Pat Sheehan
West Belfast · Sinn Féin · Northern Ireland
“I thank the Member for giving way. Does she agree that the Minister's School Uniforms (Guidelines and Allowances) Bill was poor legislation and a missed opportunity?”
“The last point that you made reminded me of one of the witnesses — a young girl — who came to the Committee. During the winter, she wore her own overcoat, but she had to take it off 100 yards from the school gate because she was not allowed to wear it into the school.”
“Agus iad ag ullmhú le haghaidh scrúduithe GCSE agus ard-leibhéil, féadann an imní agus an éiginnteacht sin drochthionchar a imirt ar a n-oideachas agus ar a bhfolláine.”
“Is scannalach go deo an foréigean ciníoch a chonaic muid le seachtain anuas. Tá ionsaithe ar theaghlaigh, ar thithe agus ar ghnólachtaí doleithscéil, agus tá siad dochosanta. Níor cheart eagla a mbáis a bheith ar dhaoine neamhurchóideacha mar gheall ar a gcine, a gcúlra ná a gcreideamh.”
“One of the reasons, Daniel, is that, if we were to have blocked the Bill at the Executive, the SDLP would be saying tomorrow morning "This place is dysfunctional. You're blocking legislation. Sinn Féin is blocking legislation, and the DUP is blocking legislation". No, we are not blocking legislation.”
“I have not once today argued against inspections. Not once. The Bill is about one thing and one thing only: intimidating and punishing teachers.”
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“<BR /> <BR />Some schools are also very inflexible on the issue of uniforms. We hear often of children being sent home because they did not have a particular item of uniform or they were wearing the wrong type of clothing. When my son was at post-primary school, he walked to school every day, there and back; probably a journey of about 1·5 miles. I bought him a pair of pure black trainers. They were not from a big brand name, but they were more comfortable for walking. In my view, they did not in any way contradict what I saw as the uniform policy, but he was sent home one day because he did not have what the school referred to as "a proper pair of shoes". Of course, a proper pair of shoes would have been much more uncomfortable for him on his journey to and from school.”
“Moreover, some schools — particularly, but not exclusively, in the grammar sector — insist on branded PE clothing, and that not only adds additional expense but acts as a barrier to some young people attending particular schools because parents know that the cost of uniforms and PE gear would be beyond their reach. <BR /> <BR />Schools should adopt a uniform policy that aims to make uniforms as affordable as possible and avoids expensive add-ons. In Spain, for example, the default position is that schools are discouraged from having uniforms at all, and the vast majority of schools go along with that. However, others do prefer to have a uniform policy, and that is acceptable. Importantly, though, where schools opt to have uniforms, those uniforms must be generic and available on the high street.”
“That falls well below the uniform grants that are available to parents of post-primary-school children in other jurisdictions on these islands. The upshot is that families who are already suffering the most as a consequence of the cost-of-living crisis will be most impacted by back-to-school costs. <BR /> <BR />Currently, schools' boards of governors set their school's uniform policy. However, in many instances, they choose to ignore guidance from the Education Department about uniforms. Indeed, in some cases, boards of governors have included items on their uniform lists that are totally unnecessary. Some boards of governors direct parents to use a single supplier of uniforms, which means that parents do not have the opportunity to take advantage of competitive pricing and purchase cheaper alternatives on the high street.”
“Research from the parent engagement group in summer 2022 found that the average cost of a post-primary-school uniform in the North was £378, and that is probably quite a conservative estimate. Save the Children would say that it is much more expensive than that. With inflation over the past 18 months or so, parents will face a significant increase in the cost of a uniform that will have a considerable impact on household budgets and family life. In fact, I listened to a single parent on the radio this morning, who has two children in post-primary education, and she said that it costs around £1,000 each year to put uniforms on their backs. <BR /> <BR />The means-tested uniform grant available from the Education Authority amounts to £87·60 for under-15s, and £93·60 for over-15s — a fraction of the average cost for post-primary uniforms.”
“The survey also found that uniforms are the single biggest expense for parents during the school year, followed by lunches and then transport.”
