Timothy Gaston
North Antrim · Traditional Unionist Voice · Northern Ireland
“I begin my remarks by putting on record, once again, my thanks to the victims and survivors who have campaigned for many years to bring us to this point today, where the Bill will pass its Final Stage.”
“There is an onus on the Assembly in the next mandate to ensure that the work continues, with a second phase of redress that will consider individualised acknowledgement of the harm and trauma that the birth mothers and adult adoptees experienced.”
“I trust that those who have worked diligently in the background on the terms of reference will reflect the requests of the Committee and those who have given evidence to ensure that they are victim-centred and that truth and justice will be pursued.”
“Throughout the process, the Committee has taken steps to ensure that victims and survivors of religious institutions, state homes and private homes see themselves reflected in the Bill.”
“At a recent meeting of the Committee for the Executive Office, the Migrants' Rights Network complained that, in the second half of 2025, the UK Government increased raids focused on illegal working. When raids increased by 76%, arrests increased by 169%.”
“The revelations that have come to light since dirty Donaldson's conviction and the red flags that his colleagues ignored raise profound and troubling questions for the DUP, but for Sinn Féin generally and Deirdre Hargey in particular to come to the Chamber and pontificate about safeguarding is utter hypocrisy.”
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“After Thursday's judgement, all the waffle on the subject that the Equality Commission seeks to peddle as guidance to people across Northern Ireland has been exposed for what it is: activist-motivated tripe. Yet it does not even accept that. Reacting to the judgement, it said that it would take time to consider its implications. The truth is that it has no answer to the fact that its aggressive, anti-women overreach has been exposed. Its guidance, judgement and agenda have been unmasked. It is time that its guidance was withdrawn and to bring an end to blindly following woke ideology. The women of Northern Ireland deserve an apology. The commission members should resign or, indeed, be forced from office.”
“That absurd position trashed the rights of women to privacy and safety in single-sex spaces. It was always logically and legally dubious to say that a man became a woman when he got off the ferry in Larne. As the Bible puts it:”
“I greatly welcome the Supreme Court judgement in the Dillon case. It was a case of real constitutional significance that puts the brakes on those who seek to expand the remit of article 2. It rebuffs the absurd contention that rights in Northern Ireland should be those evolving in the EU, not in our United Kingdom. It also leaves policy in this Building exposed. I directly challenge those who sit on the Assembly Commission. Stormont operates an illegal toilet policy that permits trans invaders to self-identify and use the toilet of their choice, even though the Building facilitates schoolchildren almost daily. <BR /> <BR />The judgement is also a particularly welcome reality check for the activist Equality Commission, which has sought to argue, by way of article 2, that the definition of a woman changes when they cross the Irish Sea.”
“There is a prime example of the grip that paramilitaries have had in Northern Ireland and the way that it plays out today. The Máiría Cahill case exposes many failings, and I trust that the justice system and all the other Departments, which are pivotal, work together to get it right and ensure that the failings that Máiría experienced do not happen to anybody else in society. <BR /> <BR />I agree with Connie, who raised the point that we need to do more to promote awareness of what coercive control is, because when many people get into a relationship, they think that it is normal. That type of behaviour is not normal, and the pattern of behaviour shown by some men is not normal. We need to do all that we can in our power to encourage victims to come forward and ensure that they will be listened to and that action will be taken.”
“Absolutely. A report — it may not be the same one — by Foyle Women's Aid on what takes place made for harrowing reading. <BR /> <BR />On that point, I will refer to Máiría Cahill's book, 'Rough Beast: My Story and the Reality of Sinn Féin'. Chapter 17 states:”
“Mr Frew said that it was essential that all the cogs work together and that victims come forward. That is so important. We saw what happened in the Máiría Cahill case. When victims have to wait, they relive, endure and, sadly, owing to the obstacles that are put in their way, eventually walk away, because the delay is unbearable.”
“Doug Beattie, in a very powerful contribution, said that coercive control is a prison sentence without bars. He referred to people as young as 12, 13 and 14 being involved in such practices. <BR /> <BR />My amendment shifts the dial and the focus slightly. It keeps the focus on coercive control but shows that it is not just happening in our courts but in our constituencies. We heard a number of examples. Cara Hunter talked about a case in which the victim was catfished. The most striking case of all was mentioned by Gerry Carroll. He referred to a letter from the mum of Michelle Downey, who died by suicide in 2017 owing to the ill effects and problems associated with coercive control. <BR /> <BR />Time after time today, MLA after MLA got to their feet to expose the failings that exist out there.”
“Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker. I start by stating that coercive control is one of the most dangerous forms of abuse. Why do I say that? I say it because it usually happens in the shadows, out of sight and behind closed doors. The motion rightly looks at coercive control and at how it can be exploited in the courts, particularly in family courts. Today, we have heard example after example of how that is being allowed to happen. It happens in the shadows in our society, and the House called it out today, and quite strongly. <BR /> <BR />Sinéad said that coercive control does not always leave bruises. Claire said that coercive control does not end when a relationship ends. Those are striking examples of what is a scourge on our society.”
“It is a scandal that the House has a strategy on violence against women and girls that is headed by someone with such a record on the issue. <BR /> <BR />The amendment gives Sinn Féin a chance to right a wrong and state clearly and unequivocally that they believe Máiría. I commend my amendment to the House and trust that everyone in the House will support it tonight.”
“It spans those who are in politics and the nexus that there is between them and an illegal terrorist organisation, which, by the Government's most recent assessment, still retains weapons, still retains departments and still provides oversight for Sinn Féin. <BR /> <BR />If we are to protect victims, we must do so not in part but in full. Victims do not deserve to have people in high political office, such as the First Minister, questioning their truthfulness. One of the barriers that victims face is the fear that they will not be believed. Michelle O'Neill was asked directly whether she believed Máiría Cahill, and declined, repeatedly, to give a clear answer before conceding that she does believe her now.”
“Although that is true, it is not the whole truth. The Máiría Cahill case reveals something more troubling still, which is that the problem does not always begin in the courtroom but can begin long before then. It can begin with the processes that a victim is drawn into, with the structures that surround them, with the failures of institutions and with the responses of those in positions of authority. <BR /> <BR />The amendment matters, because the motion focuses heavily on family court proceedings. The Máiría Cahill case — her lived experience, if you like — tells us that the problem is wider than that. It spans policing, prosecution and the entire justice pathway.”
“<BR /> <BR />The research pack that was produced in advance of the debate makes it clear that victims often do not come forward out of fear of not being believed. It goes further. It tells us that cases that involve sexual offences take longest to conclude, with a median completion time of 630 days. It states plainly that delays of that nature can lead to a high attrition rate of victims withdrawing from their case. Let me be clear about what that means. It means that victims come forward and are then worn down. They wait, relive, endure and eventually walk away, because the delay in the delivery of justice has become unbearable. <BR /> <BR />The motion rightly recognises that coercive control can be exercised through the courts and that perpetrators may exploit proceedings in order to re-traumatise victims.”
“We cannot, however, discuss that case honestly without looking at what happened in Sinn Féin. Not only were senior republicans, including Martin McGuinness and Gerry "I do not remember" Adams, aware of the allegations long before they were reported to the police but IRA men were conducting elements of a quasi-judicial process in Sinn Féin offices. In her book, Máiría recounts how, while in the office of Gerry Adams, she was asked whether she wanted a man shot. When she made it clear that that was unacceptable and that she instead wanted to go through the justice system, a litany of barriers was erected in her path. Rather than being supported, she was undermined at every turn. That issue should concern the House.”
“He found that the three complainants were badly let down by the Public Prosecution Service (PPS) and by counsel, that the time taken to reach decisions was too long and that delays were unacceptable. Most damning of all, he concluded that it was almost inevitable that the complainants would lose confidence in the process. It was the predictable outcome from a system that failed to act with urgency, clarity and care. It did not end there. The Police Ombudsman also found there to be serious failings.”
“We heard Ms Finnegan take aim at a situation in which a victim is in the same court as their abuser, but what about Máiría Cahill, who was subject to an off-the-books IRA kangaroo court? I agree that no victim should ever be placed in the position of having to confront their abuser. <BR /> <BR />When the matter finally reached the formal justice system, Máiría Cahill's case collapsed, not because the truth had been tested and rejected but because the victim withdrew. Why did that happen? This is not a matter of speculation. We have the findings of an independent review that was conducted by our now Prime Minister, Sir Keir Starmer.”
“Thank you very much, Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />The motion asks the House to recognise the deep and lasting trauma caused by coercive control and to ensure that victims are protected in our justice system. Those are aims that every Member should be able to support in any normal society, but, when I look at the names attached to the motion and see three Members of Sinn Féin, it exposes and lays bare their hypocrisy and underscores the need for the amendment to be tabled and supported. There is no more of a sobering example of that reality in Northern Ireland than the case of Máiría Cahill. In that case, a young girl was subject to serious sexual abuse, including rape. Instead of being directed immediately to the police, she was drawn into an IRA kangaroo court. Shamefully, she was required to confront her alleged abuser.”
