Timothy Gaston
North Antrim · Traditional Unionist Voice · Northern Ireland
“I begin my remarks by putting on record, once again, my thanks to the victims and survivors who have campaigned for many years to bring us to this point today, where the Bill will pass its Final Stage.”
“There is an onus on the Assembly in the next mandate to ensure that the work continues, with a second phase of redress that will consider individualised acknowledgement of the harm and trauma that the birth mothers and adult adoptees experienced.”
“I trust that those who have worked diligently in the background on the terms of reference will reflect the requests of the Committee and those who have given evidence to ensure that they are victim-centred and that truth and justice will be pursued.”
“Throughout the process, the Committee has taken steps to ensure that victims and survivors of religious institutions, state homes and private homes see themselves reflected in the Bill.”
“At a recent meeting of the Committee for the Executive Office, the Migrants' Rights Network complained that, in the second half of 2025, the UK Government increased raids focused on illegal working. When raids increased by 76%, arrests increased by 169%.”
“The revelations that have come to light since dirty Donaldson's conviction and the red flags that his colleagues ignored raise profound and troubling questions for the DUP, but for Sinn Féin generally and Deirdre Hargey in particular to come to the Chamber and pontificate about safeguarding is utter hypocrisy.”
The complete record
Every one of 2,236 lines we hold for Timothy Gaston, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 21 of 45.
“The Ulster Farmers' Union's vote of no confidence last week is a damning indictment of the Department and its Minister. During Mr Muir's time in office, he has delivered a flawed nutrients action programme (NAP) consultation, delivered inadequate progress in combating bovine TB, allowed continued delays in planning decisions, overseen a data breach at the Agri-Food and Biosciences Institute (AFBI) and overseen generational renewal schemes that are simply not working. Time and time again, Mr Muir prioritises environment over agriculture. When will you hold up your hands and resign, along with the caretaker Minister and your party leader in the Justice Department?”
“Minister, in your interview this morning and again this afternoon, you have rightly highlighted the fact that a delegation from Fermanagh and Omagh District Council was visiting China last week. Does the Minister have any concerns about the relationship between the Executive and the Chinese Government?”
“— but I was going to try to keep my remarks to the debate today.”
“I was going to raise the issue that a previous commissioner would not investigate Committee Chairs. Previously, you took great offence when I talked about the McMonagle sex scandal that happened in the Building —”
“The role of the Commissioner for Standards is important, and the commissioner should be an independent person who makes sure that all MLAs and Ministers are held to the same standards, which should apply equally across the House. That is a unique role that should not be surrendered to anyone else. If Stephen Wright fulfils that role, he will have my full support. I trust that Mr Wright will be permitted to do his job, and I trust that he will treat all MLAs equally. Sadly, that was not the case with a predecessor who adopted the, frankly, bizarre view —”
“This place will never deliver normal politics.”
“Yet, today, he clicks his fingers and Sinn Féin, the SDLP and, now, the Alliance Party fall into line behind him, not because of any great moral principle but because the Education Minister visited a school. <BR /> <BR />The hypocrisy is nauseating, but we should also pause to reflect on what the saga reveals about the dysfunction of this place. In no other Government in the world would so-called coalition partners declare no confidence in each other one day and then sit around the Executive table the next. For the record, Mr Givan, yes, indeed, you are partners with Sinn Féin in government. This is not normal politics.”
“You grant terrorists, such as Martin McGuinness and Conor Murphy, and apologists for terror, such as Michelle O'Neill, positions in Government so that they will not do it again. <BR /> <BR />Let us not pretend that this controversy is about human rights. It is about selective outrage and political theatre. I remind the House that the lead party for nationalism here proudly publicised its meetings with Hamas in 2006, 2009 and 2016 — an organisation that then, as now, is recognised by the United States as a terrorist organisation. I remind the House of what happened on 7 October: Israeli civilians were being murdered, Israeli women were being raped and Israeli children were being abducted from their homes. While that was happening, Mr Carroll was sitting at a safe distance away, tweeting, "Victory to the Palestinian Resistance".”