“In the last few weeks of every summer, hard-pressed parents, already struggling with a cost-of-living crisis, face further financial hardship trying to afford back-to-school costs. In its annual school costs survey, the Irish League of Credit Unions found that 20% of parents say that they sacrifice spending on food to cover the costs of their children going back to school.”
“With only three years of this mandate remaining, I hope and expect that the Assembly will be extremely busy with introducing new legislation, so why would it be a good idea to create what amounts to a less effective or powerful Committee? Moreover, an Ad Hoc Committee will have to be resourced and funded in a similar way. <BR /> <BR />I appeal to the SDLP to join the rest of us and address the issue and others in the Assembly and Executive Review Committee. The SDLP has a strong representative on that Committee, who is more than capable of addressing any concerns that the SDLP may have. My final question is this: how does an Ad Hoc Committee trump the Assembly and Executive Review Committee, whose function is to deal with the very issues contained in the motion?”
“When I saw the motion, I was somewhat bewildered because, as everyone knows, we have the Assembly and Executive Review Committee. Its role is to review matters relating to the functioning of the Assembly and the Executive. It exists for the very purpose of reforming the institutions. Therefore, it makes no sense to establish an Ad Hoc Committee that will effectively duplicate the work of an existing Standing Committee that can deal with the issue that the Opposition want to address. Who will sit on the Ad Hoc Committee? Will the Ad Hoc Committee and the Assembly and Executive Review Committee deal with the issue simultaneously? Will they call the same experts and witnesses?”
“It is therefore essential that the Education Authority-led review of gaps in services includes a systemic review of supports and services that are specifically tailored to the needs of the Irish-medium sector. The current provision of support does not take account of the bespoke needs of Irish-medium pupils who are learning in an immersion context. <BR /> <BR />Cuts to the education budget and SEND funding have disproportionately affected children and young people who are already disadvantaged. That is not good enough. Our children deserve better, and our most vulnerable children deserve only the best support that we can give them. Our children with special needs are not second-class citizens, and the Department needs to take urgent steps to show that it agrees with that assertion.”
“Within the EA, crisis management has taken the place of its statutory function to ensure that every child gets an education. <BR /> <BR />It would be remiss of me not to mention the need for greater access to specialist support within schools. The Irish-medium sector in particular suffers from a lack of provision of special needs expertise delivered through Irish. It is worth pointing out that more than 20% of pupils in the Irish-medium sector have special educational needs or a disability. So, we have an absurd situation where children whose first language is Irish receive support from educational psychologists and speech and language therapists in the English language.”
“That child's rights were not being upheld when he was left, for six months, without any chance of social or educational development. We have known for years that the number of children presenting with special needs or disabilities has been rising, yet it is abundantly clear that there has been no strategic planning within the Department or the Education Authority to deal with that. <BR /> <BR />Every year, at the end of the school term in June and throughout the summer months, we see parents of children with special needs who are in transition years, and indeed, the children themselves, being left on tenterhooks, wondering whether a place will be made available in a setting that is appropriate for their additional needs. As demand has risen, advances in provision have failed to keep up.”
“After a period, the primary school felt that it was under such pressure that it agreed to take the child on an interim basis to see whether it had the capacity and the skills to deal with him. As it turned out, the school did not have the capacity to do so. The child's special needs were so complex that a mainstream school was not able to deal with them. <BR /> <BR />What then happened was that the child was sent home. The child sat at home from September until February the following year, and it was only then that the vice principal of the primary school became aware of the situation regarding that child and contacted me, after which I made an intervention with the Education Authority . Only then did the child receive a place in a special school, where he should have been in the first place.”
“The beginning and end of this issue is that every child, irrespective of background or ability, is entitled to — has a human right to — an education. Unfortunately, all too often, we see that right not being upheld or being only partly upheld when children do not get the quality of education that they deserve. <BR /> <BR />To illustrate that point, I will use the example of a case that I dealt with. In June 2022, a young child was transitioning from nursery to primary school. The principal of the nursery told the EA that a mainstream primary school would not be suitable or appropriate for that child, who was non-verbal, was not toilet-trained and had severe sensory issues. The EA, however, decided to put pressure on the local primary school to accept that child.”
“At the launch of the independent review of education's report, the chair of the panel, Keir Bloomer, conceded to me that the education system here lags way behind the education system in the South in educational attainment. What will the Minister do to address the high levels of educational underachievement in this jurisdiction?”
