Timothy Gaston
North Antrim · Traditional Unionist Voice · Northern Ireland
“I begin my remarks by putting on record, once again, my thanks to the victims and survivors who have campaigned for many years to bring us to this point today, where the Bill will pass its Final Stage.”
“There is an onus on the Assembly in the next mandate to ensure that the work continues, with a second phase of redress that will consider individualised acknowledgement of the harm and trauma that the birth mothers and adult adoptees experienced.”
“I trust that those who have worked diligently in the background on the terms of reference will reflect the requests of the Committee and those who have given evidence to ensure that they are victim-centred and that truth and justice will be pursued.”
“Throughout the process, the Committee has taken steps to ensure that victims and survivors of religious institutions, state homes and private homes see themselves reflected in the Bill.”
“At a recent meeting of the Committee for the Executive Office, the Migrants' Rights Network complained that, in the second half of 2025, the UK Government increased raids focused on illegal working. When raids increased by 76%, arrests increased by 169%.”
“The revelations that have come to light since dirty Donaldson's conviction and the red flags that his colleagues ignored raise profound and troubling questions for the DUP, but for Sinn Féin generally and Deirdre Hargey in particular to come to the Chamber and pontificate about safeguarding is utter hypocrisy.”
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“Those measures include individualised support in education, vocational training, personal assistance and daily living support services.”
“Parents rightly ask where that money goes. When I ask the Finance Minister about such issues, all that I get back is the bland response that, "Barnett consequentials are unhypothecated"; in other words, the Executive get the money but spend it in other areas. <BR /> <BR />What do England and Wales have that we do not? They have statutory protections through to 25 where appropriate: a legally enforceable integrated plan across education, health and social care and formal accountability mechanisms, including tribunal rights and legal challenge mechanisms. That is not to say that everything is rosy in England, but they have made progress on the issue. What we need to do in Northern Ireland is legislate for statements of educational need to be honoured until the age of 25 as they are, to an extent, in GB and, more fully, in Scandinavia.”
“I support the motion but regret the fact that it contains nothing that will bring the laudable aspiration that it articulates to fruition. The motion does not address a fundamental question: why does Northern Ireland lag significantly behind other parts of the UK on the issue? The answer lies in the choices made around the Executive table. <BR /> <BR />Northern Ireland receives Barnett consequentials arising from spending decisions made in England on education, disability support and SEN provision, yet families here still face a far weaker statutory framework and a far sharper cliff edge after 19. Why? It is because in Northern Ireland that funding is diverted to other matters that the Executive deem to be more of a priority. Let us recall that, for every £1 spent on SEN provision in England, the Executive receive £1·24.”
“Can the Minister explain to the House why the Southern Health and Social Care Trust deviated from guidance from the NHS cervical screening programme? If the Southern Trust had stayed within those guidelines, Lynsey Courtney and Erin Harbinson would be alive today, yet there is still no public inquiry.”
“Minister, how many approved social housing new builds are currently on hold due to lack of sewerage connection? Additionally, when did you last meet the Minister for Infrastructure to address that problem, which is crippling the economy and preventing houses from being built right across Northern Ireland?”
“Minister, I previously raised with you the need to bring forward legislation to enact a badger cull. You responded with bluster. More biosecurity assessments and advice will not put bread on the table for farmers whose herds are the only things being eradicated. When can farmers expect progress on the eradication of TB, or will you continue to stall until the next Minister comes in?”
“Northern Ireland Water is responsible for the discharge of 200,000 tons of sewage and 70 tons of phosphorus into Lough Neagh's catchment each year. It is time to stop using farmers as the scapegoats for Lough Neagh turning green. <BR /> <BR />Minister, what timeline have you set with your colleague, the Minister for Infrastructure, to see a real-time reduction in the pollution of Lough Neagh by Northern Ireland Water?”
“— here in Northern Ireland, so spare us all your bluster and concerns about Reform UK and Nigel Farage.”
“I thank Mr Buckley for his intervention, but he completely gets away from the issue and, indeed, the warning that I was trying to set out before the House: turn your back on the electorate, and it will turn its back on you. Each and every party in the House would do well to remember that. <BR /> <BR />I will finish off my remarks on the motion by picking up on Mr O'Toole's points about "dark" forces. He was obsessed about dark forces and Nigel Farage. Mr O'Toole is selective when it comes to dark forces. Imagine that you had people in the Government who had a private terrorist group overseeing them — imagine. Would you class that as a dark force, Mr O'Toole? Mr O'Toole, you are happy to have Sinn Féin in the Government —”
“That was a lie, Mr Robinson. The DUP presence in the Executive is built on that lie. For me, the lesson of the GB elections is that you can get away with doing that only for so long before the public hold you to account. <BR /> <BR />I am happy to give way.”