“I rise this afternoon to follow up what we have heard about the response to last week's cross-party trip to Israel. Of all the places where lectures on human rights and terror can be delivered, this Chamber has zero credibility; it should be the last place where such comments are made. Of all the people who can pontificate in the Chamber about such matters, Sinn Féin Members are close to the bottom, with Pat Sheehan not even making the list. Of all the people to lead the nationalist and republican alliance by the nose on human rights in the Middle East, the Member for West Belfast, who is not in his place, should be very last. Why? It is because the Assembly is founded on the principle that you reward terror.”
“It reminds us why Northern Ireland's place within the Union must be defended with even greater determination.”
“Her far-left instincts, her hostility to traditional Western allies and her eagerness to insert herself into political controversies could put her on a collision course with key Western Governments. The turnout for the election was a mere 45·8%. Of those who turned out, 13% spoiled their ballots. Over 200,000 ballots were deliberately rejected. That level of disagreement and protest strongly suggests that there is something fundamentally wrong with the system in the Irish Republic. <BR /> <BR />For unionists, the election changes nothing. If anything, it reinforces the conviction that our future lies securely within the United Kingdom, not a Republic that is increasingly defined by ideological extremes and cultural intolerance. Ms Connolly's election marks a moment of clarity.”
“The mere suggestion that her husband had, in the past, been an Orangeman merited front-page news in the Republic. Red, white and blue posters went up in a panicked response to the idea that anyone with even the most distant connection to Protestantism might be associated with high office. The treatment of Fine Gael's Heather Humphreys, who was targeted and abused because of her Protestant background, exposed the ugly undercurrent of intolerance that stills runs through Southern politics. If that is what inclusivity looks like, it will repel rather than attract. <BR /> <BR />Catherine Connolly may well become an embarrassment for the Republic on the international stage.”
“Catherine Connolly's recent election as president of the Irish Republic is no great leap forward for an all Ireland, as some may try to portray it; indeed, it is quite the opposite. Ms Connolly's election is, in fact, a disaster for anyone promoting an all Ireland. She will be a toxic and divisive figure. She represents the most militant and ideological strand of Southern nationalism, and she will be deeply unpopular amongst unionists, even more so than her predecessor, which is an achievement in itself. <BR /> <BR />Far from advancing their cause, the nature of the election has set back the so-called agreed Ireland project. The campaign descended into open sectarianism, particularly after Sinn Féin entered the fray in support of the ultimate winner.”
“— in the Chamber. My goodness, it knows hypocrisy, and it knows no bounds.”
“<BR /> <BR />There has been bloody Monday, when 10 Protestants were lined up and shot on the side of the road at Kingsmills; bloody Tuesday, when 11 soldiers were murdered in the Hyde Park and Regent's Park bombings; bloody Wednesday, when six off-duty soldiers were murdered at a fun run; bloody Thursday, when nine RUC officers were murdered in the Newry mortar attack; Bloody Friday, when 22 bombs exploded in 80 minutes, murdering nine and injuring 130; and bloody Saturday, when the IRA bombed the Abercorn restaurant, leaving two dead and over 100 horrifically injured. Yet Sinn Féin pollutes the air —”
“<BR /> <BR />I welcome the vindication of a soldier who has borne the weight of years of scrutiny, uncertainty and the stigma of accusation. Secondly, I ask the Assembly to put emotion aside and reflect soberly on the process. If evidence is clearly inadequate, prosecution should not proceed. Thirdly, I call upon all parties to accept the verdict and allow Soldier F to now live in peace. I am shocked that some have sought to attack the fact that Soldier F had his legal bills paid. That criticism has invariably come from those who had nothing to say about the £200 million cost of the Bloody Sunday inquiry. In many cases, it also comes from those who continue to defend and justify the bomb in Enniskillen, where 12 innocents were blown up while remembering the sacrifice for freedom in two world wars.”