“Absolutely. I could not agree more. Much of the written material that goes into mainstream schooling is not translated into Irish. An extra burden is placed on teachers in the Irish-medium sector to translate papers that are given to the Irish-medium sector in English. <BR /> <BR />The Fiscal Council's assessment of the financial package supports the position that the Executive are underfunded on the basis of need. The financial package does not address our historical underfunding in a sustainable or long-term way. The British Government need to engage meaningfully and urgently with the Executive and the Minister of Finance to address that underfunding, including the chronic underinvestment in our education system.”
“<BR /> <BR />The funding gap in education needs immediate attention, but there is also the need for additional long-term investment in education.”
“Not only is there not enough funding for education but, when cuts are made, they disproportionately affect the children who are already most disadvantaged. Further cuts to the education budget could have had a detrimental impact on a wide range of areas, including the day-to-day running of schools, special educational needs support, school transport, youth services and school builds. The Irish-medium sector also needs to be properly funded. At the moment, there are severe difficulties in regard to accommodation quality, and resources that are generally available to English-language schools are not available in the Irish language. The supply of teachers is creating difficulties in the Irish-medium sector as is the lack of expertise from specialists, such as educational psychologists who have fluency in the Irish language.”
“Recurrent funding for the Department of Education has reduced in real terms by £145 million — that is 6% — over the last 11 years, while the pupil population has increased by 7%. During that time, per pupil funding reduced in real terms by around 11%. The funding provided for our children and young people is lower than that received by those in other regions. <BR /> <BR />The British Secretary of State created this difficult Budget, resulting in Departments making the decision to live within it. The Department of Education has made cuts to programmes that disproportionately affect the most disadvantaged children and young people. We had cuts last year to programmes like holiday hunger, Happy Healthy Minds, digital devices and so on: the list is lengthy.”
“<BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin continues to prioritise important issues in the education system, including tackling underachievement, special educational provision and improving early years. I thank the Finance Minister for the £688 million pay award for public-sector workers. Our hard-working teachers and non-teaching support staff, like all public-sector workers, deserve fair pay and conditions, and I am hopeful that those can be delivered in the time ahead. <BR /> <BR />The independent review of education recently published its final report, 'Investing in a Better Future'. The report notes that education in the North is highly underfunded, largely as a result of historical and systemic spending cuts. The crisis directly affects learners and the workforce. Many of the report's recommendations can be delivered only with additional funding.”
“I speak as a Sinn Féin MLA, although I am Deputy Chair of the Committee for Education. The Chair of the Committee covered most of the remarks that I would have made if I had spoken as Deputy Chair. <BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin wants an education system that delivers for all and leaves no one behind. We believe that education should be underpinned by equality. Our education system should equip all children and young people for life and allow them to pursue their dreams and goals without barriers. As Sinn Féin's education spokesperson, I want to comment on the ongoing funding crisis in education, which has taken place against a background of years of Tory austerity and chronic underinvestment.”
“Does the First Minister agree that building and maximising international relations is critically important for growth and prosperity here?”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle, agus gabhaim buíochas leis an Chéad Aire as ucht a freagra.”
“<BR /> <BR />Is léir go bhfuil dúshláin mhóra romhainn uile go léir. Mar sin de, ba mhaith liom a rá leis an DUP: bígí ag obair linn; taraigí isteach sa Choiste Feidhmiúcháin linn chun saol ár muintire a fheabhsú agus an éifeacht is measa den ghéarchéim sa chóras maireachtála a laghdú. <BR /> <BR />Déanaigí an rud ceart, agus déanaigí anois é. <BR /> <BR />Go raibh maith agat.”