“MLAs will be judged on the fact that, when the services were being cut, the pay increase for MLAs was just beginning.”
“Politics is all about priorities. If you want to find out what people in politics consider their priorities, it is often more revealing to see what they spend money on rather than look at the non-binding motions with which they fill the Order Paper. <BR /> <BR />What will the cuts mean for service users who rely on the services that the community and voluntary sector provides? Vulnerable people depend on those services to maintain stability, dignity and some sort of normality in their daily lives. The vital services that have been cut have provided many families with essential structure, therapeutic support, social interaction and practical assistance for those whose mental health is extremely fragile. Blaming Westminster does not replace those much-needed support mechanisms. I will say it again: politics is all about priorities.”
“The pack that the Assembly Library supplied ahead of the debate reminds us that the Executive had been raising concerns with the UK Government for many months, with formal engagement stretching back to December 2025, followed by a further escalation in January and — note the date — March 2026. What was the Assembly doing with its money in March 2026? Was it squeezing every penny to ensure value for money? Was it cutting every unnecessary cost so that we could have money for the voluntary and community sector? Absolutely not. March 2026 was the month in which the Assembly's remuneration board delivered what MLAs had designed it to do: give them a 27% pay rise. Colm Gildernew chided the UK Government for creating jobs and boosting our defences, yet he had nothing to say about the MLA pay increase or the refurbishment of the staff canteen.”
“Why? No one in the Executive parties said that it was unrealistic in the context of an extremely challenging budgetary position to hand MLAs a mammoth pay rise costing the taxpayer an additional £1·3 million each year. No one on the Assembly Commission said that it was unrealistic to expect the public to foot the bill, running into hundreds of thousands of pounds, for refurbishing the staff canteen. The Assembly can find money whenever it wants to. <BR /> <BR />Furthermore, when people in the Assembly made those choices, they did so in the full knowledge of the issues that we are debating this evening.”
“As predictable as day turning to night, the motion seeks to blame Westminster, because that is the default position of parties in the Assembly. If in doubt, blame Westminster, in order to deflect any and all criticism away from the floundering Executive. When one probes a little deeper, however, the truth soon emerges. Take the answer to my North Antrim colleague, Mr Burrows, who, in the response to a question for written answer about funding the local growth fund, was told:”
“Will the Minister assure the House that his Department has not been sending letters to biological men about smear tests or medical conditions that impact on biological women specifically? Is it not an indictment of his Department that it is so captured by wokery that I have to ask such a question?”
“Minister, as part of the women's health strategy, are you looking at how your Department records gender identity as distinct from sex to ensure that men are not being offered women's health appointments?”
“Like all MLAs who have spoken, my thoughts are with Katie's family, especially her parents, as they listen to the Minister's statement. <BR /> <BR />Minister, BBC Northern Ireland's 'Spotlight' episode on the Katie Simpson murder reported that someone from a political party contacted the journalist Tanya Fowles to tell her, "Nothing to see here" and that Katie's murder was a suicide. Did the review consider that issue? Was Dr Melia in contact with the journalist or with the BBC to attempt to establish which party was involved?”
“— you will call the Minister of Health to the House to correct the record.”
“To back up what I said during the debate, the Government's own explanatory memorandum to the Control of Mercury (Enforcement) (Amendment) Regulations 2025 makes clear that the EU mercury regulations apply directly in Northern Ireland under the terms of the Windsor framework.”
“Well, well, Mr Nesbitt. The Government's own explanatory memorandum to the Control —.”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. Last Tuesday, during the debate on the motion on NHS dentistry, I pointed out that the Irish Sea border will create further complexity for the supply and cost of dental amalgam. In his response to the debate, Mr Nesbitt told the House that I was "entirely wrong". He said:”
“I say this to republicans: you may be interested in the findings of the court last week, but there is a higher court, before which you and all those who take innocent life will stand one day. The loss of any innocent life was wrong and is wrong. Sadly, there are those sitting in the Chamber who cannot say the same.”
“<BR /> <BR />Today, I hear another voice; that which is spoken of in Genesis 4, where God says:”
“Many people will look at the findings of the Springhill inquest and ask, "When is my day in court?" Today, I think of the many innocent victims of republican violence who will look at some of those who sit on the Sinn Féin Benches and rightly shake their heads. Why? It is because they know — we all know — that there are individuals in Sinn Féin who could, if they chose to, bring justice for thousands of people across our Province. Their knowledge of murders, injuries and destruction would, in any society in which the rule of law is respected, put people away and ensure that they never saw the outside of a prison cell again. Sinn Féin pontificates about justice, lectures us about truth and feigns sympathy for those who have lost loved ones, but that sympathy is very selective.”
