Seema Malhotra
MP for Feltham and Heston · Labour (Co-op) · United Kingdom
“Public sector productivity is improving, with the latest Office for National Statistics figures showing output continuing to grow faster than inputs, and Departments being challenged to improve efficiency and modernise outdated processes.”
“I was proud to support the Feltham Convening Partnership’s young leaders summer programme last month. What struck me was their ambition for themselves and their community, as well as their call for more work experience opportunities.”
“We will be working to commence the socioeconomic duty on public bodies in section 1 of the Equality Act to require public authorities to put addressing socioeconomic disadvantage at the heart of their strategic decision making. There will be more on that to follow. Let me again thank my hon.”
“For generations, the message to those who want to enter public life or elite professions has been that if they want to get on, they must sound like everybody else. When Margaret Thatcher became leader of her party in the 1970s, she famously underwent intensive elocution lessons with a tutor from the National Theatre.”
“Whether a young person chooses a degree or a trade, their journey must be determined by merit and their potential—never by whether they have to change their voice or pretend to be someone else to fit in.”
“Interestingly, studies also regularly show that regional accents such as Welsh or Yorkshire are rated by the public as trustworthy, warm and honest. Yet when those same studies measure perceived intelligence or employability, standard southern English and received pronunciation invariably top the metrics.”
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“Drip pricing is a pricing technique whereby traders advertise only part of a product’s price and reveal other obligatory charges later as the customer goes through the buying process. For example, an airline may advertise a flight abroad at a certain cost that does not include an obligatory seat charge. That is added only later in the purchasing process, by which point the consumer has already prepared to purchase the product and is less likely to stop the purchase. The argument that this practice should be included in the Bill was well documented during the Committee’s evidence sessions. The consumer group Which? stated: “We think that drip pricing is another practice that is very harmful.”
“I beg to move amendment 115, in schedule 18, page 343, line 2, at end insert— “32 At any stage of a purchase process, presenting a price for a product which omits obligatory charges or fees (or an estimate thereof) which are payable by the majority of consumers, which are not revealed to the consumer until later in the purchase process.” This amendment adds the practice of “drip-pricing”, a pricing technique in which traders advertise only part of a product’s price and reveal other obligatory charges later as the customer goes through the buying process, to the list of unfair commercial practices. Amendment 115 would add the practice of drip pricing to the list of unfair commercial practices.”
“I thank the Minister for his comments. There are issues to consider in relation to the amendment, but I think the broad thrust of the argument for taking action is clear. The Minister says that the findings of the research will be published shortly; I am assuming that “shortly” is not in more than a year’s time. We need to clarify that with the Government. If shortly means shortly, however, then I would be grateful for confirmation that, on the basis of the research, the Minister intends to address drip pricing; that may determine the wording in the Bill. Can the Minister confirm that there is an intention to address the issue during the passage of the Bill, perhaps through a Government amendment? The Opposition are very willing to work with the Government on that.”
“On the basis that shortly means shortly, I am willing to withdraw the amendment. Will the Minister clarify that he expects the research to come forward before Report, so that we have time to look at it? That would be a good point at which to bring forward an amendment on the issue.”
“34 Displaying consumer reviews of products on an online interface— (a) without taking reasonable and proportionate steps to ensure that such reviews are submitted by consumers who have used or purchased the products in question; (b) where any consumers who provided reviews were incentivised to describe certain products in a particular way, without taking reasonable and proportionate steps to ensure this is not the case; or (c) in a way that deceives or manipulates consumers, or where a practice has been undertaken in relation to reviews that otherwise materially distorts or impairs the ability of consumers to make free and informed decisions, without taking reasonable and proportionate steps to ensure this is not the case.” This amendment adds the practice of commissioning fake reviews, offering services to write fake reviews, and displaying consumer reviews without taking reasonable steps to verify their accuracy, to the list of unfair commercial practices.”
