Pat Sheehan
West Belfast · Sinn Féin · Northern Ireland
“I thank the Member for giving way. Does she agree that the Minister's School Uniforms (Guidelines and Allowances) Bill was poor legislation and a missed opportunity?”
“The last point that you made reminded me of one of the witnesses — a young girl — who came to the Committee. During the winter, she wore her own overcoat, but she had to take it off 100 yards from the school gate because she was not allowed to wear it into the school.”
“Agus iad ag ullmhú le haghaidh scrúduithe GCSE agus ard-leibhéil, féadann an imní agus an éiginnteacht sin drochthionchar a imirt ar a n-oideachas agus ar a bhfolláine.”
“Is scannalach go deo an foréigean ciníoch a chonaic muid le seachtain anuas. Tá ionsaithe ar theaghlaigh, ar thithe agus ar ghnólachtaí doleithscéil, agus tá siad dochosanta. Níor cheart eagla a mbáis a bheith ar dhaoine neamhurchóideacha mar gheall ar a gcine, a gcúlra ná a gcreideamh.”
“One of the reasons, Daniel, is that, if we were to have blocked the Bill at the Executive, the SDLP would be saying tomorrow morning "This place is dysfunctional. You're blocking legislation. Sinn Féin is blocking legislation, and the DUP is blocking legislation". No, we are not blocking legislation.”
“I have not once today argued against inspections. Not once. The Bill is about one thing and one thing only: intimidating and punishing teachers.”
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“The revised schedule provides for an Assembly and Executive transfer-of-responsibilities motion, which, subject to cross-community support in the Assembly, may request that the Secretary of State brings forward legislation so that the arrangements and time frames for agreeing the terms of the Programme for Government are dealt with as reserved, rather than excepted, matters.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I thank the Bill's sponsor for his opening remarks and welcome that the Bill has reached its Final Stage. <BR /> <BR />It is fair to say that the Bill has evolved considerably from what was introduced and scrutinised by the Assembly and Executive Review Committee. Key provisions of the Bill, as introduced, such as the formation of the opposition by technical groups, the establishment of a Budget Committee, the renaming of the Office of the First and deputy First Minister and the proposal for Departments to be a single legal entity, have been removed. <BR /> <BR />The extensive schedule for reforming the Assembly and Executive was also removed and replaced with a significantly reduced one.”
“The Committee did not seek an amendment to the Bill to that effect. However, in a previous Committee report on the review of Parts III and IV of the NI Act 1998, Committee members agreed that, subject to Assembly approval, the Assembly and Executive Review Committee may return to consider section 28A of the 1998 Act relating to the ministerial code. <BR /> <BR />Finally, I wish to address the amendments relating to a new schedule and the long title. I remind Members that the Committee divided and agreed that it was not content with the schedule and the long title of the Bill as introduced. The Committee did not have sight of any of the amendments relating to the new schedule and the long title and, therefore, does not have a position on them.”
“The Committee heard that, in Scotland and Wales, there are no titles of leader of the opposition or deputy leader; there is only the designation "leaders of parties not in government". The Committee divided and did not agree on the clause and the amendments relating to the titles of the leadership of the opposition. <BR /> <BR />Amendment No 22, which has been tabled by Steven Agnew and Claire Sugden, proposes a provision in the new schedule that provides for a procedure for the investigation of alleged breaches of the ministerial code. During its deliberations on paragraph 9 of the schedule to the Bill as introduced, the Committee considered a submission from Mr Steven Agnew that called for the introduction of a mechanism to investigate breaches of the ministerial code as proposed in amendment No 22 today.”
“Paragraph 12 of the schedule to the Bill as introduced had a similar provision for Members to leave the opposition and join the Executive. During Committee Stage, the Bill sponsor advised members that he would oppose that provision at Consideration Stage, and the Committee unanimously agreed that it was content for him to do so. <BR /> <BR />Amendment No 7, which has been tabled by the Ulster Unionist Party, removes the requirement for the nomination of a deputy leader of the non-Executive party when the opposition is formed by one qualifying party only. The Committee considered the titles proposed for the leadership of the opposition in some detail during Committee Stage.”