“It was because of the arrogance of people who thought that they had a divine right to rule in many parts of England and Wales; the lack of delivery by a political party that had been entrusted time and time again with the votes of people whom it took for granted; and, most of all, those people's belief that they had been lied to. Labour came to power promising change and failed to deliver anything other than U-turn after U-turn. There are Members of the House who are here only because they told the unionist people that they opposed the Northern Ireland protocol in all its forms; yet, as soon as they got the dud Donaldson deal over the line and after the first sail in the ministerial limo, all the promises were forgotten. It is worse than that. We had Gavin Robinson write an article with the headline:”
“Everything, ultimately, is a means to that end for nationalism and its helpers in the Alliance Party. <BR /> <BR />Let us look at what the election results actually tell us. Apart from the SNP losses, which nationalism chooses to ignore, they show us that, when the political class loses the faith of the grassroots, it can and will be replaced. Members on the Benches to my left are keen to downplay the rise of Reform. Why did Reform perform so well? It is because grassroots people are rejecting the old parties of broken promises. People want strong borders to stop illegal immigration and an end to the rampant woke ideology that is controlling government and setting the narrative. <BR /> <BR />The DUP would also do well to reflect on why Reform made the breakthrough that it did.”
“The SDLP motion is fundamentally dishonest. However, we cannot let that get in the way as the SDLP attempts to hold on to Sinn Féin's coat-tails. The motion pretends concern about the results of the elections in Great Britain and claims that they are grounds for a united Ireland. Really? In reality, it would not have mattered what those results were because, as we saw last week in the Chamber and we see again today, nationalist politicians peddle their own narrative, as they struggle to keep their party faithful on board the united Ireland fantasy bus, regardless of what those election results tell us. Reform could have been wiped out, yet the SDLP would still say the same thing as John Hume said in the 1970s:”
“That should concern all Members of the House. Freedom of speech and the right to speak out against any law are fundamental. This letter raises questions about what other dealings Mr Deeds has had with the press and what other voices and views he has sought to suppress. <BR /> <BR />The fact that a publicly funded commissioner should seek to abuse his office to suppress that freedom cuts to the heart of the liberty secured on the battlefield. No jumped-up little Hitler in the Irish Language Commissioner's office should be permitted to undermine it. It is time that Pól Deeds stopped acting as the activist that he is and started acting as a commissioner.”
“I raise the lack of respect for fundamental freedom shown by the Irish Language Commissioner, Pól Deeds. For weeks, he defied the powers of a Committee of the House to which he is accountable. He sought to hide correspondence that he had had with the 'Belfast Telegraph' about an interview in which he not only suggested that people were using the law unlawfully but attacked a private citizen. After the interview, he appeared before the Executive Office Committee and claimed that many of the issues arose because of "a bad translation". Last week, his letter to the 'Belfast Telegraph' was finally released. Tellingly, Mr Deeds did not dispute the translation of his interview when it was quoted back to him, but, alarmingly, the commissioner's letter states:”
“— it cannot even enact the living wage for domiciliary care workers in our community. That shows you that the priorities in this place —”
“More should be done with the budget that we have, and there are glaring inadequacies in how money in the Stormont pot is being prioritised. A number of months ago, the House had no problem finding money for the 27% salary increase for MLAs, yet, when it comes to this vital front-line service —”
“In preparing for today's debate, I read with interest Mr Nesbitt's response to a question for written answer from the Member for East Londonderry Ms Hunter in which he admitted that the Department has not even carried out a formal assessment of the mileage reimbursement rates for domiciliary care workers who are employed by independent providers. Why not? In large rural constituencies like North Antrim, travel is essential to deliver that service, and at a time of rising fuel costs, it is an aspect of the job that eats into the already meagre pay of those who deliver vital front-line services. The Minister comes here and says that he needs more money, and I understand the Member sticking up for his Finance Minister.”
“I welcome the contribution. I am looking at some of the figures for what London sends to Belfast. The spend per head of population in England is £13,134. In Wales, it is 15·4% greater, at £15,155; in Scotland, it is 18·6% higher than it is in England and sits at £15,563; and, in Northern Ireland, the spend per head of population is 22·7% higher than it is in England at £16,116. Those are the 2024-25 figures. <BR /> <BR />I agree with what the Member said in his intervention. More needs to be done, more can be done and more should be done through the Health Department. There are things that the Health Minister could do on this issue, but he is not doing them.”