“They look forward to the summer months, when they will be paid at the end of June and will not see another pay packet until the end of September. No one should be expected to live like that, yet classroom assistants face that reality again this year. It is not good enough; it needs to change. If, as the Minister said this morning, the issue needs to be addressed on a UK-wide basis, I trust that he will ensure that the Executive actively pursue it.”
“<BR /> <BR />Classroom assistants are an integral part of the support system alongside SENCOs and teachers, yet many classroom assistants face disparities in pay that do not reflect the vital role that they play. If we are serious about supporting children with special educational needs, we must be serious about valuing the staff who deliver that support day in, day out. You cannot build a system on goodwill alone. Fair pay is not an optional extra; it is a foundation. <BR /> <BR />I previously tabled an amendment calling for classroom assistants to receive pay over the summer months. The Education Minister supported that amendment, yet here we are at the end of April. Many classroom assistants will get only two weeks' pay this month because of the Easter break.”
“On the one hand, we acknowledge the rising need; on the other, there are proposals that would reduce the number of one-to-one classroom assistants. You cannot acknowledge increased need but reduce support and expect outcomes to improve. Ultimately, it is the child who will pay the price. <BR /> <BR />Before the debate, I talked to a parent whose child receives one-to-one support in the classroom that has resulted in remarkable progress in the past 12 months. That followed a number of years when, even with one-to-one support, their daughter struggled significantly. You cannot ignore the reality that there are children who need that support and that its life-changing benefits may take years to manifest themselves.”
“<BR /> <BR />Teachers tell me that, in some classrooms, there are multiple pupils with statements and many more with additional needs but without formal statements, all requiring support. That is the context in which SENCOs operate. So, yes, a review of workload is necessary. Yes, we should consider whether, in some cases, the role should be non-teaching, but let us be clear: this cannot be approached with a one-size-fits-all mentality. Workload varies by school size, level of need and complexity of cases. A blanket policy imposed from the centre will miss the reality on the ground. What is needed is flexibility based on need and properly resourced. <BR /> <BR />There is a fundamental contradiction at the heart of the current policy.”
“No one in the House will need persuaded of the importance of special educational needs coordinators. SENCOs sit at the centre of our education system's ability to deliver for some of the most vulnerable children in Northern Ireland. In most of our schools, SENCOs are not operating in a dedicated role; they are full-time teachers with full-time classroom responsibilities. On top of that, they are expected to manage complex caseloads of pupils with statements and pupils with individual educational plans, liaise with parents, coordinate with external agencies, oversee safeguarding concerns and, in many cases, act as de facto welfare leads in the school. That is not sustainable. It is no surprise that we hear more and more about burnout, pressure and the risk of losing experienced staff from the system altogether.”
“In many cases, the nearest option is no longer in their home town or neighbouring town. They have to travel further afield. <BR /> <BR />There is another dimension that cannot be ignored. At a time when the system is already under severe pressure, additional regulatory burdens are being layered on. We have changes relating to dental amalgam driven by EU alignment rules that will create further complexity in supply and cost. That is happening here in Northern Ireland in a way that does not apply across the rest of our United Kingdom. While we are struggling to sustain NHS dentistry, we are simultaneously making it difficult to operate. That is because of the Irish Sea border: some in the Chamber denied its existence in order to return to Stormont and others have recklessly championed it throughout.”
“Dentists are not leaving the NHS out of neglect or indifference, they are leaving because, quite simply, they cannot afford to stay due to rising costs, workforce pressures and an outdated payment system that does not reflect the true cost of delivering care. In areas such as Ballymena and Ballymoney, small independent practices are being bought over by larger groups. The model changes, NHS patients are dropped, and the only option offered to many people is private monthly plans, often starting at £12 per month. We are seeing a public service replaced by a private system. We are also seeing the strain on the workforce. Dentists are leaving practices due to stress and pressure. The remaining staff are unable to absorb the demand. Patients are travelling significant distances simply to find a practice still offering NHS care.”
“There is much in the motion on which Members across the House will agree. The figures are stark. Only around half of adults in Northern Ireland are now registered with an NHS dentist. Registrations have fallen sharply in the past year. Treatment levels remain below what they were prior to the pandemic. However, I disagree with some of the ways that the issue is presented in the motion. This is not simply a problem of barriers to access; rather, this is the slow collapse of NHS dentistry in Northern Ireland. No amount of warm words about access will change that reality. <BR /> <BR />The fundamental issue is that the current model is no longer fit for purpose.”