“In its deliberations on the matter, the Committee had before it the evidence of Professor John Coakley, who reminded the Committee of the need to be mindful of changes in the electoral support base for political parties with the proposed reduction in the number of MLAs from 2021. <BR /> <BR />Although the Committee did not have sight of amendment No 6 prior to formal clause-by-clause scrutiny, it considered the issue of Members leaving the opposition and joining the Executive, as provided for in that amendment. The amendment, which has been tabled by the SDLP, allows for Standing Orders to provide that a Member or Members, having previously declined ministerial office, could leave the opposition and join the Executive.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-LeasCheann Comhairle. The amendments under consideration cover a range of issues, some of which were not considered by the Committee. I should point out that the Committee did not have sight of or consider the amendments tabled at Further Consideration Stage and, therefore, does not have a Committee position on them. I will confine my remarks to the amendments that deal with issues that the Committee considered during Committee Stage. <BR /> <BR />With regard to amendment No 4, the Committee had considered the Bill sponsor’s previous amendment to the criteria for a qualifying party, which set a threshold of 5%, as opposed to the 8% proposed by him today. The Committee divided and agreed that it did not support it.”
“Does the Minister agree that the appointment of a mental health champion, as recommended by Action Mental Health and others, to promote the rights and the interests of people with mental health problems here in the North would go a long way to improving the affairs of those with mental health problems? Go raibh maith agat.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. What steps is the Minister taking to protect subcontractors who are involved in public-sector contracts, especially those working on projects that do not fall within the project bank account range?”
“If the research holds up, other areas will improve educational outcomes. For that reason, we will oppose amendment No 2. <BR /> <BR />We have discussed amendment Nos 3 and 4 and the definitions of "none" and "other". My understanding is that the Minister's amendment Nos 6 and 7 are there to replace those two amendments. They are in line with fair employment legislation — in fact, they imitate it — rather than being prescriptive. In my understanding, it is difficult to define the term "none". We all know what it means and what we want, but, again, we come back to framing legislation and how it creates difficulty. Fair employment legislation has been used in other legislation. That is a good reason for going along with the Minister's amendments, Nos 6 and 7, so we will support those and oppose amendment Nos 2, 3 and 4.”
“He suggested the word "spectacular". <BR /> <BR />Coming back to the point; one integrated school on its own will always encounter difficulties. If part of the rationale behind shared education is to improve educational outcomes, then it is important that a number of schools in an area are working together and sharing good practice and educational outcomes.”
“The theory behind the research is that individual schools, on their own, can only reach a certain threshold of achievement or educational outcome but that, when they collaborate, cooperate, and network together, with an overarching inspection taking place, educational outcomes will improve. <BR /> <BR />This research took place in schools in west Belfast as part of a European-wide piece of research that is being carried out in Ireland, the UK, the Netherlands and Poland. In west Belfast alone, between 2013 and 2015, the number achieving five GCSEs, including English and maths, rose by over 12%. When free school meals were taken into account, the uplift was over 14%. I listened to the district inspector, Paddy Shevlin, saying that night that the Education and Training Inspectorate needed a new category for this particular inspection.”
“It was mentioned earlier — Trevor mentioned it himself — that that could mean that an integrated school would fall within the definition. I agree with what was said earlier that this is not what we want. <BR /> <BR />I was privileged to be in the Long Gallery a few weeks before the Christmas recess when a piece of research was launched. I have to say that it was the most uplifting piece of educational research that I have seen since I came into this job. It was entitled 'School Inspection in a Polycentric Context'. People are laughing at the title, and maybe it has gone under the radar so much because it has such an academic title. However, basically, polycentric inspection takes place at area-based level rather than at individual-school level.”
“I accept what John and Trevor are saying, and I agree insofar as we all want the same thing. My only difficulty with all of this is framing it in legislation. I have already said that we want as broad a base as possible in any shared education system, but my difficulty is how we frame that in the legislation. I do not think that we can do it through the definition laid out in amendment No 2. Further on in amendment No 2, it states that clause 1(2A)(b) could set out that shared education may be provided by:”
“Let us take, for example, a remote rural area in the North where small schools are going to engage in sharing education. To my knowledge, over 20% of small schools — maybe of all schools — do not have anyone from a minority ethnic background. Prescribing in legislation that shared education must involve Catholics, Protestants and others, from another cultural or religious background or whatever, would actually work against what we are trying to do.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. I welcome the opportunity to speak in the debate. My colleagues have already spoken in relation to other amendments. I will speak to amendment Nos 2, 3, 4, 6 and 7. <BR />Amendment No 2 provides difficulties for us. If shared education were legally defined as including children from different "cultural or ethnic backgrounds", that would be difficult for small rural schools, for example. Following on from my intervention when Trevor was speaking earlier, we all know what we want, and that is as broad a mix as possible involved in shared education. Hopefully that is the way it will be. The difficulty is that there are areas in which it might be difficult to find students from a background other than Catholic or Protestant.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. In a sense, I agree with him. Everyone knows the intention behind these amendments. Will the Member accept that the difficulty is that, when it comes to legislation, sometimes it is difficult to define some of the terms used and that, instead of then providing what it is we all we want, it has the opposite effect?”