“— ensuring that the silo mentality lives long. I am happy to give way.”
“Indeed, the system that we have positively discourages the other parties from helping a Minister — the Health Minister, in this case — deliver their goal, because it would be seen as an achievement by a rival party, and so the hamster wheel continues —”
“It means doing what Scotland has done and not just talking about a living wage for the sector but making it a reality by prioritising it across government. <BR /> <BR />The problem in Northern Ireland is that Departments are split up between parties with no agreed Programme for Government before they form a Government, and then we have the nonsense of Minister after Minister standing at the Dispatch Box and saying that they cannot do anything about the issue.”
“It means that an elderly person in a rural community may wait longer for care not because their need is less serious but because they live too far away from an urban area. <BR /> <BR />The truth is that many home care workers do extraordinary work in increasingly difficult circumstances. They work unsocial hours; they travel huge distances; they often work alone and deal with increasingly complex needs; yet the sector continues to struggle with recruitment and retention because many of its workers can earn comparable wages in hospitality or retail with far less pressure and responsibility. Genuinely valuing the care sector will take more than warm words during debates; it means fair pay.”
“There is no way to dress it up: we must be open and honest with the public that there is a crisis in home care provision. In North Antrim, the Northern Trust area is a particularly telling case study of the issues that affect the sector. In December 2025, the Northern Trust had 532 people waiting for full care packages and a further 303 waiting for partial packages. The Department acknowledges that there are geographical black spots where care packages are difficult to source. Why? It is because providers often cannot make those runs financially viable. In answer to Mrs Erskine, the Minister said that providers favoured urban areas, where shorter distances make care packages more profitable. What does that mean to the layman in the street?”
“— we can see what the Executive prioritise over special educational needs.”
“Politics is all about priorities, and the Executive have decided that they know better what to spend the money on. Attacking the TUV points more towards nervousness in the SDLP about becoming a minority in opposition after the next election”
“There are basic steps that each Minister can take now to ensure that children with autism and their families at least get the money allocated in the block grant because of the investment in autism services in England. <BR /> <BR />On that note, Mr McGrath foolishly used part of his speech to describe the failure of Ministers to provide post-19 SEN support as some sort of delivery from the Executive. I remind him that he and his party are meant to be in opposition. If SDLP Members want to pick a fight with me, they can fill their boots, but they have completely missed the point on this, which is that, in England, there is provision until the age of 25 and we do not have that in Northern Ireland. On that basis, Mr McGrath, instead of Westminster not caring, as you stated, it is the Executive parties that do not care. That is what it is.”
“I also want to know from our Health Minister what assessment he has made of the impact of delayed autism diagnoses on educational placement outcomes. <BR /> <BR />Being a year out from an election and close to the end of a mandate is not a viable excuse.”
“What do the Executive deem to be more important than post-19 SEN provision? I ask the Education Minister this: has your Department ever conducted any assessment of the cost of introducing a statutory post-19 SEN support framework in Northern Ireland similar to that in England? I also want to know from the Education Minister what summer support provision is available for autistic children who do not attend special schools. I want to know from the Health Minister, from whom we have just heard, what respite provision is available for families of autistic children in each of the health and social care trusts? I want to know from our Health Minister what the average waiting time for an autism assessment is for children in each of the health and social care trusts.”
“I want to know from the Executive and from the Finance Minister in particular how much in Barnett consequentials is being received by the Northern Ireland Executive from the expenditure in England on education, health and care plans and wider post-19 SEN provision. I want to know from the Finance Minister whether any ring-fenced allocation has ever been provided to the Department of Education or the Department of Health from Barnett consequentials linked to SEN or autism provision in England. I want to know from the Finance Minister whether the Executive have ever considered using Barnett consequentials arising from SEN expenditure in England to establish a Northern Ireland equivalent of the education, health and care plan. If any of the answers to those questions is a no, I simply ask this: why? <BR /> <BR />Politics is about priorities.”
“Thank you very much. Today, in the Chamber, we have all heard the warm words from Executive MLAs, which, I truly believe, will be much appreciated. However, the families who come to me want more than warm words in non-binding debates. They want to know what the Executive have deemed to be more important than using the money from the block grant to mirror the English model, which allows for SEN provision to the age of 25. They want to know what Northern Ireland's share of that money has been spent on. <BR /> <BR />MLAs must ensure that, when this debate ends, the fight for children with autism, their siblings and their parents continues.”