“Time and time again in the Chamber, we hear that the net zero ideology reigns supreme over common sense. Minister, do you have any central role in ensuring that common sense is applied to spending in Departments, or is it the case that the dangers and the hamstringing that will limit industry and our economy will not be taken into consideration when it comes to pursuing the zealot net zero fantasy?”
“The statement speaks in grand terms of what the North/South Ministerial Council is doing to help to address educational underachievement. Minister, how many programmes are running to tackle educational underachievement amongst working-class Protestant boys? How many programmes to tackle that problem operate on a North/South basis, and what funding is involved?”
“The Minister rightly praises progress on teachers' pay. Minister, when will you take the same action for classroom assistants, who face months without pay each year, as they, too, play an integral part in pupil learning? Many classroom assistants received just two weeks' pay in April because of the Easter break and now face a gap from July until the end of September without income. No one in the Chamber will go three months without pay, so why should classroom assistants? When can we expect you to bring forward a solution for that?”
“The innocent victims of republican terrorism know only too well that Sinn Féin wallows in the blood of countless innocent victims every time it justifies and defends the Provisional murder campaign. <BR /> <BR />The truth of the investment is that it promotes the benefits of the Union by creating highly skilled jobs and strengthening our UK national security, neither of which Sinn Féin wants as it places its ideology over the importance of delivering for people in Northern Ireland.”
“It is vital that we build on that momentum and ensure that opportunities such as this translate into real jobs, new skills and prosperity for our people. <BR /> <BR />It was predictable that the Sinn Féin Economy Minister, who cost us the 300 Cantor Fitzgerald jobs, and the First Minister of no alternative would choose to boycott the event announcing the investment. Sinn Féin was happy to glorify acts of terrorism at Easter, something that was shamefully promoted on the Executive Twitter feed, but was not prepared to be seen when our UK defence industry brings quality jobs to Northern Ireland. No one is fooled by Sinn Féin/IRA's talk of peace and opposition to war. When Mrs O'Neill talks about choosing investing in people over weapons of war, countless families across Northern Ireland look at the empty chair at their dinner tables.”
“I welcome the announcement of the £50 million defence growth deal from the UK Government. It will benefit defence tech start-ups and small businesses in Northern Ireland. At a time when our economy needs confidence, jobs and long-term stability, any credible inward investment that strengthens our industrial base and creates employment must be welcomed and supported across the House. The nature of the investment and the quality jobs that it will create and sustain demonstrate the benefits of being part of the UK and of contributing to the wider defence industry across our nation. Northern Ireland has already been at the forefront of producing weapons that have been deployed in the fight against aggressors.”
“— that must be done at Stormont, paid for by, and interacting with policy from, this place, rather than by piggybacking on a foreign jurisdiction to give the Minister cover to say that he is doing something about it.”
“<BR /> <BR />I am surprised that the DUP amendment welcomes the allocation of funding from the Shared Island Fund to tackle bovine TB. It made no effort to remove the same reference in the motion from its amendment. The TUV's position is clear: TB must be eradicated and farmers supported, but —”
“If solely culling is not an option, what about vaccination? Research from the University of Cambridge found that vaccination not only reduces the severity of TB in infected cattle but reduces its spread in dairy herds by 89%. Even if we were to have a vaccination programme, however, we would need to run a culling programme alongside it in order to bring bTB under control finally. <BR /> <BR />I have been speaking to a family who are taking part in the pilot scheme. They have not been updated on the scheme's progress since its launch. Perhaps the Minister can provide an update in his response. How many badgers caught in Northern Ireland have been put down as carrying TB? How does that figure differ from that for roadkill figures? I trust that the Minister will take note.”
“The evidence is clear. Farmers can do all that they can through taking preventative measures, but if 21% of the badgers killed on our roads had TB, they are fighting a losing battle with an arm tied behind their back. An analysis of a badger-culling intervention in England estimated that there had been a reduction of around 56% in culled areas. The report states:”
“A recent report launched by the UFU estimates the indirect costs borne by farmers at £96 million per year. That is a total cost of £156 million to the Northern Ireland economy. <BR /> <BR />If we want to address the elephant in the room, we need to address the badger. We can eradicate ferrets on Rathlin Island, but we cannot even bring bTB under control. If the Assembly and the Minister are going to get serious about addressing bovine TB, he must introduce a badger cull.”