Timothy Gaston
North Antrim · Traditional Unionist Voice · Northern Ireland
“I begin my remarks by putting on record, once again, my thanks to the victims and survivors who have campaigned for many years to bring us to this point today, where the Bill will pass its Final Stage.”
“There is an onus on the Assembly in the next mandate to ensure that the work continues, with a second phase of redress that will consider individualised acknowledgement of the harm and trauma that the birth mothers and adult adoptees experienced.”
“I trust that those who have worked diligently in the background on the terms of reference will reflect the requests of the Committee and those who have given evidence to ensure that they are victim-centred and that truth and justice will be pursued.”
“Throughout the process, the Committee has taken steps to ensure that victims and survivors of religious institutions, state homes and private homes see themselves reflected in the Bill.”
“At a recent meeting of the Committee for the Executive Office, the Migrants' Rights Network complained that, in the second half of 2025, the UK Government increased raids focused on illegal working. When raids increased by 76%, arrests increased by 169%.”
“The revelations that have come to light since dirty Donaldson's conviction and the red flags that his colleagues ignored raise profound and troubling questions for the DUP, but for Sinn Féin generally and Deirdre Hargey in particular to come to the Chamber and pontificate about safeguarding is utter hypocrisy.”
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“I thank the Member for his intervention. I am always happy to take an intervention, even though it seems to be a common theme that Members on the other side of the House shy away from taking interventions. Mr Sheehan did that yesterday, and nationalist Members have done so today.”
“<BR /> <BR />The motion refers to the potential waste of millions of pounds, but even if the digital ID scheme cost nothing, it would still be wrong. ID cards were tolerated during the war because of the exceptional circumstances of that time, but, in peacetime, the British people rightly tore them up. We have always believed that a free citizen should not have to prove who he or she is in order to live freely in their own country. That belief runs deep in the British character: the conviction that government should serve its people, not watch over them.”
“I support the DUP amendment, which puts the emphasis exactly where the fight against digital IDs must be. The amendment strengthens the motion, and Sinn Féin, deep down, would recognise that, but only if its members removed their anti-British balaclavas. <BR /> <BR />The amendment does not tinker around the edges or ask for a Northern Ireland opt-out. It says plainly that the scheme is wrong, full stop, and that it should be scrapped for everyone in every corner of this United Kingdom. This is not a narrow regional issue, nor is it simply a question of cost. It goes to the heart of the kind of country that we want to live in. It is about freedom, privacy and whether government still knows where its boundaries lie.”
“Minister, your statement on the treatment of Daryl Clarke is welcome. However, in 2013, the Assembly made an amendment, tabled by my predecessor, Jim Allister, which called for the formation of a Northern Ireland boxing association. There was no path for people from Northern Ireland to box for the UK in the Olympics at that time, and that remains the case. In your statement, you said nothing about that issue. What are you doing to address that?”
“The 2016 avian disease control strategy on the DAERA website states that gassing birds is the preferred option. Will you give the industry an assurance that enough gas is available in Northern Ireland to ensure that there will be no delays in culling future infected birds? Is the Department considering other methods of culling large flocks?”
“The 2030 climate change targets commit to a reduction in livestock of 22% in dairy cattle, 17% in beef cattle and 18% in sheep, pigs and poultry. When will the Minister start standing up for the agriculture industry, of which he is meant to be Minister?”
“For as long as republicans defend Nazi collaborators and bomb remembrance services, their attendance at 11 November events will be treated with contempt by many unionists. However, I say to those who sincerely mean it: when it comes to 11 November, we will remember them.”
“Shamefully, throughout the war years, Nazi Germany was able to operate an embassy in Dublin. Whilst the rest of the world celebrated the death of a tyrant, Éamon de Valera, the Irish Prime Minister, conveyed his condolences to Nazi Germany on the death of Hitler. The statue of Seán Russell, the infamous IRA chief of staff who died en route back to Ireland on a U-boat in 1940, makes Dublin the only city in Europe to have a statue to a Nazi collaborator. When that statue was vandalised in 2009, Sinn Féin called for it to be restored, describing Seán Russell as a patriot who died on active service. <BR /> <BR />Of course, in 1987, republicans desecrated Remembrance Sunday by bombing Enniskillen.”
