sights of the Minister. If the Minister is serious about tackling those issues, I trust that he will tackle the scandal that surrounds the Loughs Agency, a body that seems to be exempt from the norms of fiscal responsibility, transparency and the proper stewardship of public funds. From the Minister's answers to questions for written answer, I know that the approved staff complement for the Loughs Agency stands at 53 full-time equivalents, a figure sanctioned by the North/South Ministerial Council and designed to ensure efficient, accountable operations. However, what do we have in reality? The agency currently employs 68 individuals: 44 are permanent, 21 are temporary and three are externally funded project staff.”
“Even the cheerleaders who cried the loudest to bring back Stormont, with the promise that all our woes would be forgiven and a distant memory, must be very underwhelmed by the legislative programme that we have in front of us today. It is a lacklustre programme, which will just about keep the lights on, along with the non-binding motions that we debate in the Chamber. For the sake of time, I will confine my remarks to three of the Bills that are included. <BR /> <BR />First up is a fisheries and water environment Bill. We are told that it will be about:”
“Minister, it is past the time for honeyed words and more talking shops about an issue that affects people's livelihoods. If the science points to a badger cull, will you introduce the necessary legislation to put it in place during your time as Minister?”
“That includes Mahmoud Atallah, who was serving a life sentence for killing a Palestinian woman whom he suspected of cooperating with Israel, and the members of the Hamas terror cell who carried out multiple bombings circa 2002 in east Jerusalem and elsewhere, some of whom are convicted of murder amongst other things. That reality is shamefully airbrushed by many, but I say to our friends in Israel that your pain and the injustice that you feel with that element of the deal resonates with many of us here in this part of the United Kingdom.”
“However, while I welcome the deal, I want to make it clear today that I recognise that it is not easy. The calling of the ceasefire has resulted in Hamas terrorists, once again, openly taking to the streets of Gaza. Hamas is the only army in the world that wears civilian clothes during the war and then puts on uniforms during ceasefires. Perhaps that is why it finds favour with fellow travellers in the House, but that must be very galling to the innocent victims of Hamas terrorism. My mind also turns to those who, as a result of the deal, will see the murderers of their loved ones released from the jails in Israel.”
“Now, with the return of the hostages, the war is all but ended. Those who have sought to slander the world's only Jewish state by suggesting that it had a policy of genocide towards the Palestinians have been proved wrong.”
“I welcome the fact that, over two years after Hamas started the conflict, which, my goodness, began with the biggest massacre of Jews since the Second World War, it is finally drawing to a conclusion. I commend the work of President Donald J Trump and his team, which was vital in getting us to this point. Although many in the Chamber have unjustly attacked him, with even the First Minister using Gaza as the pretext for skipping a state banquet that was held to mark his visit to the UK, it was his Administration, not speeches from Sinn Féin Back-Benchers, who got us to where we are today. <BR /> <BR />What has happened today? The hostages who remain alive have returned home to Israel. At the conflict's outset, Israel made it clear that that was her objective. She has certainly achieved it.”
“The incident outside Mrs Long's home was wrong, but it cannot be used to delegitimise and to silence criticisms in the Chamber. We have heard it from the Alliance Party today, and we have heard it from Sinn Féin — their little helpers — who like to try to use other means. I say this to the Alliance Party: what happened outside Mrs Long's house was wrong but do not bring in other decisions that you have taken in an attempt to muddy the waters.”
“It is the height of hypocrisy for Mrs O'Neill to express concern about protests being directed at politicians while she continues to defend the murder of Rev Robert Bradford and similar horrors. <BR /> <BR />I must express my disappointment at the way in which the Alliance Party has sought to use the protest. As I understand it, the protest was about the housing of alleged sex offenders, yet the Alliance Party sought to use it to delegitimise criticism of their decision to side with Sinn Féin on the Irish language debate in Belfast City Hall and to attack those who pointed out their backing of an amendment in the House, tabled by the Old Bailey bomber, which removed from a motion the distinction between innocent victims and the Shankill bomber, who blew himself up.”
“I join Members in condemning the protest outside the home of the Justice Minister. Regardless of the public profile of any of us in the Chamber, we are all entitled to a private family life. There is a fundamental right to freedom of speech and to protest, and those are values that I will always defend, but I do not want to see protesters outside my house and will not defend anyone who goes to protest outside another politician's house. <BR /> <BR />Of course, one cannot comment on such an event without noting the irony of some who have commented on that protest continuing to defend the murder of Rev Robert Bradford MP, who was shot while sitting behind a desk at a constituency surgery.”
