Pat Sheehan
West Belfast · Sinn Féin · Northern Ireland
“I thank the Member for giving way. Does she agree that the Minister's School Uniforms (Guidelines and Allowances) Bill was poor legislation and a missed opportunity?”
“The last point that you made reminded me of one of the witnesses — a young girl — who came to the Committee. During the winter, she wore her own overcoat, but she had to take it off 100 yards from the school gate because she was not allowed to wear it into the school.”
“Agus iad ag ullmhú le haghaidh scrúduithe GCSE agus ard-leibhéil, féadann an imní agus an éiginnteacht sin drochthionchar a imirt ar a n-oideachas agus ar a bhfolláine.”
“Is scannalach go deo an foréigean ciníoch a chonaic muid le seachtain anuas. Tá ionsaithe ar theaghlaigh, ar thithe agus ar ghnólachtaí doleithscéil, agus tá siad dochosanta. Níor cheart eagla a mbáis a bheith ar dhaoine neamhurchóideacha mar gheall ar a gcine, a gcúlra ná a gcreideamh.”
“One of the reasons, Daniel, is that, if we were to have blocked the Bill at the Executive, the SDLP would be saying tomorrow morning "This place is dysfunctional. You're blocking legislation. Sinn Féin is blocking legislation, and the DUP is blocking legislation". No, we are not blocking legislation.”
“I have not once today argued against inspections. Not once. The Bill is about one thing and one thing only: intimidating and punishing teachers.”
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“I absolutely agree. If anybody wants to see my email inbox, I can show you the number of parents who have contacted us about the issue. <BR /> <BR />I wonder whether Paul Givan thought about those parents when he was in Washington recently rubbing shoulders with the notorious rapist in the White House, or when he jetted off to Israel to hobnob with wanted war criminals — the very people who are responsible for killing 25,000 children in Gaza and the destruction of the complete education infrastructure. Of course, the Minister's conscience was not pricked then, so why should we be surprised that he would deny a summer scheme to relatively few children with special needs here? I do not detect any empathy there at all.”
“It is often said that society is judged by how it treats its most vulnerable citizens. Among our most vulnerable citizens are our children and young people with additional needs — some with very complex needs. They deserve to have a summer scheme, and their families deserve to have some respite from the 24 hours a day that they spend caring for their children. Those children and their families are paying the price for the failure of the Education Minister. Our most vulnerable citizens have been cast to the side by a Minister who believes that there are more important issues, such as spending a quarter of a million pounds on phone pouches, which is one of his pet projects. <BR /> <BR />Summer schemes for children and young people with special needs are often the only opportunity that parents get to have a holiday.”
“Does the Minister now regret wasting £5,000 on a genealogy report on JD Vance's Ulster-Scots ancestry, which proved that there are no links whatsoever?”
“Our people are under real financial pressure as a result of the illegal war that was started by a rapist and wanted war criminal.”
“There was no place called Northern Ireland at that time.”
“Agus pobal na Gaeilge ag fás leis, leanfaidh Sinn Féin de bheith ag déanamh gach a bhfuil ar ár gcumas le cur leis an fhás sin agus le cearta Gaeilgeoirí a neartú.”
“Vótáil beagnach 92% de mhic léinn a ghlac páirt i reifreann, vótáil siad ar son an Ghaeilge a chur ar aon dul leis an Bhéarla in Ollscoil na Banríona an tseachtain seo caite. Deirtear gurbh é an reifreann ba mhó é i stair na hollscoile. Bhain Ollscoil na Banríona comharthaíocht dhátheangach anuas sa bhliain 1997. Ó shin i leith, is i mBéarla amháin a dhéanann an ollscoil riar ar chomharthaíocht agus ar bhrandáil ar fud na hollscoile. <BR /> <BR />Ní mór don ollscoil tús a chuir le polasaí cuimsitheach Gaeilge a chur i bhfeidhm. Is toradh é seo ar son an chomhionannais agus an ionchuimsithe in ollscoil ina raibh méadú de 227% ar chlárúcháin ar chúrsaí Gaeilge. <BR /> <BR />Tá an Ghaeilge beo bríomhar in Ollscoil na Banríona, Béal Feirste.”
“— by reducing reliance on agency staff, strengthening internal recruitment and ensuring that reform is thoughtful, not reckless. Most important, it recognises this simple truth: if you are serious about tackling waste, you do not create more duplication and do not add more bureaucracy. <BR /> <BR />You do not have any wokery here, Timothy. Good man.”