“I beg to move amendment 116, in schedule 18, page 343, line 2, at end insert— “32 Commissioning, incentivising or authorising the writing or submission of false consumer reviews or endorsements, in order to promote products. 33 Offering or advertising to submit, commission or facilitate false consumer reviews or endorsements.”
“We understand that there has been significant dysfunction in Government, which may have got in the way of their doing the work that the country needs them to do. I therefore urge the Minister to support the amendments. He may also want to bring forward his own amendments at a future stage of the Bill or in the other place. I jest, with good reason, but we are not precious; we just want the right thing to be done. I hope that in his response, the Minister will confirm what action the Government will take during the passage of the Bill.”
“That demonstrates how significant the financial damage of fake reviews can be. In the Department for Business and Trade’s research from April this year, 11% to 15% of reviews in the category that it assessed were fake. That is the Government’s own research. The evidence is clear: action on fake reviews is needed now to protect consumers from their negative consequences. I would go so far as to say that the Opposition are doing the Government a favour by introducing these amendments. We have done the Government’s work for them. I urge the Minister to support the amendments. Perhaps he will want to bring forward his own, as the Government are known to take good ideas when they see them, many of which they take from the Opposition.”
“Well, we have time to catch up during the passage of the Bill. Retail and consumer groups consider this measure very much noticeable by its absence, and it is important and significant that we address it during the passage of the Bill. I have no doubt that the Minister will stress the need for further work and consultation on the issue. If so, perhaps he could also reflect on the considerable evidence of consumer detriment caused by fake reviews. Which? research from 2020 found that consumers are far more than twice as likely to buy poor-quality products that have been boosted by fake reviews. That affects the Minister’s constituents, mine, and those of every Member of this Committee. As the CMA has noted, the average UK household spends £900 a year as a result of being influenced by online reviews.”
“Clearly, fake reviews are harmful, so the buying, selling and hosting of fake reviews should be included in schedule 18.” –– [ Official Report, Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Public Bill Committee, 13 June 2023; c. 13, Q16.] It was not just consumer groups that expressed that sentiment; the British Retail Consortium also stated: “We are concerned about fake reviews. We support the banning of them. We wish that what the Government propose for them was on the face of the Bill.” –– [ Official Report, Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Public Bill Committee, 13 June 2023; c. 49, Q78.] I would be grateful for the Minister’s explanation of why the Government have left a ban out of primary legislation. One view is that the Government intended to include a ban, but ran out of time.”
“When the Bill was published, the Government announced with much fanfare that they would introduce provisions banning the unfair commercial practice of fake reviews. However, nowhere in the Bill is there any measure that bans fake reviews. The supposed banning of fake reviews can be found in clause 234, which gives the Secretary of State the power to add to the list of banned practices. Unless the Minister corrects me, all we have is a promise from the Government that at some point in the future—beyond 2025—fake reviews might be banned. As Which? said during the Committee’s evidence sessions, “We do not think that we should wait.”
“I am pleased to speak to amendment 116, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Pontypridd and me. I will also touch on amendment 125, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Bermondsey and Old Southwark. They are similar provisions, and he will want to make his own arguments for amendment 125. Amendment 116 adds the practice of commissioning fake reviews, offering to provide the service of writing fake reviews, and displaying consumer reviews without taking reasonable steps to verify their accuracy to the list of unfair commercial practices. Amendment 125 would similarly add fake reviews to the list of banned practices. We support both the amendments, but I will speak to amendment 116 in more detail, as it provides a more comprehensive legislative basis for banning fake reviews, and was recommended by the consumer group Which?.”
“I am slightly disappointed by the Minister’s response; it does not sound as if there is anything other than long grass here. Significant groundwork has been done, both within Government and with stakeholders. Having another consultation in the autumn is like long grass: it is designed to spin things out until we reach 2025 and then there is something to add to the schedule. Unless the Minister wants to tell me that there is an intention to do more during the course of the Bill, we will be pushing this to a vote.”