“The date of 11 November reminds us why we can sit here as the elected representatives of the people of this part of the United Kingdom and openly debate and decide on the laws that govern us. We are here because of the courage of former generations. This year, we remember in particular the end of the Second World War 80 years ago, when democracy, after six long and bloody years of struggle, triumphed over the forces of Nazi tyranny. <BR /> <BR />I proudly reflect on the contribution of Northern Ireland to that struggle. As King George VI stated during a visit to Belfast in 1942:”
“President Higgins's legacy is one of grievance, politicisation of what should have been an apolitical office and needless offence. Sadly, nothing that we have seen from his successor suggests that she will be anything other than a continuation of that toxic legacy for unionism.”
“He will be remembered for fostering what Professor Liam Kennedy of Queen's University Belfast famously called the "MOPE mentality" — the belief that the Irish are the most oppressed people ever. In that work, Professor Kennedy demolished the nationalist myth that Irish history has been a history of unique and unrelenting suffering.”
“It is, of course, a matter for the Irish Republic who its president is. In many respects, who holds that office or what they say during their tenure is a matter of indifference to most unionists. However, since the matter has been raised in the House, I will reflect on the legacy of President Michael D Higgins. <BR /> <BR />President Higgins will be remembered as the president who used a Holocaust memorial event to attack the world's only Jewish state, prompting a walkout by members of that minority community. He will be remembered for refusing to confront the antisemitic undercurrent in his own state and for attacking those who dared to raise it. He will be remembered for boycotting a service in Armagh marking the centenary of Northern Ireland because the invitation correctly described him as:”
“— you do not like being called out about it. My goodness, Sinn Féin Members should hang their heads in shame. The bed partners that you keep and the terrorist partners that you have.”
“The next Member to speak was John Stewart. He talked about the minimal substance in the Bill. <BR /> <BR />The one that I want to finish on is that from Carál Ní Chuilín, the Principal Deputy Speaker of this House, who referred to the "genocide junket". That is certainly not what the trip was about. It was a fact-finding mission to expose the hypocrisy of the Sinn Féin/Hamas cosy relationship. My goodness, you do not want the propaganda, but you love to wheel it out, courtesy of the BBC, but —”
“I was not here at the time, but taking lectures from a cash-and-carry bomber is something that I will not be doing when I am standing in this Chamber. You have a brass neck on you. You are brazen. The hypocrisy just bleeds out of you, Mr Sheehan.”
“I am happy to give way. Come on, Mr Sheehan, let's hear you.”
“Now, Pat, you would not come in on an intervention. You did not have the guts in the debate earlier to come in and challenge me. You did not have the guts to bring me in —”
“Indeed, he referred to them as being carved into "tablets of stone". <BR /> <BR />Paula Bradshaw was next to speak, and she talked about the greatest threat to these structures and said that the powers are weak. I agree with some of the Alliance Party's points about reform. Indeed, I will pick up on the point that she raised specifically about the fact that Ministers should not glorify terrorism. If that were the case, we would not have too many Ministers on the Sinn Féin Benches, and that is something that I would very much welcome. They would be bound by consequences, but the problem is that, at the minute —”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I will go back to the motion. <BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin is once again lecturing us on what it does and holding itself to moral standards. On 28 January, I proposed a motion to the House, which was unanimously agreed. In that motion, there was an onus on the First Minister to come and correct the record about comments that she had made on 7 October 2024, which were directly related to the McMonagle scandal. The First Minister has not done that, so I believe that gives zero credibility for Sinn Féin to come to the Chamber and lecture anybody on reform, after the way it handled the McMonagle paedophile scandal and the fallout from that. <BR /> <BR />Mr Brett was the next Member to speak, and he talked about Mr O'Toole criticising the very structures that his party created.”
“Yes, absolutely. It is only because unionist Members of the House went out to Israel to bring back some of the stories that —. My goodness, the BBC, as we have seen —.”
“It is shameful that Gerry has battened down and doubled down on his statement that Paul Givan should not have gone to Israel. I believe that he should have. I got an invite. If I had been able to go, I would have happily gone to Israel. It is only because of unionist Members —.”