“Minister, we know that HPAI is caused by an airborne virus. Concerns have been raised with me that it has taken the Department until today to cull the remaining birds on-site. The delay may have allowed the virus to spread, especially during the storm, due to the ventilation in poultry houses. Poultry farmers tell me that the Department is short-staffed and slow to respond. Why has it taken four days to depopulate the remaining birds on that site?”
“Even in our own Stormont canteen, the famous beetroot burger faces the chop. That may seem a small matter, but it speaks volumes about sovereignty, equality and common sense, all of which are missing from that arrangement.”
“That neatly illustrates the democratic deficit and commercial distortion created by the Windsor framework. Once again, Northern Ireland finds itself bound by rules that it did not make and subject to decisions on which no one in Northern Ireland has a vote. While the European Parliament debates what a sausage roll can be called, businesses here must brace for yet another layer of regulation that applies in Belfast but not in Birmingham. That is not the unfettered access that we were promised. It underscores how the so-called green lane is, in fact, a border within our own country. If the amendment passes, it will be one more reminder that the people of Northern Ireland are governed by laws that are made elsewhere, right down to what we can write on a bakery label.”
“Assuming that the amendment is, indeed, passed, the same roll baked in Belfast would need a new name — perhaps it could be "plant-based pastry tube" — to satisfy EU sensitivities.”
“Tomorrow, the European Parliament is expected to pass an amendment to a Bill that would ban the use of meaty terms for vegetarian products. If that should come into law, companies would no longer be allowed to market things such as vegetarian sausage rolls or veggie burgers. That has real consequences for Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />Under the Windsor framework, EU regulations continue to apply here. That means that Northern Ireland producers could soon be banned from calling a vegetarian sausage roll a vegetarian sausage roll, while the exact same product made in Great Britain could be sold under its familiar name; in other words, the famous Greggs vegan sausage roll would remain perfectly legal so long as it arrived via the Windsor framework screened lane.”
“— I trust that they will sign my motion of no confidence, and I thank them for their —”
“— and that there is no confidence in the Minister —”
“— be taken as an intervention and an extra minute will be applied. <BR /> <BR />That is not accountability, and it is time that the Minister renounced her throne. I will vote in support of the DUP motion because the failures that it highlights are real and serious. However, I must ask this: for all the warm words and all the bluster coming from the Benches about Mrs Long's failures, do you still have confidence in her? Is this another motion and another social media post with no meaningful action? I put it to the DUP and the Ulster Unionists that, if they feel that what they have outlined today is a resigning matter —”
“— telling them to contact agencies that sit directly under her Department. That is not accountability.”
“Another round of strategies, more working groups and more transformation proposals on glossy paper that will never materialise in practice. One of the key problems is that we have a Justice Minister who, when asked about areas within her remit, is only too keen to say that it has nothing to do with her. The caretaker role very much suits this Justice Minister. She fobs off MLAs in the House in a manner not seen in any other Department. She hides behind operational independence as a convenient shield against scrutiny. When Members ask legitimate questions about how her Department functions, she points them elsewhere —”
“In the midst of that failure, alleged serious offenders who should be held in remand for public protection use the delays to argue for bail. For others, by the time that their case crawls to a conclusion, they have effectively served their sentence already. The perverse outcome is that our justice system rewards delay rather than punishing wrongdoing. That is not justice; it is dysfunction. <BR /> <BR />The report also lays bare how victims are treated. Too often, they are left in the dark and not informed about key decisions or changes in bail conditions. They feel forgotten by a system that was supposed to stand with them. A justice system that cannot deliver for victims is a justice system that fails its most basic moral test. <BR /> <BR />What has Stormont done in response?”
“Therefore, I believe that there is a direct correlation between delay and an increase in lawlessness. Despite or perhaps because of 15 years of devolved policing and justice and despite countless strategies, endless policy papers and millions of pounds spent, the report makes it plain that there has been limited improvement. It catalogues systemic failure to deliver. <BR /> <BR />We have a justice system that is plagued by delay at every stage. Criminal cases now take on average 769 days to complete; that is up from 527 days just five years ago. It means that victims wait two full years for justice. Delay is not a neutral matter. It has real and dangerous consequences: victims wait in anguish; witnesses lose faith; and public confidence evaporates.”