“<BR /> <BR />Tá dualgas ar gach aon Chomhalta agus ar gach aon pháirtí anseo a ndícheall a dhéanamh le Ceann Comhairle agus Airí a thoghadh inniu. <BR /> <BR />Bíodh sin mar atá, creidimid go bhfuil sé de rún an ag DUP an pobal a fhágáil gan chosaint ar na Tóraithe i Londain. Níl aon amhras ná go bhfuil siad ag gearradh pionóis ar an phobal. Níl an Rialtas i Sasana ag gabháil a chuidiú linn. Is Airí tofa áitiúla amháin a bhéas toilteanach tuilleadh airgid a chur i bpócaí oibrithe agus i bpócaí teaghlach agus tacú le gnólachtaí beaga; is ionadaithe áitiúla amháin a bhéas réidh le gabháil i ngleic leis na fadhbanna sa chóras sláinte. <BR /> <BR />Tá Sinn Féin réidh le gabháil isteach sa Choiste Feidhmiúcháin inniu, agus tá Michelle O’Neill réidh a post mar Chéad Aire a ghlacadh.”
“Tá costas fuinnimh agus breosla ag ardú chomh maith. Is cinnte go bhfaghaidh daoine bás i rith an gheimhridh mar gheall ar ghanntanas bia nó teasa, nó b’fhéidir mar gheall ar an dá rud. <BR /> <BR />Leis an scéal a dhéanamh níos measa, tá an córas sláinte agus cúraim shóisialta faoi bhrú an-mhór; tá sé ag titim as a chéile. Is fíor go bhfuil daoine ag titim in éadóchas ag fanacht le cóir leighis sa tseirbhís sláinte; ní féidir leo coinne a fháil lena ndochtúirí fiú. Níl sé sin maith go leor. Toghadh muid uile go léir chun cuidiú le daoine, go háirithe nuair a bhéas an cineál géarchéime againn agus atá againn anois. Is léir go bhfuil ár gcuidiú de dhíth ar an phobal; tá siad tinn tuirseach de bheith ag éisteacht le tuilleadh leithscéalta ón DUP faoin phrótacal. Tá siad ag iarraidh go gcuirfí Rialtas ar bun láithreach. Tá sin tuillte acu.”
“<BR /> <BR />Tá súil agam go dtig linn tús a chur le ré nua ina mbeimid in ann ár gcultúir éagsúla, cultúir atá ar comhchéim lena chéile, a cheiliúradh agus ré ina mbeidh meas againn ar na difríochtaí atá eadrainn in áit an beag is fiú a dhéanamh díobh. <BR /> <BR />Ag bogadh ar aghaidh, ba mhaith liom a rá go bhfuil súil agam gur féidir linn Ceann Comhairle nua a thoghadh inniu, agus ina dhiaidh sin Céad Aire agus leas-Chéad Aire agus na hAirí ar fad eile. <BR /> <BR />Táimid i lár géarchéim eacnamaíochta inniu nár chuir mórán a leithéid díobh roimhe. Tá costas an bhia ag ardú go gasta in aghaidh an lae. Tháinig ardú fosta ar rátaí úis, agus tá a fhios againn go bhfuil tionchar díreach ag rátaí úis ar mhorgáistí. Gan chuidiú, caillfidh cuid mhór daoine a dteach cónaithe san am atá le teacht.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. <BR /> <BR />Tá mé sásta seans a bheith agam labhairt anseo inniu. Ar dtús, ba mhaith liom cúpla focal a rá ar na himeachtaí a tharla in Westminster inné. <BR /> <BR />Lá cinniúnach stairiúil a bhí ann inné nuair a ritheadh reachtaíocht le haitheantas oifigiúil a thabhairt don Ghaeilge sa stát seo. I ndiaidh blianta fada i mbun feachtas le cearta agus cosaintí faoin dlí a chinntiú don Ghaeilge, is leis na gníomhairí pobail an lá seo toisc gurb iad a bhain Acht na Gaeilge amach. Theip ar an fhrithbheartaíocht i gcoinne an chomhionannais agus na gceart. Cuireann an reachtaíocht seo leis an dá fhéiniúlacht agus leis an dá chultúr, agus is geal linn í.”