“He is not really interested in the public purse or proper reform. <BR /> <BR />We have school buildings with roofs at risk of collapse and classrooms that are not fit for purpose, and we are told that there is no way to prioritise fixing them. Somehow, however, there is money for a state-of-the-art pitch at a school that is already awash with sporting facilities. Let us not forget that, as Mr Burrows mentioned, taxi operators were being given £83 a mile to bring kids to school, and, according to the EA, at least 30 taxi drivers are being paid over £1,000 a week out of the education budget. How can anyone take the motion seriously? <BR /> <BR />Our amendment brings the motion back to reality. It supports the need for efficiency but focuses on doing it properly —”
“Hundreds of millions have been spent, and there is no evidence of the DUP delivering. At the same time, we see hundreds of thousands of pounds spent on a phone pouch gimmick. The Minister was at pains earlier today to tell others that there is an "off" switch on their phone, but he is happy to spend £250,000 on a pet project. Millions have been poured into a regressive and harmful reform agenda that was lifted straight from a failed experiment in England. <BR /> <BR />Lucy Crehan, who carried out the Minister's curriculum review, was at the Committee last week. She was asked whether academic selection distorts and skews the curriculum in primary schools. Her answer was yes, yet she was not given a remit to look at the curriculum in primary schools. Again, it is about the Minister's ideological crusades.”
“<BR /> <BR />Look at the DUP's record, particularly in Education, where it has been in charge for a decade. The Audit Office found that, despite hundreds of millions being spent on SEN provision, neither the Department nor the Education Authority could demonstrate value for money.”
“A dedicated unit has been set up in the EA. Of course, the Minister's ideological crusades are more important than efficiency when it comes to the public purse. Then we are asked to listen to lectures about value for money. <BR /> <BR />I will give another small example of the DUP's cavalier attitude to public finance. The Education Committee is bringing forward a Bill that would give every pupil the right to wear trousers to school. The DUP has said that it is not going to oppose the passage of that Bill. Drafters do not come cheap. It costs thousands of pounds to draft a piece of legislation. With the stroke of a pen, the Minister could issue a statutory guideline to all schools to ensure that every pupil had the right to wear trousers, but the DUP is not interested in money that might be saved.”
“Let me be clear: when the Minister of Education blows his budget, he does not pay the price. Do you know who Paul Givan wants to pick up the tab? He and the DUP want our rural schools to pick up the tab; they want children with special educational needs to pay the price; and they want to threaten the future of our classroom assistants to balance the books. Against that backdrop, what is the Minister proposing? At a time when the independent review of education has called for simplification and a move towards a single management authority, he wants to go in the opposite direction: more duplication; another management body; another layer of bureaucracy. How many more millions of pounds is that going to cost?”
“Before I get into the main body of my contribution, I have to say that I was astounded that Timothy Gaston was able to speak for almost five minutes on his most unhealthy of obsessions: who goes into the women's toilets. The one thing that we should be thankful for is that it is no longer a case of, "No popery here": it is now "No wokery here". Good man, Timothy. <BR /> <BR />I almost choked on my cornflakes this morning when I read the motion. I genuinely had to read it twice, because I could not believe that the DUP — the party of RHI — was standing up to lecture anyone on waste and inefficiency. It is the party of the "Fill your boots" mentality and the party of economic and financial illiteracy. The successive Education Ministers from that party have made an art form of waste and inefficiency.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle.”
“There is absolutely nothing vague about the question that has been asked. The Minister knows that it is a very serious matter to come in here and tell a lie. I am giving the Minister one more chance: has he ever been investigated for bullying, or has he ever been accused of bullying in the Department?”
“The Minister has asserted on a number of occasions that the creation of a managing authority for the controlled sector will improve educational outcomes and that there needs to be equality of treatment for the controlled sector. Given those assertions, will he agree to setting up managing authorities for the integrated sector and the Irish-medium sector?”
“Does the Member agree that Netanyahu, the man who is wanted for war crimes and crimes against humanity, has been saying for 30 years — 30 years — that Iran is within weeks of making a nuclear bomb? This is not anything new. It is fake news again.”
“I just wonder whether the Member has anything to say about the 25,000 children who were killed in Gaza by the Israelis or the 165 children killed by the US in Iran? Has he anything to say about his own party leader, who was involved with Ulster Resistance also, who brought in the weapons that were used to kill hundreds of innocent Catholics here?”
“Since you are going to talk about Iranians, will you talk about the more than 160 young girls — children — who were murdered by a United States missile?”