“I welcome the acquittal of the veteran known as "Soldier F". There are fundamental questions of why the veteran was put through that ordeal, given the self-evident failings of the evidence. The first decision taken by the Public Prosecution Service to decline prosecution was, as the verdict demonstrates, correct. The later decision to proceed was completely wrong and only happened because of political pressure rather than any realistic prospect of conviction. Having pushed for Soldier F to stand trial, it now behoves those who demanded the trial to respect the verdict, including the MP for Foyle, Mr Eastwood. He must admit and recognise that Soldier F is now unquestionably an innocent man and does not have a blot on his record.”
“Until that happens and until the Church Street account is finally settled, there should be no lectures —”
“The case goes to the heart of the problem that the Department is facing. In that case, the money would have been covered by public money if somebody had managed their budget and their resources right. Mr Paisley was the tenant and was legally responsible for paying the rates. <BR /> <BR />The DUP now calls for the stricter enforcement of unpaid rates, demanding higher collection targets and new proposals to tackle arrears. Unpaid rates are unfair, a burden to ordinary citizens and a threat to public services. However, if the DUP truly wants to lead by example, perhaps the first step is simple: ensure that your own offices are fully up to date on their bills before lecturing the public. Only then can the public take seriously the call for fiscal responsibility and take lectures and guidance from the Benches to my right.”
“In 2018, a six-month payment arrangement was agreed, yet the cheques — one for £3,000 and a second for £1,000 — bounced. In 2020, pre-court letters were issued before payments were made. In 2021, LPS again had to threaten court action. In May 2023, a final red-letter warning was issued. In March 2025, more than £5,000 was still outstanding. Shockingly, that property was the constituency office of the former MP and now united Irelander, Ian Paisley Junior. The property was held by the Ballymena Advice Centre, which is a corporate entity linked to the Paisley family, with the DUP a passive beneficiary.”
“Shockingly, over a 13-year period, that property was the subject of repeated arrangements, court summonses, bounced cheques and what were politely described as "oversights", none of which successfully settled the rates account. I will take the House through the facts of what the Department has faced. In 2012, Land and Property Services sent its first debt recovery letter. In 2013, when the bill remained unpaid, a court summons was issued. Only then did the office request a copy of the bill to arrange payment. In 2016, LPS was assured that there would be payment by mid-August, yet there was still nothing four months later. A second court summons was required before payment finally came. In 2017, another summons was issued. A post-dated cheque was offered, but it was rejected.”
“<BR /> <BR />The third group is of people who have moved out of their homes due to the poor condition that they have got into and have stopped paying their rates as a result. Even though those houses are now empty, the rates remain payable until the houses are either toppled or become so badly dilapidated that they cannot be repaired and are condemned. <BR /> <BR />That brings me to my fourth group of people: those who have the resources but, through poor financial management, have not paid their rates bills. The Department needs to use all the resources at its disposal to ensure that those rates are paid in full as a priority. <BR /> <BR />The best example that I can give relates to an office in my constituency that was recently highlighted in the local press.”
“Until she reaches state pension age, she will have to continue to stretch her money as far as she can to pay a little of her rates bill to keep the wolves from the door, while choosing every day between paying all her rates, heating her home and having food in the cupboard. If she had not worked all her life, she would be entitled to universal credit and would qualify to get her rates paid for her. <BR /> <BR />The second group is of people who, through unforeseen circumstances, have been unable to pay their rates bills and whose debt has spiralled to the point at which the only option is bankruptcy. I presume that that is the group that is most responsible for the £82 million of debt that was written off.”
“Thank you, Principal — or Deputy Speaker, should I say? I elevated you there. <BR /> <BR />The motion is topical, as the Executive scramble to solve some of their money woes and we approach the point of struggling to keep the lights on and services functioning. For me, the motion touches on four groups of people who give context to the problems that the Department faces in trying to recover this money. <BR /> <BR />I think of my constituent in Cullybackey who owns her home and who, through no fault of her own, had to retire early from her job. Sadly, that lady cannot gain employment and, due to having a small private pension, does not qualify for universal credit or get help from personal independence payment (PIP).”