“Nevertheless, we support the inclusion of this important schedule in the Bill.”
“Schedule 18 introduces a list of commercial practices that will automatically be considered unfair in all circumstances and will be prohibited. The list is long and comprehensive, and the Opposition welcome every practice listed, including a seller’s claiming to be a signatory to a code of conduct when they are not, falsely claiming that a product is able to prevent disease, providing inaccurate information about the availability of a product, and threatening a consumer if they do not buy a product. However, we are concerned that there are significant omissions, which we addressed during our debates on the amendments. We will be happy to consider alternative wording, but we will continue to pursue additions that we believe would strengthen the Bill and its implementation.”
“I beg to move amendment 127, in clause 222, page 149, line 21, at end insert— “(j) for goods and services offered on online marketplaces, whether the third party offering the products is a trader or not, on the basis of the declaration of that third party to the provider of the online marketplace.” This amendment would add whether or not a third party seller on an online marketplace is a trader or a consumer to the list of omissions of material information in an invitation to purchase.”
“By removing the reference to “price” in the definition of an “invitation to purchase”, the amendment would ensure that more rogue traders fall under the definition and can be caught by the legislation. The Minister may have his own views on the amendment. This is a really important issue, so I would welcome his response on the effectiveness of the amendment in addressing the issue and on the impact it could have.”
“Amendment 126 would expand the definition of an “invitation to purchase” to cases where the information provided to the consumer covers the characteristics of a product but not its price. My hon. Friend the Member for Bermondsey and Old Southwark will speak to the amendment, which raises important questions for the Government. Removing the price from the definition of an “invitation to purchase” would ensure that many rogue traders, and the services they offer, were in scope of the definition. As the Chartered Trading Standards Institute has pointed out, many rogue traders who target vulnerable consumers do not give a price when offering to do work. This means that it would automatically not be considered an “invitation to purchase”, and the regulations in clause 222 would not apply.”
“That is especially dangerous for consumers in the light of the Conservatives’ cost of living crisis, which is resulting in people being pushed to buy cheaper, less reliable products. Although only comprehensive Government action on this front will lead to the issue being properly tackled, the amendment would go part of the way towards providing the consumer with more power in online marketplaces, by informing them of the status of a seller and that their rights of redress when purchasing some products will vary from the rights they have when buying from the high street. It is a common-sense amendment that will help inform consumers in our digital economy and subsequently reduce the risks they face when buying from online marketplaces, and I look forward to the Minister’s response.”
“In the meantime, the amendment would provide an extra safeguard for the consumer by making it mandatory for them to be informed about the status of a seller when they purchase a product online. That is particularly important in an increasingly digital economy, in which almost every individual or business can sell but consumers are unaware that they have different rights and forms of redress, depending on the status of the seller. Consumer rights groups regularly conduct studies of products sold by third-party sellers on online marketplaces to test whether they comply with UK safety requirements. For example, in February this year, Which? sent 10 plug-in mini-heaters bought from online marketplaces such as Amazon and eBay to be tested at its product safety lab. All of them failed and were illegal to sell in the UK.”
“It is a pleasure to speak to amendment 127, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Pontypridd, and to make some remarks about amendment 126, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Bermondsey and Old Southwark. Amendment 127 would add whether a third-party seller on an online marketplace is a trader or a consumer to the list of omissions of material information in an invitation to purchase. We have already raised concerns about the safety of products sold in online marketplaces, specifically through third-party sellers, and these concerns are accentuated by the inexplicable delay—it has been over a year since its publication was first promised, as we have discussed—of the product safety review into precisely this issue.”
“I thank the Minister for his comments. We still take the view that this needs to be tighter. In the light of his intentions, which we understand, we will take it away and look at it again. I do not want to lose our amendment, but we will not press it to a vote today. Perhaps we can come back to it at a future stage of the Bill.”