“<BR /> <BR />Instead, speaking honestly about what this war is doing, the truth is simple: this war is wrong, both legally and morally. We will not be complicit in it. It is hurting people, it is destructive and has no end in sight. The people of Ireland understand something that the international community seems to have forgotten. We know the power of dialogue, we know the importance of international law and human rights and we know the power of peace. We voted for those principles in the Good Friday Agreement. That is where international focus should be now, on stopping the war.”
“First, on the human impact of this war on the Iranian people, we have called for a complete cessation of hostilities, a return to negotiations and adherence to international law. Secondly, on the economic impact here at home, we have called for urgent and meaningful financial support to help struggling families to deal with those huge price increases. I contrast that with the approach taken by others in the Chamber. Last Monday, they were cheerleaders for this illegal war. On Tuesday, they suddenly realised the consequences and attempted to back-pedal. By Wednesday, we saw a strategy of distraction and misinformation, and, by Thursday, those tactics had been exposed. It reminds me of the story of the emperor's new clothes: a case of collective delusion and too much pride to admit that they got it wrong.”
“There is no plan and no pathway to peace, only the certainty of further death, destruction and instability. Those actions are not without consequences here at home. We already see spiralling fuel costs, particularly for home heating oil. For more than half a million homes and struggling families, those rising prices present very real hardship. Home heating oil has more than doubled in price — a direct consequence of this war, compounded by multinational corporations exploiting the situation and profiteering off the backs of ordinary people. If this continues, we know exactly what will follow: higher inflation, rising interest rates and even greater pressure on the daily cost of living. <BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin's focus has remained clear.”
“What is, perhaps, even more shocking is what has happened to those who attempt to uphold international law. Individuals who speak out are being attacked, silenced and sanctioned. From the UN's special rapporteur for the occupied Palestinian territories, who has called out Israel's illegal actions in Palestine, to judges of the International Criminal Court investigating Israeli war crimes, we have seen sanctions placed upon them and clear attempts to silence and intimidate them and stop their work. Those attempting to uphold the law are punished while those who break it are aided and supported in carrying out further acts of violence — a further demonstration that international law does not apply equally. <BR /> <BR />Meanwhile, the situation in Iran and across the broader region is spiralling with no clear end in sight.”
“For Palestinians and for Iranians, this so-called rules-based order does not appear to protect them.”
“When we look at the ongoing genocide in Gaza, and now this illegal attack on Iran, it becomes increasingly difficult to argue otherwise.”
“I agree with everything that the Member said. The scale of destruction is staggering. Reports in the 'Financial Times' have indicated that the US/Israeli assault has bombed more than 20,000 non-military buildings across Iran. Of those, more than 17,000 are believed to be residential homes. It appears that attacking children in their schools was not enough; they are also followed to their homes. <BR /> <BR />When the Canadian Prime Minister spoke in Davos recently, he made a striking admission. He said that the story of the so-called international rules-based order was "partially false" and:”
“Launching military strikes during negotiations represents a profound act of bad faith, and that was the second such act that we have seen in the past nine months. <BR /> <BR />What has followed has been an indiscriminate bombing campaign, including attacks that have impacted civilian populations. One of the darkest moments came with the bombing of a school where more than 160 children — young girls — were killed while sitting in their classrooms. I have not heard anybody from the DUP condemn that yet. It is difficult to imagine a more horrific act. Initially, the US denied responsibility, yet emerging evidence points to a US attack that destroyed that school and murdered the children.”
“When the previous contributor started talking about private armies, I thought for a second that he was going to tell us about his party's private army, Ulster Resistance, and the shipment of weapons that it brought in from the apartheid regime in South Africa — weapons that were used to murder hundreds of innocent Catholics. Members of your party were dancing around in their pink berets. If I had not known better, I might have thought that they were going to a gay pride parade. <BR /> <BR />Just over two weeks ago, we witnessed unprovoked military attacks by the US and Israel on Iran, which were a clear breach of international law. What makes those attacks even more alarming is the context in which they occurred: at the time, the US was sitting at the negotiation table with Iran in talks that were facilitated by Oman.”
“Ní raibh ann ach an stát ag mí-úsáid a chumhachta le ceoltóir a ghéarleanúint cionn is go labhraíonn sé amach go neamhbhalbh ar son mhuintir na Palaistíne atá faoi chois. <BR /> <BR />Molaim Liam Óg agus Kneecap as an fhód a sheasamh go daingean nuair atá daoine eile ar a seacht ndícheall lena gcur ina dtost. Níl aon amhras orm ná go gcoinneoidh siad leo an gléas cainte atá acu a úsáid leis an éagóir a thabhairt chun solais, ainneoin dhícheall Rialtas na Breataine coirpigh a dhéanamh díobh agus a gcur ina dtost.”