“Through engagements in the Committee, it became clear that none of the stakeholders in the education system believed that the exemption from fair employment legislation was necessary today. To me, that signals a massive step forward for society in general, and that is why the Bill is important. Its outworkings are that any teacher will have the same protection under fair employment legislation as any other worker. <BR /> <BR />I congratulate the sponsor, Chris Lyttle. I have worked closely with him, not just on this but with him and Kellie on the Integrated Education Bill. The raft of legislation that has come through the House, not just today but over the past few weeks, is an indication of what the Assembly can achieve when people work together and cooperate. I support the Bill.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak at Final Stage. On the face of it, this is not a massively important Bill. It does not put money into anyone's pockets. It will not hit the news headlines tonight. Why is it important? I think that it is important, and there are a couple of reasons for that. First, it exemplifies what can be achieved when parties work together. At one stage, not so long ago, the Bill would have been seen as a lost cause, but, through parties cooperating and working together, we were able to move it forward quickly, get it on to the Floor of the Assembly and get Committee Stage done and dusted. Now, here we are, on the last day of the mandate, with the Bill ready to pass. <BR /> <BR />The second reason why it is important is that there was a time when people thought it necessary to have an exemption from fair employment.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak in the debate. I commend the Bill sponsor, Chris Lyttle, and my fellow members on the Executive Office Committee for ensuring that the Bill was, let us say, hurried through, but that is not a bad thing in the circumstances. <BR /> <BR />As the Bill sponsor has pointed out, the amendment is stylistic in nature. It is a tidying-up amendment, and Sinn Féin has supported the Bill through its passage so far. We support the inclusion of the amendment. Sin a bhfuil uaim. That is all from me.”
“— the money can be redirected to those who need it most?”
“— and that Boris Johnson's Government, therefore, has responsibility to take actions such as reducing excise on fuel and home heating oil, abandoning the planned hike in National Insurance contributions and introducing a windfall tax on profiteering energy companies, so that —”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as a fhreagra. Does the Minister agree that many of the causes of the cost-of-living crisis are firmly rooted in disastrous British Government policies such as Brexit and austerity —”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as ucht a freagra. I thank the Minister for that. I welcome the steps taken to extend the concessionary fare to black taxis and people with disabilities who access only the half-fare concession. Will the Minister give more detail on the timeline for putting that into action?”
“On the cusp of an election, the Minister has announced a capital investment plan for 28 schools, at a cost of almost £800 million and with no delivery targets or time frames. Hundreds of schools across the North are in bad need of investment to bring them up to the standards that our young people deserve. Without a plan or time frame, however, many of those schools will be left in limbo. <BR /> <BR />Will the Minister provide clarity on when St Louise's in my constituency and its pupils can expect to see the benefit of this announcement?”
“We will take a big step forward towards gender equality and the eradication of period poverty. No woman or girl should be at a stage where they cannot afford period products. The Bill is a major step forward for the Assembly, and I support it.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak and will be brief. First, I thank the Bill sponsor, Pat Catney, for introducing the Bill and reaching this stage with it. Hopefully, it will come to a successful conclusion next week. I also thank Deirdre Hargey, the Communities Minister, for taking the lead and responding to the Bill at Consideration Stage and Further Consideration Stage. It was welcome that, at the previous stage, the Assembly accepted that the Bill provisions would sit most naturally in the Executive Office. That is just right. <BR /> <BR />The amendments that the Minister has tabled are, by and large, technical amendments. There are a couple of substantive ones with regard to the Executive Office making regulations that will strengthen the Bill.”
“The Bill stipulated that it would be 12 months before commencement. The Department was unhappy with that and wanted 30 months, but, as the Chair pointed out, after discussion during our clause-by-clause consideration last week, the Committee decided that it would compromise on 24 months. We support the amendment.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. To set the context, the Bill is about repealing the exemption from fair employment legislation allowing schools to discriminate when employing teachers. We do not know of any instance when it has been used, and it has always been assumed that the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools (CCMS) wanted the exemption. It stated clearly in Committee that it has never used the exemption when employing a teacher. That is the context, and the Chair has eloquently pointed out that almost all the stakeholders to whom the Committee spoke were in favour of the repeal of the legislation. <BR /> <BR />I will move on to the amendment. I thank the sponsor for introducing the Bill. It is another important brick in the wall in normalising the society in which we live.”
“The draft legislation provides us with an opportunity to make progress. Ongoing work is required by the Minister and her Department to produce a clear plan that shows us what teacher registration will look like and, crucially, what regulation will look like going forward.”