“We can acknowledge that the Executive have received money for a system of support but are simply not providing it. That is what supporting the amendment means. I will be asking exactly on what the money that should be being devoted to supporting those children and their families is being spent. I commend the amendment to the House.”
“That is true, but there should be at least a minimum guarantee that families will not be abandoned. There should be a guarantee that the transition to adulthood is planned rather than chaotic. There should be guarantees that siblings and carers are recognised, that support does not simply evaporate at the age of 19 and that parents are not forced to bankrupt themselves travelling to pay for basic therapies privately. <BR /> <BR />The reality is that many parents of autistic children feel exhausted, isolated and unheard. The Assembly cannot solve every problem overnight, but it can at least acknowledge the reality that those parents face. We can begin by admitting that Northern Ireland is behind where it should be in providing structured, legally protected, post-19 support for autistic young people and those with special educational needs.”
“There is another uncomfortable truth that everyone in the House must confront. Increasingly, families who can afford to do so are being forced to go private. One parent said that they have to travel to Dublin for occupational therapy and Tomatis therapy because the support is either unavailable or was refused in Northern Ireland. That should shame us all, and the problem is not getting any smaller. In a recent answer to a question from Ms Hunter, the Minister of Health said that demand for autism assessment and support has grown significantly across Northern Ireland in recent years. The Department's strategy states:”
“What does that mean for the man and woman and the family out there? It means that the Executive got money to run a similar scheme to the GB one and gets it on an ongoing basis but decided to do something else with it. That is shameful. It is a disgrace. <BR /> <BR />One parent told me that they are already gearing up for the fight over summer support provision, because their child does not attend a special school. Think about that. That parent is not enjoying family life or planning for a summer holiday; they are preparing for battle with the system.”
“<BR /> <BR />Ministerial answers on the issue acknowledge that there is ongoing work simply to develop and pilot regional transition protocols. However, we are told that funding is still being sought for full implementation. Why is that? I remind the House that, because of Barnett consequentials, with any scheme funded in England, Northern Ireland receives the funding necessary to run a similar scheme here; in fact, for every £1 spent on such a scheme in the south of England, the Executive get £1·24. I therefore ask this: where has the money for those schemes gone? What do the Executive believe to be more important? When I ask such questions of the Finance Minister, I am told that Barnett consequentials are unhypothecated and that the Executive collectively decide how they are allocated.”
“The Department's material effectively confirms that criticism. The SEN reform agenda repeatedly mentions the need for "pathways of opportunity" to move into adulthood for young people with SEN at post-16 and post-19. It calls for a transitional support programme. It acknowledges the need for work between Education, Health and Economy to create proper adult pathways. The fact that those proposals are necessary tells us something important. It tells us that the current system is not working, and nowhere is that clearer than in what happens after the age of 19. That is why I tabled today's amendment. In England, there exists a statutory framework through education, health and care plans that extends to the age of 25; Northern Ireland has no equivalent legislative safety net. Here, many families effectively fall off a cliff after 19.”
“Simple things that most families take for granted become impossible, yet we are told that, in many cases, those siblings never complain. That burden is largely unseen. <BR /> <BR />The pack before Members today repeatedly acknowledges the failure of current services. The motion refers to:”
“Thankfully, after it was raised in the House, the case started to move at pace. However, how many other cases never even come to the Minister's attention? <BR /> <BR />One parent described to me what life was like raising an autistic child. They said that being an autism parent means existing in a constant state of fight or flight, always having to be 10 steps ahead, always looking for danger, always being on guard and never fully relaxing or switching off. They made the point that autism affects siblings too, which is, all too often, ignored in debates such as this. They spoke about children who have never really had what most people would call a "normal" childhood, because so much of family life revolves around keeping siblings safe. Holidays are not really holidays. Days out become military operations.”
“Thank you very much, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. The motion addresses one of the most pressing and emotionally draining realities faced by thousands of families across Northern Ireland. Autism does not affect only the individual child; it affects entire families, particularly parents and siblings. Every aspect of daily life is impacted on. In truth, many of those families feel abandoned by the system and let down. <BR /> <BR />The motion refers to waiting lists, respite pressures and transition failures. Those are not abstract policy terms: behind every one of those phrases is a family. I have had occasion to ask the Education Minister about a case in which, mere months out from starting school, a child with severe autism remained undiagnosed, their parents at their wits' end about what to do about the situation.”
“It is a basic requirement for a functioning health service. It is an indictment of the Health Department that it is so captured by wokery that I have to ask such basic questions. Our health system needs to reflect reality and not dangerous ideology.”