“Sinéad seems to speak of that as though coming from the all-knowing oracle, but I am quite sure that Sinn Féin does not speak on behalf of unionism. Therefore, I would not get too carried away about Sinéad's comments about the community losing confidence in Mr Givan. His only alleged crime was going to Israel and visiting a school, but the problem for Sinn Féin, Alliance, the SDLP and Gerry Carroll is that he went to Israel at all. Even if the Minister had not visited a school, we still would have had the pantomime that we have had today. They have been shown to be anti-Israeli.”
“Thank you very much, Deputy Speaker. I will be as prompt and as quick as I can. <BR /> <BR />In Mr O'Toole's opening remarks, he talked about reform. I will go back to the points that I made in proposing the amendment. There is an obsession with reinventing the wheel, but you cannot and should not have to do that, because the structures already exist. The problem is that you decide not to use them. The Functioning of Government Act 2021 already gives us that power, but the parties opposite refuse to use it. You cannot call for strengthened accountability while ignoring the mechanism that is in place, which is the Commissioner for Standards. <BR /> <BR />The next contributor was Sinéad Ennis, who talked about how the Education Minister has lost the confidence of the community. We hear that Sinn Féin is up for reform.”
“Thank you very much for giving way. The mechanisms are in place. The problem is that the Assembly chooses not to use them. That is the crux of my amendment. The 2021 Act brought in provisions to ensure that the Assembly and the commissioner can use powers to hold people to account. However, in the past, the Assembly has decided, in its wisdom, not to use them.”
“<BR /> <BR />If we truly believe in equality before the law, there can be no more insider reviews, no more paper exercises and no more selective outrage. One standard must apply to us all, whether we are an MLA or a Minister. The Functioning of Government Act 2021 gave us the mechanism for achieving integrity, consistency and respect for the rule of law — a rule that Sinn Féin has never honoured. I commend my amendment to the House.”
“That is what equality before the law looks like. If Members genuinely want to build trust, they should start by following the law. <BR /> <BR />The 2021 Act was designed to end the era of insiders marking their own homework, but the McMonagle affair showed that, when tested, the House still prefers cover-up to candour. Members have a choice this afternoon. They can support the SDLP's motion as it is written and sign up to another talking shop on reform, while the statutory safeguard that we already possess lies unused. Or, they can support my amendment and commit the Assembly to respecting the law, using the commissioner, who was appointed just last week, and investigating Ministers based on the evidence.”
“I am happy to speak to that. Indeed, it allows due process and an investigation to take place, and then it is up to the standards commissioner to take that forward. The gap was narrowed to make sure that everybody in this Building was treated in the same way. Indeed, my amendment does not propose new structures or commissions; it simply insists that the Assembly uses the independent mechanism that it already has — the Commissioner for Standards — and that Ministers be investigated in line with statute, not by their colleagues or party allies. As Mr Allister said, when introducing his then Bill, giving the commissioner that role:”
“The motion calls for respect for the law, yet the law, specifically the requirements of the 2021 Act, was ignored in our handling of the McMonagle affair. <BR /> <BR />The DUP should also reflect. When I tabled a motion of no confidence in Michelle O'Neill because of that scandal, the DUP was nowhere to be seen. Tellingly, as the DUP found out today, the favour was not returned by its coalition partners. There is one rule for Sinn Féin and another rule for unionist Ministers. So-called accountability is not a principle but a political weapon, and that is why my amendment is necessary.”
“She declined to accept the referral, citing the fact that the head of Legal Services had already reviewed the issue. That meant that significant evidence was never tested by an independent investigator, including Sam McBride's report that, contrary to Sinn Féin's claims, McMonagle had worked as a press officer in a party political capacity. There was no new inquiry, and the report that the Assembly regretted is still treated as definitive. Sinn Féin, the Alliance Party and the SDLP tolerated that, but were quite prepared to hang, draw and quarter the Education Minister earlier without any report. <BR /> <BR />The SDLP speak this afternoon about accountability, transparency and integrity, yet when the opportunity arose to use the proper processes to investigate the First Minister, it played along for the sake of the process.”