“I beg to ask leave to withdraw amendment 127. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn. Clause 222 ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause 223 Public enforcement Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.”
“Is the Minister confident that local trading standards officers have the resources to enforce the regulations, especially after 13 years of what can only be described as a managed decline of local trading standards authorities, with local services facing a 52% reduction in service capacity under the Government’s watch since 2010? It is important to know that, because where increased expectations are coming through in legislation the question is whether there will be capacity to deliver on the new demands. I would be grateful for his response.”
“We welcome clause 223. As the Minister states, it introduces provisions relating to the enforcement of the prohibition of unfair commercial practices, setting out how local weights and measures authorities—trading standards—will have a duty to enforce the prohibitions. The CMA will also have enforcement powers. We have talked several times in this Committee about the importance of trading standards in enforcing the regime. How involved have the CMA and trading standards been in the discussion around the powers in the Bill?”
“Under clause 224, as the Minister says, the consumer will be able to enforce their right to redress relating to unfair commercial practices, subject to conditions, including that they have entered into a relevant contract, that the trader has engaged in a prohibited practice, that the prohibited practice was a significant factor in the consumer’s decision to make payment, and that the product concerned is not of an excluded type. Those are important provisions, including in the context of our debate about greenwashing. That is why it is important that we take forward the issues we have debated. None the less, we welcome the clause and these important provisions. Question put and agreed to. Clause 224 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause 225 Rights of redress: further provision”
“I urge the Government to support amendments 114 and 67, and to ensure that consumer rights to redress are as strong as they can be, particularly in an increasingly digital economy.”
“More specifically on amendment 114, I refer the Minister to the written evidence of Which?, which notes that “the Bill states that ‘Consumer Rights to Redress’ may be provided for in future secondary legislation, so it will give the Secretary of State powers to amend these rights. These rights are fundamentally important, as they include payment of damages when a trader misleads a consumer. We want assurances that they will not be downgraded as a result of this process, and a commitment from the Government to strengthen redress procedures when these new regulations are drafted.” Amendment 114 would require a commitment from the Government to report on doing that, aiding the process of strengthening redress procedures when new regulations are drafted.”
“I am pleased to speak to amendment 114, which stands in my name and that of my hon. Friend the Member for Pontypridd. I will also make reference to amendment 67, tabled by the hon. Member for Gordon. Amendment 114 would require that the Secretary of State prepare and lay before Parliament a report on the merits of introducing a consumer right to individual and collective redress through secondary legislation, as is the case in EU member states. Amendment 67 would ensure that the consumer rights to redress set out in secondary legislation cannot offer less protection than the Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading Regulations 2008. We support the principle of amendment 67, which would have a similar effect to amendment 114 by ensuring a more robust consumer right to redress.”
“I can understand that there may be some reason to allow for further provision, but one would have thought that some measures would be brought in earlier. Clause 226 sets out how a consumer can enforce their rights to redress, and I thank the Minister for his comments on it. Specifically, it sets out how a consumer with the right to redress by virtue of the regulations would be able to enforce their rights through making a claim in the civil courts. In Scotland, proceedings could be brought before the sheriff or the Court of Session. We welcome this clause in ensuring consumers have swift access to means of redress. We also support clause 227, which would have the effect of avoiding double compensation, which is a common-sense and welcome provision.”
“It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship today, Dame Maria. I thank the Minister for his opening remarks. He covered how clause 225 confers a power on the Secretary of State to make regulations providing rights of redress to consumers, including the right to unwind relevant contracts, receive a discount, receive damages and so on. The Opposition support the clause and recognise the need for further provisions for rights of redress, but why is that being left to secondary legislation? Does the Minister know when the Secretary of State may exercise this power? There is a danger of further delay. Why is this a power, rather than a duty? Perhaps the Minister can come back on why it was decided that the legislation be set out in this way.”