“Members highlighted the recent work done on gender representation by the Committee and its report on women in politics. Members stressed that there was a responsibility on all parties represented here to ensure that any reduction in the number of seats per constituency proposed in the Bill did not affect the representation of women in the Assembly in the long term. There is no disagreement from the Committee about the need for a reduction in the number of Members; indeed, one member of the Committee would like to have seen it in place for the 2016 election. I support the Second Stage of the Bill.”
“<BR /> <BR />During the ministerial briefing to the Committee, members explored the potential long- or medium-term implications for boundaries and for fair and equal representation based on proportions, populations and the electorate. The Committee heard how, because of our special circumstances, the North has more politicians per head of population than other devolved regions. The junior Ministers also explained how the outcome of the boundary review would not be known until 2018. However, it is hoped that there will still be a fair and high level of representation. <BR /> <BR />The Committee made it clear that the Bill needed to be mindful of representativeness, not just of big and small parties and independent MLAs but of gender.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-LeasCheann Comhairle. As was noted during the earlier debate on the accelerated passage motion, the Assembly and Executive Review Committee carried out a detailed review of the number of Members in 2012. The Committee received and considered 25 stakeholder responses to its call for evidence, heard from key witnesses and commissioned and considered a series of research papers to assist the Committee in its deliberations. Although the Committee did not reach consensus on the size of the Assembly, the options considered by it for future constituency numbers and the number of MLAs per constituency in future elections were seen as being very useful.”
“Go raibh maith agat. I am sure that the Minister is aware that Dublin Airport has seen an exponential rise since airport duty was scrapped in the South. In fact, last year, 25 million passengers — I repeat, 25 million — passed through Dublin Airport. Does the Minister have anything to say about that?”
“I also congratulate the Minister on his appointment. I look forward to some battles in the future.”
“<BR /> <BR />There was no disagreement from the Committee about the need for accelerated passage in this case, and I would like to make it clear that the Committee supported accelerated passage for the Bill. Go raibh maith agat.”
“In response to concerns raised by Members, the junior Ministers explained that, although the Bill will not take effect until the first Assembly election after the next Assembly election, the legislation needs to be in place in the event of an extraordinary election. That could take place at any time after the May 2016 elections. Indeed, the Committee explored with the junior Ministers the implications of a possible early extraordinary election in the event of gridlock. The Committee was satisfied that the Bill does not legislate for the different circumstances under which an early election could be called, only the number of Members who could be returned for each constituency.”
“The junior Ministers met the Committee on Tuesday 12 January 2016. During the meeting, the Ministers outlined the purpose of the Bill and explained the need for the Bill to progress via the accelerated passage procedure. The Bill provides for a reduction in the number of Assembly Members returned for each constituency. The provisions in the Bill are in line with the agreements reached in the Stormont House Agreement and A Fresh Start. Both agreements outline a number of changes to the institutions to make them more efficient and economical while still serving the needs of the people in the region. <BR /> <BR />Members will be aware that the Assembly and Executive Review Committee examined the issue in some detail during its review of the number of Members and Departments in 2012.”
“Go raibh míle maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as ucht a freagra. Would the Minister join with me in endorsing the actions of those individuals who have invested in start-ups through the Halo network? Would she also accept that it is worth exploring additional incentives for crowd funding and angel investing in start-ups?”
“Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as a fhreagra ansin. I thank the Minister for his very detailed answers. I listened carefully, and it appears that he is intent on developing a climate change Bill for the North. Will he give us some more details on when he expects to do that and what will be involved in that climate change Bill?”
“If this was introduced for the 2016 election, how would the Member ensure that there was not an under-representation of women?”
“It would be the wrong message entirely for the Assembly to send out if, after the 2016 election, there were to be fewer female representatives than there are now. For that reason, I oppose the motion.”