“This evening has been insightful. There has been insight into the mindset of the Alliance Party. As well as hearing "my Minister", we have now found out that the Justice Minister appears still to be in caretaker mode. If the Member for North Belfast wants to tell her that caretaker season is over, we can now get a Justice Minister who will take control of her entire Department, instead of passing the buck at every opportunity that she gets. <BR /> <BR />The Criminal Justice Inspection Northern Ireland report that was published in November 2024 raises a litany of serious and significant issues, none greater than the delays in the justice system. Ecclesiastes chapter 8, verse 11 reads:”
“I feel slightly uneasy that, for the second time today, I get to my feet to welcome a statement from the Minister, but there we are. <BR /> <BR />A key component of the delivery and success of the scheme will be the ability of people to work 15 hours per week so that they can work around family life. Due to the cost of childcare, it is no longer financially viable for many of us to have households with two working parents. This is a £12·4 million investment. At this stage, can you quantify how much return the Treasury, the Department of Justice and the Department of Health will see at the other end? I know that it is early, and I know that you are going out, but do you have any idea what your investment will deliver on the far side?”
“Can you therefore outline what the other Ministers have committed to providing so that, when the strategy goes out to consultation, people will know what to expect?”
“Minister, I certainly welcome your disability and work strategy. I will take a moment to praise a scheme that is currently being run between Mid and East Antrim Borough Council and Castle Tower School in Ballymena that is preparing young people with special needs for the world of work that lies ahead of them. The pathway that you have set out is the correct one. You have given us your promise in the statement. I want to know what the other Ministers have promised you by way of resource and money before the strategy goes out to consultation in order to ensure that what you have told us today is deliverable. There has to be buy-in from everybody, as responsibility cannot be left solely to the Department for Communities.”
“This issue has been a real frustration for me and, indeed, the Committee. Victims are wondering whose side the person appointed by the Executive Office to carry out the negotiations is on. Are they on the side of protecting the institution, or are they there to get value for money for the state? If money is not forthcoming for redress, will the Executive consider going after assets so that victims get money out of the institutions that caused the problem?”
“— while recruiting an Irish language enforcer —”
“— you cannot criticise Belfast City Council —”
“Then, there is the wider issue of the Irish language across Northern Ireland. Even as the issue plays out, the DUP and Sinn Féin are engaged in appointing an Irish Language Commissioner — a person who will enforce the language across the public sector in every corner of Northern Ireland. If reports are correct, Pól Deeds will be appointed. We know from the evidence that he presented to the Executive Office Committee in Stormont that he is a fanatic. He is already on record as saying that even the sweeping legislation does not go far enough. <BR /> <BR />There is no point in attacking Alliance on victims' issues while maintaining the Alliance leader in office. To the DUP —”
“Just a week earlier, in the House, Alliance backed an amendment, which was tabled by a convicted IRA bomber, to strip the word "innocent" from a motion about victims. That amendment removed the distinction between the Shankill bomber, who took his own life, and the nine innocent people whom he murdered. A Justice Minister who cannot distinguish between a victim and a victim-maker is a Justice Minister who should be shown the door, yet the TUV's motion of no confidence in Minister Long sits in the Assembly's Business Office, signed only by me. I ask myself, "Why?". To rebuke Mr Clarke: Mr Clarke, it is no stunt; it does exactly what the DUP has failed to do; it puts an action to the DUP's empty rhetoric.”
“Last week, we saw another stage in the ongoing process of the erosion of and, indeed, the attack on one identity in Northern Ireland for the promotion of another. I refer, of course, to the decision by Belfast City Council to impose a radical Irish language policy across our capital city. Once again, those who preach tolerance and equality have found themselves on the same side as Sinn Féin, giving no thought to those they refuse to tolerate and those they deliberately exclude. Having joined hands with republicans in 2012 to tear down the Union flag from City Hall, Sinn Féin's little helpers in the Alliance Party once again aligned themselves with republicans, this time to impose Irish citywide.”
“On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. Further to your response to Mr Buckley, I signalled a number of times to get in to speak on the Matter of the Day regarding Gaza. I believe that we were well within the 30 minutes. Will you clarify to the House that you chose not to call me to speak, even though time remained?”
“Absolutely, and you will not even let me —.”
“You do not deserve to be in the Chair if you cannot be neutral.”
“You have done this a number of times today, Principal Deputy Speaker.”
“— people who have opposing views on the subject.”
“<BR /> <BR />Let us also recall that, just last week, a Member's statement was used by a Member for West Belfast to laud Kneecap, after the case against one —”