“In a meeting last week, the Assistant Chief Constable outlined that the estimated collective cost to deal with the data breach will be in the region of £110 million. Due to the money not being available, it is now estimated that it will cost between £220 million and £330 million, if claims are taken individually. Is the caretaker Minister of Justice making any provision this year to deal with such claims, or, as per usual, are the Executive solely adopting the Oliver Twist approach and putting the hand out for more?”
“Minister, I welcome your statement, and, from raising local issues with you, I know that you are well across the concerns that illegal HMOs have caused in my constituency, particularly in the Clonavon area of Ballymena. If it is believed that illegal HMOs are in operation in an area, does the legislation allow applications to be paused by the council while investigations take place? In Ballymena, only nine legal HMOs are listed, which shows the depth of the problems that we experience in Ballymena alone. Will you clarify whether Mid and East Antrim Borough Council has the right to pause new applications while concerns are investigated?”
“It shines a light on how they treat some of us in the House — with contempt.”
“Indeed, she was right. Whether it was the First Minister dodging the truth about Enniskillen or the Health Minister dodging, in his cold response, an answer to a woman who lay suffering on the floor of a hospital at the weekend, the attitude from both was beneath contempt. <BR /> <BR />Stormont's problem is not a lack of money; it is a lack of honour and truth and a complete lack of accountability. I would like to think that the Health Minister, on reflection, will contact Kerry directly to offer the dignified response that he should have given me in the House yesterday, accompanied by a sincere apology. It does not matter who the messenger is: a constituent's case was raised and deserved a dignified response. <BR /> <BR />I am disappointed by what the House experienced yesterday from the First Minister and the Health Minister.”
“Kerry heard those words, and her response was this:”
“Then we had the Health Minister's non-response. Moments before coming to the Chamber, I read an email from Kerry O'Neill. I watched a video of her lying on the floor of the South West Acute Hospital. I told her that I was coming to the Chamber to raise her case. The Minister's response was not one of compassion or concern but the words:”
“I want to address something that has become all too clear in the House: the complete lack of accountability from those who claim to lead. Yesterday, we witnessed two appalling examples. During Question Time, I asked the First Minister a simple question about the Enniskillen Poppy Day massacre: was Enniskillen an example of mass murder? Among those murdered were a nurse, a teacher and pensioners. They were ordinary people cut down by the IRA for the crime of remembering the fallen and those who gave their lives for freedom, yet the First Minister for all, the person in charge of victims' issues, could not bring herself to say that those men and women were murdered. That is a shameful situation.”
“Minister, earlier today, I was contacted by Kerry O'Neill, who, at the weekend, was in the South West Acute Hospital. Unable to sit, and, in the absence of a trolley or bed, she was reduced to lying on the floor. It is concerning to see that happen in the same week that you launched your winter preparedness plan. That is unacceptable and shambolic, much like how you launched your winter plan in late October. What will you do to ensure that that will not happen to anyone else in the coming weeks?”
“Individual councils appear to be making their own plans to mark the semiquincentennial of the Declaration of Independence. What work is the Minister's Department doing to ensure that there will be an overarching and joined-up approach to ensuring that our landmarks with links to the United States of America in such villages as Dervock, Cullybackey and Coagh are being marketed to ensure that their story is also being told?”
“The front page of 'The Irish News' today has a story about revelations in a podcast about the Enniskillen Poppy Day massacre. Does the First Minister agree that the IRA was guilty of murder? No weasel or honeyed words, First Minister: was Enniskillen an example of mass murder; yes or no?”
“Minister, while you are here, I will push you further on the use of historical data from 2017 to 2019 to make payments and the comments that we have heard about banding. What protections can you put in place for such times as a boiler owner, who knows exactly what his output was during that period, sets his dial to use 55% of his output but then secures 100% payment? What safeguards can you put in place to ensure that that is not done and that people are not driven to maximise what they can get out of the scheme?”
“Will there be explicit protections for those who acted responsibly? <BR /> <BR />Finally, there is the question of fiscal control. The consultation and, indeed, the media coverage suggested a potential cost of £196 million, but the Bill gives no statutory cap. How can the Minister guarantee that public money will be spent efficiently and not rise further, given the Department's record on the scheme to date? <BR /> <BR />Minister, I ask you for clarity on each of those points so that Members can be confident that the Bill delivers real closure and not another decade of mismanagement. Until that assurance is given, I will remain deeply concerned about the Bill and the regulations that it will enable.”