“That was the point. Codes are fine, but they are simply not enough. When the McMonagle scandal broke — when the First Minister and other Sinn Féin Members were accused of a serious misuse of public money — the statutory route was ignored. Instead of referring the matter to the commissioner, as the law permits, the investigation was handed to an insider: the Assembly's head of Legal Services. It was, by its own admission, a purely paper exercise, with no witnesses, no testing of the evidence, and, I would argue, no independence. When the Assembly debated the matter in January, the House agreed with me that the process was unacceptable. Yet, 10 months on, the same paper review remains the only investigation to have been carried out. <BR /> <BR />I attempted to refer the scandal to the commissioner.”
“He then asked why we should not widen that commissioner's remit to include the ministerial code. The intention was to ensure independent oversight, to remove discretion from the Executive and to give binding effect to standards, which, until then, existed only in a code. At Second Stage, Mr Allister quoted Lord Bingham's observations on a code, which he made in another case. Lord Bingham said that a code:”
“I thank the Member for his intervention. To be clear, he is putting the cart before the horse. I want to see the report. It is important that evidence be gathered and that we then make our determination on the report, instead of the pantomime that we saw this morning, where Members were willing to hang the Minister out to dry without due process being followed. I am very clear: let us see the content of the report, and we will take it from there. <BR /> <BR />Clause 5 of the Bill was designed to close that gap. Its purpose was simple. Mr Allister said:”
“because we already have a structure in place for accountability. It is simply not being used. In fact, the Assembly allowed it to be bypassed. The 2021 Act, from my party leader, Jim Allister, was borne out of the findings of the renewable heat incentive (RHI) inquiry and the public demand for integrity in government. It recognised, as Mr Allister said during the Second Stage debate on the Functioning of Government (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill:”
“My amendment changes the motion's final line. Instead of vaguely calling for the First Minister and the deputy First Minister to dream up some more nice reform proposals, it requires them:”
“Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker. Through necessity, there will be a degree of overlap in some of my comments on the earlier motion and this one, given that the earlier motion dealt with the exclusion of a specific Minister, while this one deals with how Ministers can be removed from office and held accountable through the ministerial code. <BR /> <BR />The purpose of my amendment is to highlight the fact that we already have a process in place. We have an independent mechanism through which alleged breaches of the ministerial code can be examined. The problem with the motion, and, indeed, with the House in a recent example, is that both have chosen to ignore that existing mechanism. Let us be honest: the so-called constructive Opposition were quite happy to go along with that for the sake of protecting the process.”
“We had the Savile cover-ups and the Bashir deception. We have seen a live broadcast from Glastonbury of death threats from a so-called artist whose comments were entirely predictable. We have seen decades of bias punctuated by the odd apology. It is time that time was called on the licence fee. It is time to defund the BBC and scrap the licence fee.”
“Had that report examined Northern Ireland, it would have found specific issues, such as pan-nationalist bias, endless propaganda aimed at eroding the Union, and the demonisation of unionists. We see trigger warnings before 12 July coverage but wall-to-wall uncritical coverage of the GAA, an organisation that glorifies those who pulled actual triggers. In July, we saw blanket, dishonest coverage of the comments of the Goldsprings of Comber Orange Lodge when it dared to challenge the GAA. Months later, it still has not received a proper apology. On that issue, I say this to BBC Northern Ireland: stop stalling, do the decent thing and apologise to that lodge. <BR /> <BR />When the national broadcaster becomes a platform for one side of the debate, it ceases to be a public service. It becomes a propaganda machine, paid for by the public.”
“There was systematic bias in the coverage of Donald Trump. There was systematic bias in the coverage of the Middle East. There was systematic bias on transgender ideology, where standing up for biological truth was silenced, misrepresented or mocked.”
“Yesterday's resignations at the very top of the BBC are the public implosion of a myth. The BBC claims to be the gold standard of journalism, yet the public have known for years that that is nonsense. Now, the BBC's leaked internal report shows that even it agrees. Why did the director general and the head of news resign? It was because the corporation that they led had been caught red-handed editing a documentary about Donald Trump in a way that manipulated the truth. That was not an isolated mistake. It was symptomatic of a culture that has abandoned journalistic integrity for ideology and of a culture of "serious and systemic" bias. Those are not my words but the words of those who worked in it.”
“Shame on any of you who follow Mr Carroll into the voting Lobbies.”
“Members must know what that man stands over to this day.”