“It is deeply concerning that that method of gathering data was ever permitted to be developed to begin with. Who authorised the introduction of self-identified gender fields in the systems and on what basis? Were external organisations consulted in shaping that approach? The model that currently exists has all the hallmarks of something influenced by Stonewall ideology if not written by the organisation itself. <BR /> <BR />The public are entitled to know how decisions of that nature were taken. That is why I have asked for a list of any LGBTQ+ groups that have engaged with the Department of Health on the issue. I have asked whether it is the Minister's policy that biological sex will be recorded as a mandatory field across all Health and Social Care systems. It should not be a controversial proposition.”
“A recent response from Minister Nesbitt to a question for written answer raises serious questions about how basic patient data is being recorded across our Health and Social Care system. The Department admits that there is no consistent approach. Some systems record biological sex and others record self-identified gender. That is not a minor administrative issue; it goes to the heart of effective medical care. <BR /> <BR />Biological reality is not an abstract concept. It is central to diagnosis, treatment, risk assessment and screening for many medical conditions. Any system that fails to record reality accurately creates challenges in medicine and lays bare the fact that the Health Department has been captured by an ideology. I welcome the fact that it is being reviewed.”
“His testimony gives us believers in the House great encouragement, and we should take encouragement from it that, regardless of the obstacles that we find in front of us, we must always put our faith first. I wish Pastor Johnston well in his appeal and trust that many will come to faith through the stand that he has taken for my Lord and Saviour. My faith brought me to Stormont. I will continue to speak up for the unborn and speak out against the holocaust in our time that is abortion:”
“That is a verse that many of us will have learned at Sunday school or seen on posters or on the gable wall of many churches across the country. John 3:16 is a verse that many who sit in the Chamber would do well to heed. <BR /> <BR />It is striking to read in the judgement that it is accepted that Pastor Johnston and his associates on that day had no placards inside the safe zone and that he said nothing about abortion, yet, the perverse and, yes, wicked law passed by the House saw him convicted and fined for daring to preach the gospel in a Christian country. Those are the depths that this country has sunk to. <BR /> <BR />I commend pastor Johnston for his stand.”
“Put simply, he was convicted for preaching from John 3:16:”
“The conviction of Pastor Clive Johnston marked a profoundly dark day for Northern Ireland and the Assembly. I include the Assembly because it was the House that passed the law that criminalised a man for preaching the gospel. The idea that devolution is some sort of safeguard for civil and religious liberties was finally buried at Coleraine courthouse. All those who voted in favour of the Abortion Services (Safe Access Zones) Act (Northern Ireland) 2023 or found something better to do that day than to vote at all should hang their heads in shame. In 2022, the Green Party led Sinn Féin, the SDLP, Alliance and, sadly, the Ulster Unionist Party through the Lobbies to bring in the safe zone legislation. <BR /> <BR />Pastor Johnston is 78 years old. He is no threat to society, yet what was he convicted of?”
“In fact, I look forward to next year, when we will see a shake-up in this place and I will be joined by many TUV colleagues on these Benches. The lesson from the elections is not that the Union is dying; it is that voters across the United Kingdom have finally woken up and are revolting against the political class. The results have put the establishment parties in this House that belong to the failed Executive on notice.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is most telling that the Matter of the Day refers to Wales and Scotland but ignores the significant developments in England. Across the country and, in fact, in Scotland and Wales too, we have seen the rejection of the old parties and the rallying behind not the loony left, epitomised by the Greens, but Reform UK with its message of total independence not from the UK but from the EU. Reform UK wants to see strong borders to stop illegal immigration and to see a rejection of woke ideology. It is no wonder that it performed so well last week. <BR /> <BR />The results in Great Britain have been noticed by unionists as well as nationalists in Northern Ireland. They have seen that people across the UK have rejected the old parties and the woke establishment, and guess what? The world has not ended.”
“The nationalist Members of the House have somewhat lost the run of themselves after Thursday's elections. Listening to Sinn Féin, one could be forgiven for missing the fact that the SNP lost seats in Scotland. For the benefit of Ms Ennis, I note that the SNP was down six seats in total. It lost over 400,000 votes in the constituency contest and almost 470,000 votes in the regional contest: falls of 32% and 43% respectively. That is hardly a mandate for independence. In Wales, the nationalists obtained just 35% of the vote and are well short of a majority. Sinn Féin would be better concentrating its efforts on getting its own house in order than constantly scrambling to spare its blushes through deflection.”