“Our pupils, teachers and school leaders deserve better, and they are quite prepared to work with the powers that be to bring about the much-needed change. Graham Gault of the National Association of Head Teachers summed it up well when he said:”
“That could be for a number of reasons: a teacher could resign from a school before any disciplinary action was processed; a substitute teacher without a contract with a school could be accused of serious professional misconduct; a teacher who was referred to the GTCNI for serious professional misconduct could apply to teach in another jurisdiction; or a teacher who was referred to the GTCNI for serious professional misconduct could decide to work as a home tutor, using their teacher registration certificate as proof of their suitability to teach children. I accept and acknowledge that the Minister gave assurances at Further Consideration Stage, but I mention that point again to ensure that we, as an Assembly, recognise the importance of child safeguarding. <BR /> <BR />We need a fresh start.”
“<BR /> <BR />As I raised at Further Consideration Stage, it is important that we acknowledge the child safeguarding issues that were of grave concern to the Education Committee as it looked into the General Teaching Council. We must address the shortcomings and put the welfare of our children and young people first. When I raised that issue at Further Consideration Stage, the Minister gave assurances, but it is important to mention it again as it is so important. <BR /> <BR />Until now, teachers who faced serious allegations might not have been employees of a school.”
“However, in recent years, rather than enhancing the status of teaching, the dysfunction of the leadership and governance arrangements of the GTC threatened to undermine the status of the teaching profession. <BR /> <BR />In the autumn, which was a very difficult time for our schools due to COVID and the associated staff absences, the General Teaching Council could not process hundreds of newly qualified teachers, which prevented them from entering classrooms. The GTC is a departmental public body that is failing, and many of its members believe that it is failing. As legislators, we would be failing in our remit if we did not bring it to an end sooner rather than later.”
“First, we recognise the urgent need to wind down the General Teaching Council. It is an organisation that has been blighted by a series of governance and leadership failures in recent years, and, as a consequence, it has failed to live up to its responsibilities as the regulator of the teaching profession here. Such is scale of the dysfunction that we find ourselves working to fast-track the winding down of the General Teaching Council, and Sinn Féin supports that approach. Essentially, the short Bill deals with housekeeping matters so that the Minister can give directions. <BR /> <BR />The GTC describes itself as:”
“Perhaps if the Ulster Unionist Party, at the inception of the state, had created an education system that was going to be fair and culturally diverse, we would not have had to wait that long. That is the fundamental flaw in the education system here. <BR /> <BR />What is happening here is not that a sector is being given an advantage but that the integrated sector will be brought up on an equal footing to the other sectors, so that, if a parent wants to send a child to an integrated school, they will be able to do so. The Department will have to produce a strategy to meet the demand for integrated education. That is what this is about. It is not about creating an advantage or creating disadvantages but about creating a level playing pitch. For that reason, Sinn Féin and I support the Bill.”
“I agree that that is a relatively strong argument, but we know how long those reports take, and we know about the difficulty with implementing reports. How many reports are sitting on dusty shelves in the Education Department and others? The independent review of education is unlikely to complete a report in less than two years. Are we going to continue waiting?”
“That is unacceptable, yet it is politicians who get a bad name: I ask you. <BR /> <BR />One of the issues that I have with the opponents of the Bill is that not one of them has come forward to suggest an alternative. I have made the point in the House that, if parents want to send their child to the maintained sector or the controlled sector, they will inevitably get their child into that sector. Children may not necessarily get their first-preference school, but they will definitely get into either of those sectors. That is not the case with the integrated sector or the Irish-medium sector.”
“I even heard a former member of the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools (CCMS) on the radio last night discussing the Bill and saying that there was a presumption in one of the clauses that every new school would be an integrated school. We all know that that was in the Bill as introduced, but it was removed at a very early stage. In fact, the Bill sponsor acknowledged that that clause was problematic and that she needed to change it — at Second Stage she said that she was going to change it — yet here we had on the radio last night the former head of the CCMS, who knows every intimate detail of our education system here, saying that. That person either has not kept up to speed with the passage of the Bill or is deliberately misrepresenting what is in the Bill at Final Stage.”
“No, I will not give way to you, Mr Allister. You are only a messer. I will give way to anyone who wants to have a constructive discussion on this, but I am not giving way to messers.”