“I suppose that the Alliance Party might not worry about that, but it might also have an impact on that party. More worryingly, research shows that the number and percentage of female representatives will fall if the overall number of MLAs is reduced for the 2016 election. That would be a retrograde result for the Assembly and for inclusiveness and equality. By postponing the overall reduction until 2021, we will give all parties a chance to prepare for that possibility and to ensure equality of opportunity for women in particular in those parties. Sinn Féin, obviously, takes its responsibilities on the issue very seriously; we try to promote women as much as possible in the party. My colleague Caitríona Ruane will deal with that in her contribution to the debate later.”
“I wonder whether the Member includes himself when he says, "and others". <BR /> <BR />The fears that I have are assuaged to some extent by the reform of public administration, whereby more powers have been given to councils and d'Hondt is run over a four-year period rather than over one year, which happened previously. That is welcome, and it enhances the principle of equality. However, there are still some councils in which the concept of equality has yet to be fully implemented. <BR /> <BR />In the Assembly, the question is whether a reduction in the number of MLAs would have a negative impact on representation or equality. There is, for example, a danger that some constituencies will be left without a nationalist representative in some cases or a unionist representative in others.”
“One of the criteria that the architects of these institutions were given when they were designing them was that they should be as representative and as inclusive as possible. That is still probably the most important concept for building and sustaining confidence in the institutions. The worry, therefore, is that fewer MLAs would lead to a deficit in representation and inclusiveness.”
“It is important to give context to the current number of MLAs.”
“If governance could be enhanced, duplication eradicated, bureaucracy reduced and savings increased by reducing the number of Departments from 12 to nine, it would be difficult to argue against. It is not just the voters who want more streamlined cost-effective government; we also want that. Every Member of the Assembly should welcome any change that brings more efficiency and effectiveness. We also agree that the number of MLAs should be reduced from 108 to 90. That means that there would be five MLAs in each constituency instead of the current six, notwithstanding any Boundary Commission changes. <BR /> <BR />We depart from the proposers of the motion on when the reduction takes place. The proposers would have it take place before the 2016 Assembly elections. We disagree, and let me explain why.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I welcome the opportunity to speak in the debate on a reduction in the number of MLAs; a reduction in the number of Departments; and the timescale in which all that takes place. Before dealing with those issues, it is important to caution Members not to major too heavily on quantitative comparisons between the Assembly and the other devolved institutions on these islands. None of those institutions faces the same difficulties as we do here. None of them was established as a response to 30 years of conflict and the serious fault lines and divisions in society that we have here in the North. That is the context. <BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin has a relaxed view on the number of Departments.”
“I call for the truth to be brought out and brought out now.”
“They went away with their legal advisers and Professor Phil Scraton from Queen's University and devised a model based on the inquiry into the Hillsborough tragedy that would have a minimal cost and perhaps bring truth to the families. The British Government have rejected that.”
“At the time, no statements were taken from civilian witnesses. What is also important in this case is that the same regiment, only a matter of months later, was deployed on the streets of Derry on Bloody Sunday. If something had been done after the Ballymurphy massacre, we might never have had Bloody Sunday in Derry and the downward spiral that followed the events of that day. <BR /> <BR />What are the families asking for? What they are asking for is quite reasonable. The British Government have said there will be no more public inquiries that cost a fortune to the public purse, so the families took up that challenge.”
“John McKerr, a carpenter and father of eight, was carrying out repair work on Corpus Christi Church when he was shot in the head and died outside the church. <BR /> <BR />People will say that this case is like every other case: the victims are not going to get justice. The difference between this and other cases is that no investigation was carried out. The slaughter took place at the time of the infamous tea and sandwiches agreement between the Chief Constable of the RUC and the commander of British armed forces in the North, whereby the Royal Military Police would investigate any fatal shootings by military personnel. We know that the statements that were taken by the military police contained many contradictions and inaccuracies and were later contradicted by civilian witnesses.”
“When the shooting stopped, Daniel Teggart lay dead, having been shot 14 times. <BR /> <BR />Joan Connolly cried out for help for many hours and eventually bled to death. An eminent A&E consultant said that had she been brought to hospital she would most likely have survived. British soldiers entered the field where Noel Phillips lay injured and, according to eyewitnesses, shot him twice in the head. Joseph Murphy, who had been wounded, was taken to the Henry Taggart base, where he was brutalised and shot again in the wound that he had received earlier. Joseph Murphy died 13 days later in hospital. On 10 August, Eddie Doherty was shot in the back on the Whiterock Road and died a short time later. On 11 August, John Laverty, who was 20, was shot and killed. Joseph Corr, a father of six, was also shot and died of his injuries 16 days later.”