“The Minister has laid out the reasons for this clause, which we very much support. It is important to support consumers against inertia selling, and it is a real worry when we hear of cases where traders demand an immediate or deferred payment for the return or even the safekeeping of products that have been supplied but not solicited by the consumer. It is important that we clarify that consumers are not required to pay for products supplied unsolicited by the trader, so we support the clause. Question put and agreed to. Clause 228 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause 229 Offences Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.”
“We support this clause, although is the Minister confident that within a year of discovery will be long enough, particularly considering the current resourcing pressures on our prosecution and justice systems? He may have confidence, and of course we do not want to lengthen the timescales, but how will he know how many prosecutions are missed due to running out of time?”
“Amendments 74 to 77 ensure that the imposition of liability on another person does not apply to an offence under clause 229(4). This replicates the current position under the Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading Regulations 2008. Assuming that this is consistent with the current legislation, the Opposition of course support this amendment. Clause 232 sets out the penalty for offences under this chapter, and how a person guilty of an offence is liable to a fine or imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years. We support this clause. Finally, clause 233 outlines the time limits for prosecution under clause 229, with a prosecution needing to begin within three years of an offence, or within one year of the offence being discovered by the prosecutor.”
“Amendment 72 ensures that the defence provided for under clause 230(1), the defence of due diligence, does not apply in relation to an offence under clause 229(4). This replicates the current position under the Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading Regulations 2008. We welcome this common-sense amendment, and we similarly welcome amendment 73. Clause 231 sets out that where a body corporate commits an offence with the consent of an officer of that body, both the officer and the body corporate can be prosecuted and punished. This also applies if the offence is attributable to neglect on the part of the officer. We welcome this clause because it ensures that all those responsible for an offence that has a detrimental impact on consumers are subject to being held accountable and to action as a result of that offence.”
“However, why does the legislation specifically make two practices in schedule 18 not subject to a criminal offence? Clause 230 provides a range of potential defences for an offence charged under clause 229. We recognise the need for a defence of due diligence and therefore support this clause. However, we would welcome further explanation from the Minister regarding subsection (1), which specifically outlines that it is a defence for the trader if the offence was “a mistake or accident”. I just wonder whether there is any more guidance regarding what the bar or threshold is here, and about how individuals and businesses will be required to prove that an offence occurred as a result of a mistake or accident.”
“Clause 229 introduces provisions setting out the conditions under which it would be a criminal offence for a trader to engage in an unfair commercial practice of a kind prohibited by clause 217. The Minister outlined what those practices would be: a misleading action, a misleading omission, omission of material information from an invitation to purchase, and so on. The clause also makes every practice listed in schedule 18 a criminal offence, apart from using editorial content in the media to promote a product where it is not made clear that it is a paid-for promotion, or including in an advert a direct appeal to children to buy advertised products. The Opposition recognise the importance of making unfair practices criminal offences and support this clause.”
“Given that clause 234 is the means by which the Government are planning to take action on fake reviews, will the Minister confirm his intentions on penalties for breaches? This is a straightforward amendment that seeks to ensure that future action against fake reviews, or any other unfair commercial practice, is just as robust as the action taken on the face of the Bill. I do not intend to press the amendment to a vote, but I would be grateful for a clarification from the Minister because, during the course of the Bill, we will want to understand the penalties and be clear about those for different practices.”
“I beg to move amendment 129, in clause 234, page 157, line 30, leave out subsection (2). This amendment would ensure that future “banned practices” are both criminal and civil breaches, reflecting their potential seriousness and putting them in line with all but two of the current banned practices. This amendment would ensure that future banned practices are both criminal and civil breaches, reflecting their potential seriousness and putting them in line with almost all other current banned practices. As we understand it, under the legislation as drafted, any practice added later by the Secretary of State will not be subject to criminal enforcement. Perhaps the Minister can clarify that, because it is slightly unclear.”