“Clause 1(8) and clause 1(9) allow the Department to enter into agreements and make administrative arrangements, but there is no requirement for meaningful inspections or enforcement. Will the Minister assure the House that she will not simply rely on the light-touch oversight that, history tells us, is woefully inadequate for the scheme? How many inspections will there be, and how will they verify that the boiler owners are using the boilers to produce heat rather than to generate profits from subsidies? Does the banding of payments not encourage boiler owners to do that? <BR /> <BR />We also need to see the Bill giving retrospective effect to payments or obligations under clause 1(10). Will the Minister confirm that no regulation will penalise participants for actions taken in good faith under the existing scheme?”
“<BR /> <BR />The Bill allows for periodic payments until the scheme is completely closed under clause 1(6)(a). Clause 1(7) gives the Minister erroneous discretion. Does that mean that participants could continue to receive large payments for years to come while the public are told that the scheme is closed? The Department's consultation suggests that closure payments may be based on historical output from 2017 to 2019. Will you confirm, Minister, the rationale for that period being chosen? It is not realistic when compared with the actual usage by the boiler owners today. Will participants be allowed to challenge those calculations, if they believe that the baseline is inaccurate? <BR /> <BR />Then, there is the question of oversight and anti-fraud measures.”
“Clause 1(7) gives the Department powers to determine how closure payments are calculated. We know that the tariffs are currently out for consultation. However, the Bill does not specify any methodology, leaving it entirely to the Department to decide whether payments are based on actual usage, estimates or some other approach. Ofgem's stepping away offers no excuses for us to step away from actual meter readings. Will the Minister confirm what safeguards will be included in the regulations to prevent overpayments or abuse? We have heard from the Chairman of the Committee that it will look at banding for payments. Why then do the regulations not require actual meter readings? From what I have heard today, payments will be based on guesses, as Sam McBride has warned.”
“When considering the closure of the RHI, one must remember that there were and are many legitimate participants who signed up to the scheme in good faith and with the correct motivations. Legitimate boiler owners have been left high and dry, including the owners of the 304 accredited systems in North Antrim. Instead of bringing clarity, the Bill raises more questions than it answers. Like many other Members, I am concerned that the Bill risks repeating the very mistakes that led to the RHI scandal in the first place. <BR /> <BR />Recently, those flaws were spelt out in an article by someone who literally wrote a book on RHI: Sam McBride of the 'Belfast Telegraph'. We are being asked to pass a Bill that empowers the very same Department that helped to make that mess to make the regulations to close the scheme.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is notable that other funders, such as the National Lottery, no longer provide moneys to support tier 3 and tier 4 work, which is the most urgent and critical work in the sector, and it is now more important than ever that our Departments recognise and react to that stark reality. Why should those organisations rely on grants to provide core NHS services? Northern Ireland has many organisations that work tirelessly every day, literally saving lives through crisis intervention. It is high time that the Health Minister found a lasting, strategic way to fund those organisations' efforts at the very heart of our communities.”
“<BR /> <BR />Turning Point NI, which is a Ballymena-based charity in my constituency, also does vital work in crisis intervention. It faces the very same issues that led to the demise of the Extern service, yet it remains similarly unfunded and, regrettably, has never received monetary support from a Stormont Department despite lobbying from MLAs and even a visit from the Health Minister. Over a four-year period, Turning Point NI carried out 1,476 referrals from the trust at a cost of £400,000. While I welcome the Health Minister's commitment to sharpening our focus to maximise impact within the resources available, I again repeat my calls for Turning Point NI to be granted some of the resource that others have got, lest it suffers a similar fate to the group at the heart of the motion today.”