“Over three days — 9, 10 and 11 August 1971 — more than 600 British paratroopers entered Ballymurphy and shot dead, on those three days, eight civilians. Another two were fatally injured and died subsequently of their wounds, and an eleventh person, Pat McCarthy, died of a heart attack after being subjected to a mock execution by the paratroopers. On 9 August, Frank Quinn was shot and killed when he went to assist Father Hugh Mullan, who had been shot in the back while administering the last rites to another injured man. Frank was shot in the back of the head. Noel Phillips was shot and wounded in a field opposite the Henry Taggart military base. On hearing his cries for help, Joan Connolly, a mother of eight, went to his aid. She was shot in the face and lay wounded in the field.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. From the outset, I pay tribute to the Ballymurphy massacre families. They have pursued their quest for truth with incredible stamina and determination. They have been steadfast and relentless in their campaign to have the truth told to the world about the events in Ballymurphy in August 1971, when 11 people lost their lives. It is important to state that, despite their great loss and the disgraceful way that they have been treated by the British state, the families have at all times conducted themselves with great dignity, and their campaign has been characterised by a complete absence of bitterness. <BR /> <BR />The narrative of the families' campaign is as follows.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as an fhreagra sin. I thank the Minister for his answer. Does he agree that Belfast's reputation as the Irish language capital of Ireland has been built on the phenomenal foundation of Ulster University in York Street? Does he accept that it is a blow to the city and its reputation for this course to have been ended?”
“Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as ucht a freagra. What assistance has the Minister's Department given the IFA to develop soccer at grass-roots level?”
“made St Patrick's stand out. St Patrick's fits into the category of Every School a Good School, and there is no reason why that cannot happen in every school. There is no reason why we should not take a holistic approach to education, from early intervention right through to continual professional development of teachers, so that teachers are taught and they learn how to teach children of all abilities. All the best systems of education in the world do that. If you go to Finland, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, you will see that they all operate non-selective systems. I oppose the motion.”
“In 2015, St Patrick's was voted the best non-selective post-primary school in the UK in the 2015 TES school awards. The judges said that the:”
“Let us look at the organisations that oppose academic selection: the Human Rights Commission; the Equality Commission; the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child; the Catholic bishops; the Children's Commissioner; and Professor Tony Gallagher, who is an adviser to the Education Committee and pro-vice-chancellor in Queen's University. We could go on and on, and we could look at the evidence presented in the PISA research that my colleague Chris Hazzard mentioned. The fact is that, if we are serious about educating all our children, academic selection has to go. <BR /> <BR />We already know what works. Look at St Patrick's High School in Keady. It pioneered and still operates a system of transfer that does not involve academic selection. Last year, 86% of its pupils achieved five GCSEs.”
“What do I know about education systems? Like most other people in here, I have worked at various jobs. I am not an expert. I have not done any academic research. I do not have a PhD in comparative analysis of education systems; but, having been on the Education Committee, I have got bits and pieces of research, and people have come in to give evidence, and you absorb whatever you can and you make your assessment. Like everyone else in the Chamber, I will make an assessment on the basis of the evidence that is presented to me. So, what are the experts in the field saying? What does the research say?”
“As legislators and public representatives, we have a responsibility to ensure that every child and young person is given the best opportunity starting out in life. Imagine if we were to stand up here today and say that there are certain categories of children who should not get the same opportunity as others, or that children of alcohol or drug-addicted parents should not get the same advantages as children who have good parents and are from stable backgrounds. Similarly, if we were to say that children from deprived backgrounds should not get the same opportunities as other children, we would be rightly castigated, but that is, effectively, what is being said here today. <BR /> <BR />I am not an expert. Look at the figures. Only 12% of children in grammar schools are on free school meals, which is the indicator of deprivation.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. I could go through the motion and pick out the bits that I agree with and the bits that I disagree with, and we could argue back and forth about the rights and wrongs of various parts of it, but, really, where would that get us? To cut through the chaff, it seems to me that the debate has degenerated, certainly among those on the opposite Benches, into one about the rights and wrongs of the regulated test that previously existed versus the new, unregulated test. Let me nail my colours to the mast: both of them are wrong. Academic selection at 10 years of age is wrong. We can rehearse all the arguments that we have debated on many occasions in the Chamber, but let us cut to the chase.”