“I thank the Minister for his comments. I beg to ask leave to withdraw the amendment. Amendment , by leave, withdrawn. Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.”
“However, I would welcome clarity on the circumstances in which the Government would want to remove a practice from the list and, more importantly, the process it then uses to do so. Will it be subject to similar procedures? It would be helpful to understand that for the record. Clause 235 exempts the Crown from criminal liability as a result of the provisions in this chapter but does not affect their application to persons in service of the Crown. Will the Minister clarity that Crown exemption?”
“Clause 234 introduces a provision allowing for the Secretary of State to amend the list of banned practices in schedule 18. The clause will be the route through which we may see later action on fake reviews. The Opposition welcome the flexibility this gives the regime and supports the clause, but I want to ask the Minister one question on changes that can be made. We have talked about additions, but there is also the power to remove a practice from the schedule. We understand the principle and the importance of the flexibility to add practices, particularly considering the ever-increasing ways that rogue traders can mislead consumers in not only the digital economy, but in the real world.”
“I think the Minister was referring to my second question on the meaning of average consumers and vulnerable persons. Rather than wanting any changes, I wanted him to recognise that someone’s circumstances can lead to an over-assumption of their vulnerability, and an interpretation of that vulnerability can make it more difficult for those who really do know what they want, even though they are in those circumstances.”
“There are plenty of instances where a business may pay for a subscription, so I would welcome assurances about how businesses are covered, particularly smaller businesses and those run by the self-employed.”
“Clause 246 defines the scope of subscription traps, which are defined as a business-to-consumer contract for the supply of goods, services and digital content that either auto-renews for an indefinite or fixed period or contains a free trial or specified reduced price for a specified period in the contract, after which time the contract renews and the consumer becomes automatically liable for payments. We welcome the definition and the important inclusion of subscriptions that start with a free trial, a technique that is commonly used. However, I want to press the Minister on subsection (1), which sets out that “a subscription contract is a contract between a trader and a consumer”. The Minister will probably have a straightforward answer on how business-to-business subscriptions are covered.”
“Any time the Government want to adopt a Labour proposal, we will welcome it. We have tabled some new clauses in this area, which I will come to later. Let me start by welcoming the action on subscription traps taken by the Government so far in the Bill. As I said before, Citizens Advice estimates that £306 million a year is spent on unwanted subscriptions in the UK, so we need to act and, in that spirit, to work constructively with Ministers to ensure that the measures are as robust as possible.”
“Clause 245 provides an overview of this chapter, which centres around duties on traders in relation to subscription contracts and the rights of consumers if those duties are breached. The chapter also introduces further rights and protections for consumers in relation to subscription traps, specifically regarding the right to cancel contracts during cooling-off periods, and the information that must be made available to consumers. We welcome the principles of the chapter and I note that before the Bill was bought before the House, the Labour party had already announced that we would legislate in government to tackle subscription traps and protect consumers, particularly in the light of the Conservative cost of living crisis, because we know that things have become worse for consumers.”
“I do not propose to say much on the amendment. The hon. Member has laid out his arguments, and it would be helpful to hear some clarity from the Minister on his position.”
“In addition, any overpayment received by the trader must be refunded to the consumer. We welcome the clause as providing greater transparency for the consumer throughout the cancellation process.”
“Will the Minister expand on whether he is confident the provision will have the desired effect of stopping traders making it harder to leave a contract than to enter it? Does he think the provision goes far enough in ensuring there are not those undue hurdles? Clause 253 relates to where the consumer has exercised a right to cancel and sets out a requirement on the trader. The trader is to give the consumer an end-of-contract notice acknowledging the request to cancel, which must be in writing and there must be a clear date when it is going to take place. The end of contract notice must be given within three working days after the day on which the consumer has given notice of cancellation, or, when the consumer notifies cancellation online, the trader must give the end of contract notice within 24 hours of cancellation.”