“There is no doubt that the closure of Extern's community crisis intervention service will leave a glaring hole in provision in the north-west. I share the frustration of other Members at its closure, but, without immediate action, it will sadly not be the last. It opened in 2019 as a pilot project under the umbrella of Derry City and Strabane District Council. Media reports suggest that, in the following six years, the service was in receipt of approximately £650,000 from the Department of Health. No doubt, it was a worthy cause, yet here we are talking about the closure of that vital front-line community service, in parallel with the scaling back of Stormont's own mental health strategy. The House needs an urgent focusing of minds on the issue.”
“That does not answer the question, much less confirm that regional disparity will be addressed or what specifics Invest NI is looking for in businesses that will increase their chances of being funded. <BR /> <BR />We have much to celebrate in North Antrim. Our companies generate billions of pounds in sales and hundreds of millions in exports. Invest NI's Ambition to Grow programme, which supports micro-, small and medium-sized companies to create new jobs and look outside Northern Ireland for sales, has had some positive results. Ambition to Grow has originated 25 new investments, with the chance to create 71 new jobs and generate £7 million in the Mid and East Antrim Borough Council area, but the massive imbalance remains, and, without addressing that disparity, Northern Ireland's collective potential remains suppressed.”
“but how will that redress the current imbalance? I also asked the Minister for the Economy to detail what metrics Invest NI uses to actively seek out businesses and identify them for support. I received the following answer:”
“Such areas face significant barriers, such as limited access to grants, weaker infrastructure support and fewer networking prospects. Part of the reason for an imbalance in Invest NI's funding is that there are fewer companies in areas such as Mid and East Antrim applying for funding. So much more needs to be done to highlight to companies and entrepreneurs the opportunities available to them. Much more needs to be done to encourage companies to look at expanding their exporting capabilities. <BR /> <BR />I recently asked the Economy Minister how the imbalance in Invest NI funding is to be addressed. She replied:”
“There certainly have been abject failures of investment by the Executive, not least the £17 million that has been wasted to date on Casement Park, a project that was flawed from the beginning. However, there is much more to examine and make right when it comes to investment in Northern Ireland. The recent Invest Northern Ireland performance report for the past five years showed a huge imbalance in funding across Northern Ireland council areas, with Mid and East Antrim Borough Council, which is in my constituency, being one of the most underfunded. Areas such as Belfast City Council, Mid Ulster District Council, Armagh City, Banbridge and Craigavon Borough Council and Newry, Mourne and Down District Council, however, all secured high investment. That approach concentrates opportunities and stifles innovation in underfunded areas.”
“Recently, Sinn Féin distanced itself from the comments of Michelle Gildernew, but it was far from clear what the party actually objected to in what its former MP and Minister said. Was it because she agreed with the use of the word "murder" when it came to the IRA? We recall how Gerry Adams notoriously said that the abduction and secret burial of mother-of-10 Jean McConville was wrong but was not a crime. Is the word "murder" the issue that Mrs O'Neill has with Ms Gildernew's remarks? <BR /> <BR />Whether it is in the sands of Gaza or the bogs of south Armagh, the deliberate taking and concealment of human life is not politics; it is barbarism. It is time that Hamas and Sinn Féin/IRA delivered closure to the families whom they ripped apart.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. Yesterday, I secured a Matter of the Day on the Trump deal, which seems to have brought an end to the conflict in the Middle East. I regret that, 24 hours later, I already need to note that Hamas has fallen short of its commitments. The terrorists were to return the bodies of all the dead hostages, as well as releasing the hostages who had survived. Yet, as I stand here today, only four of the 28 bodies have been returned. My thoughts and prayers are with the families whose agony has been prolonged by the evil terrorists of Hamas in that most cruel fashion. <BR /> <BR />In contemplating that, my mind turns to the families of Seamus Maguire, Joe Lynskey, Columba McVeigh and Captain Robert Nairac, all of whom were abducted, murdered and secretly buried by the IRA.”
“Maybe Mr Brett has rid his guts at everybody who has spoken on the motion. What I want to put to you, Mr Brett, is this: the DUP has the power to do something about the issue, so please share with us what you intend to do. I was not taking aim at the DUP; I was simply pointing that out. Let us judge you by your actions. What will the DUP do to stop the republican agenda and the republican project? I am all ears, Mr Brett.”