“Rinneadh achomharc Rialtas na Breataine in aghaidh Liam Óig Uí Annaidh a dhíbhe, agus tá sin ceart agus cóir. Níor cheart an t-achomharc a dhéanamh sa chéad dul síos. Ba chóir do Rialtas na Breataine a n-aird a dhíriú ar lucht déanta an chinedhíothaithe, chan ar na daoine atá ag tarraingt aird air. Seo agaibh ceartas na Breataine: coirpeach a dhéanamh den té a labhraíonn amach i gcoinne an chinedhíothaithe. Ba chóir don Bhreatain a bheith ar a dícheall ag tabhairt lucht déanta an chinedhíothaithe chun cuntais; níor chóir di bheith rannpháirteach sa chinedhíothú sin. <BR /> <BR />Níor bhain an cás in aghaidh Liam Óig riamh le sábháilteacht an phobail ná le riar an cheartais.”
“The Minister will be aware that residents of the Iveagh area of west Belfast have been waiting a long time for a scheme. I am glad to see from the statement that it will now proceed quickly. What are the next steps for the scheme in the Iveagh area?”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as ucht a ráitis ar maidin.”
“Is é an chéad chéim le leas a bhaint as na seirbhísí sin ná labhairt faoinár meabhairshláinte, cúnamh a iarraidh, agus ár smaointe agus ár mothúcháin a ligean le duine éigin. <BR /> <BR />Cuirim fáilte roimh an fhógra go mbeidh fiosrúchán traspháirtí ann ar an dóigh a ndéantar maoiniú ar sheirbhísí um fhéinmharú a chosc sa Tuaisceart. Tá súil agam go gcuideoidh torthaí an fhiosrúcháin linn ár n-aird agus ár n-iarrachtaí a dhíriú d’fhonn torthaí dearfacha meabhairshláinte a bhaint amach feasta.”
“<BR /> <BR />Ach in ainneoin a ndíchill agus in ainneoin na hoibre iontaí atá na heagraíochtaí sin a dhéanamh, is fadhb ollmhór é an féinmharú inár bpobail go fóill. Is é téama na seachtaine: "Gníomh: duit féin, do dhuine eile, dúinn uile". Ní hualach í an droch-mheabhairshláinte atá le hiompar ag aon duine amháin; tá tacaíocht an phobail chomh maith le cur chuige uilerialtais de dhíth. Tuairiscítear gur chuir 290 duine lámh ina mbás féin anseo sa bhliain 2024. Is scanrúil an figiúr é sin. Is féidir teacht roimh na básanna sin, ach daoine an tacaíocht agus an cuidiú cuí a fháil. De na daoine sin a chuir lámh ina mbás féin, meastar go raibh 70% acu gan aon bhaint ghníomhach a bheith acu leis na seirbhísí meabhairshláinte.”
“Tugtar deis dúinn leis an tSeachtain um Fheasacht Meabhairshláinte aird a dhíriú ar an ghníomh phráinneach atá de dhíth lena chinntiú go gcuirtear a ndotháin acmhainní ar fáil do na seirbhísí meabhairshláinte, agus do na seirbhísí tacaíochta a chuidíonn leo, le freastal ar an éileamh. Tá obair iontach á déanamh ag grúpaí agus ag carthanais agus iad ag cur tearmann agus spás sábháilte ar fáil do gach duine. Tacaíonn sin le meabhairshláinte na ndaoine, téann sé chun a leasa, agus cothaíonn sé an muintearas agus an dáimh ba chóir bheith ann idir dhaoine. Ach tá a fhios againn go bhfuil géarghantannas oibrithe meabhairshláinte cáilithe ann le freastal ar an éileamh ar sheirbhísí — éileamh atá ag ardú leis.”
“The Member made a pitch about the two big parties being the problem. That plays into the lazy narrative, instead of pointing out where the problem lies, which is with the DUP, which has never bought into the Good Friday Agreement.”
“Thanks for giving way. I know that the Member is not on the Committee, but is she aware that every expert witness who has appeared in front of the Committee has said that changing the titles would make no substantive difference to the operation of the institutions here?”