“Mr Buckley gave him the opportunity to retract that, but he did not take it. Shame on him. Members will troop through the Lobbies today behind Mr Carroll —”
“<BR /> <BR />This week, as our nation gathers to remember the fallen men and women who gave their lives to uphold the rule of law, we still have a Sinn Féin First Minister who, only weeks ago, refused to describe the Enniskillen Poppy Day massacre as murder. Sinn Féin spokesman, Mr Pat Sheehan: my goodness, he is well equipped. He is the cash-and-carry bomber from West Belfast, who does not like to take an intervention to give me the opportunity to call out his hypocrisy. His party stood shoulder to shoulder with Hamas, and he does not even have the guts to let Members come in and challenge him on that. <BR /> <BR />I will go back to the newly crowned leader of the nationalist and republican alliance: Mr Carroll. As Israeli women were raped, children kidnapped and grandmothers murdered, he tweeted, "Victory to the Palestinian Resistance".”
“We are asked to believe that Sinn Féin now stands as the defender of probity while it continues to glorify terrorists who murdered our police officers, soldiers and civilians. Eighteen years ago last month, Paul Quinn, a 21-year-old, was stripped to his underwear and beaten for half an hour with iron bars and nail-studded cudgels. Every bone in his body was broken by the IRA. At the time, a Sinn Féin Minister, Conor Murphy, blackened that young man's name. Sadly, there was no vote of no confidence to remove him from office. Do not come to the House and tell us that you care and have compassion for young people in Gaza, when the same parties turned a blind eye to a 21-year-old being beaten to death on his own doorstep.”
“When an allegation arises, it should be referred to the Assembly Commissioner for Standards, the independent office created to investigate and report. That route was designed to remove partisanship from judgement, yet the proposers of the motion bypassed it entirely. There was no investigation, no report and no findings before they came to the Assembly today for this political theatre; just accusation to suit the political narrative. If the rule of law truly mattered to those who tabled the motion, they would have allowed the commissioner to examine the facts before seeking to exclude a Minister from office for their own social media likes. <BR /> <BR />It is especially rich for those who have never accepted the rule of law to give lectures.”
“— with Gerry Carroll writing the script. <BR /> <BR />Do not worry, Pat, once I get to you, I will certainly give way. I will give way to you, Pat, and I hope that you will do the same for me the next time. You are nothing but a hypocrite. When I get to you, I will certainly give way. <BR /> <BR />My goodness, we have Gerry Carroll writing the script and Sinn Féin, the SDLP and Alliance falling into place right on cue. <BR /> <BR />Getting to serious matters here, if there were any substance to the motion, section 30 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 exists for exceptional circumstances where a Minister has demonstrably breached the law or, indeed, the solemn Pledge of Office. That determination must rest in evidence and depend on due process. The Functioning of Government Act 2021, passed by the Assembly, provides precisely that process.”
“— is the art of left-wing political theatre —”
“I want to make it clear from the start of my comments that the motion is not about justice, it is not about principle, and it is certainly not about integrity. The motion is Punch and Judy politics, and, my goodness, it is a poor attempt at that.”
“Yes, I welcome the motion, and I am proud to add my name to it, but let me be clear: warm words are not delivery. <BR /> <BR />At this stage of the debate, I pay tribute to the Veterans Commissioner and his staff for the help and support that they give and deliver to veterans the length and breadth of this country. I also thank Mr Buckley, Mr Frew and, indeed, Andy Allen for tabling the motion, especially Andy for bringing his lived experience. He has served this country with distinction, and I pay tribute to the service that he has given to us. <BR /> <BR />Respect is expressed not in motions but in meaningful policy. During the remembrance service on Remembrance Sunday, we will rightly say. "We will remember them." Today, let us prove that we mean it by removing disadvantage, not merely acknowledging it.”
“If we ask people to risk life and limb for their country, we owe them more than platitudes when they come home. The motion does not call for special treatment; it calls for fairness. It is unacceptable that, years after service, men and women in other parts of the United Kingdom benefit from the covenant, but people in Northern Ireland cannot see it delivering for them. In Northern Ireland, service-related injuries are treated differently, and there is no understanding of their impact, with repeated assessments. Government staff lack covenant training. Mental health support is left to charities, often without core funding from the health service. Military qualifications are not properly recognised by employers. That is a disadvantage; that is failure; and that must change.”