“One issue is completely forgotten when we discuss the poor delivery and stagnation of the institutions. We must always remember that one of the fundamental flaws in the institutions is that the DUP never bought into the Good Friday Agreement. It still does not. We have heard Ministers on the other side of the House say that they do not work in partnership with Sinn Féin. It is a badge of honour for them to get up and criticise the Good Friday Agreement. The issues to which they especially object are those of equality and parity of esteem. That is why, in 2026, we see DUP Ministers joining court cases against the erection of bilingual signage. Sin a bhfuil uaim.”
“The discussion is about not only the single matter of the titles of First Minister and deputy First Minister but a substantive programme of reform. Those matters have to be taken together. If you speak to your party leader in the Assembly, he will tell you that every witness who has come to the AERC has been asked whether changing the titles would make any substantive or tangible difference. On every occasion, the answer has been no. You are talking about reforming the institutions, but you will not do that by changing the titles of First Minister and deputy First Minister. If you are serious about reform, engage with the other substantive and important issues that will make a difference to the workings of the Assembly and the Executive. <BR /> <BR />I have one final point.”
“We are engaging with the detail and will continue to do so through the proper forum: the Assembly and Executive Review Committee. That is the focus that our amendment seeks to bring to this debate. <BR /> <BR />There is another issue that people tend not to mention.”
“Maybe that was because his uncle was giving evidence. <BR /> <BR />There is a certain irony in the motion. It seems that the issue of titles has suddenly become a pressing concern for some only now that Sinn Féin holds the post of First Minister. There is another irony. The SDLP often lectures others in this Chamber about the use of so-called non-binding motions, yet this is now the third or fourth non-binding motion on institutional reform that the SDLP has brought to the House. If the aim is genuinely to advance reform, the most constructive approach is to engage fully with the work that is taking place at the Assembly and Executive Review Committee and work collectively on serious proposals. <BR /> <BR />Our message is clear: Sinn Féin is up for the discussion on reform.”
“Absolutely. The role of the AERC is to produce reports; it does not actually make any decisions. One of the previous reports that I was involved in related to research that the AERC commissioned to consider the legislative output from the Assembly compared with that of other legislatures. When that research came back to the Committee, it was clear that the Assembly and Executive compared favourably with other legislatures on these islands. <BR /> <BR />The Assembly and Executive Review Committee is where the detailed work and evidence gathering is under way. I do not want to make this personal with the leader of the Opposition, but he is very rarely on time for the start of the Committee meetings. There may be good reasons for that. I was surprised when he arrived on time the other day.”
“I will give way to the Chair of the Committee.”
“First of all, when it comes to the AERC, I do not remember who proposed the —.”
“Nearly 28 years on from the Good Friday Agreement, it is entirely legitimate to discuss how our institutions might evolve. Sinn Féin is open to that discussion. We are engaging constructively with the evidence, and we are prepared to explore reforms that strengthen accountability and improve how these institutions function. However, those conversations must take place in the proper forum. I cannot understand why the SDLP is pre-empting the work that is taking place in the AERC. Perhaps the SDLP should engage a bit more constructively with the work that is taking place in that Committee rather than coming in here and grandstanding with a motion that will produce no tangible change to the operation of these institutions.”
“Is it because Sinn Féin holds the First Minister post? That is how it appears to us. There was no focus whatsoever from the SDLP on the issue before a Sinn Féin MLA became First Minister.”
“It is not at all contradictory. In fact, it is informative that the SDLP has never previously tabled a motion to equalise the titles of First Minister and deputy First Minister. I said this to the leader of the Opposition on 'View from Stormont', last week: why is he so obsessed with it now?”
“The leader of the Opposition said that the health service is stagnating, environmental controls are stagnating and other issues are creating problems. Changing the titles of the First Minister and deputy First Minister would make absolutely no difference to that. <BR /> <BR />While some may wish to focus on symbolism, the work in which Sinn Féin is engaging at the AERC is focused on substance. Every one of the issues that the Committee is dealing with is much more important than the issue that the leader of the Opposition has brought forward.”
“The offices of the First Minister and deputy First Minister are joint and equal in authority and responsibility. That principle is clearly established in law and reflected in how the offices operate in practice. However, our amendment reflects a simple but important point: changing titles alone does not address the deeper structural issues in our institutions that require reform. <BR /> <BR />Through the work of the Assembly and Executive Review Committee, we have been engaging with credible and authoritative academics and constitutional experts who study these institutions closely. The evidence presented to the Committee has been consistent: altering the titles of the offices would be a cosmetic exercise and would do little, if anything, to make the institutions more stable or effective.”