Joanne Bunting
East Belfast · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Their input was instrumental in shaping the Bill that the Assembly will shortly be invited to pass. <BR /> <BR />For those affected by the mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and related pathways and practices, the process has taken too long, but we can be pleased that we got there, for the victims' sakes.”
“It is still cruel, disheartening and difficult to fully comprehend. I hope that the experiences of the many women who were affected by those institutions and practices will serve as a challenge to us all.”
“We thank all who participated in the Victims and Survivors Consultation Forum. We know that that has not always been an easy space, but we hope that, today, they can reflect on all their efforts with pride.”
“<BR /> <BR />To victims and survivors considering whether to engage with the redress service, I send an unequivocal message: the scheme exists because your experiences matter, and you need not face the process alone.”
“<BR /> <BR />Of course, the experience did not end with the institution itself; rather, for the victims and survivors — those women and children — the period has been a thread of pain that has woven its way through their entire lives.”
“It is not an exaggeration to say that today is a momentous day. It is an honour and a privilege for me to move the Final Stage of this important legislation on behalf of the First Minister and the deputy first Minister, junior Minister Reilly and, indeed, the Executive.”
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“However, it fails to recognise the end phase of the life cycle and a number of critical points that are associated with that: demographic trends predict that there will be a significant increase in chronic illness and palliative and end-of-life care demand in Northern Ireland in the years ahead; that the care and support that is available to people as they die has an enormous impact on their quality of life; that many groups face inequities in accessing care and support when they are impacted on by death and dying; that each death leaves a number of people bereaved; and that, because of the previous point and the impact of the pandemic, demand for bereavement support will continue to grow.”
“We have not all received bad news ourselves — some among us do know that devastation — but we have each grieved and we know the pain and panic. <BR /> <BR />As the Programme for Government (PFG) plots a way through our lives from birth, with strategies, indicators and outcomes for almost everything, there is one glaring omission: what happens when life is ending? The existing PFG outcomes framework rightly emphasises the importance of giving young people the best start in life and keeping people healthy and active throughout.”
“On one of those, we are in the blessed position to be able to make a significant difference to each and every one of our citizens at what will be one of the most vulnerable times in their existence: when they receive a terminal diagnosis, when they need to make plans, when their life is coming to an end; or when they love someone who is going through those things and they have to face a life with the void of that loss.”
“I am grateful to colleagues from across the House for adding their names to the motion, which I tabled in my capacity as chairperson of the all-party group on terminal illness. Given its subject matter, I trust that the spirit of collaboration will continue when the Question is put on what is a very serious issue, which will, literally, affect every person in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />We are told that there are two sure things in life: death and taxes.”
“With your indulgence, Mr Deputy Speaker, I will take this opportunity to condemn the attack on a police officer. It is important, as a member of the Policing Board, that I do that and send our best wishes to her and her family. <BR /> <BR />It is clear that working from home cannot continue ad infinitum. Given the need to open the economy and instil confidence in the community, and given the extent of the vaccine roll-out, should the Civil Service not lead by example and return those who do not fall into a vulnerable category to the workplace as quickly as possible?”
“— in what is supposed to be a shared society.”
“I thank the Member. I agree, and I think that we will. <BR /> <BR />Their behaviour is that of the outlier, but their views are not. Their frustrations are mainstream, and they are also ours. Two things can be true at once. It is entirely possible to condemn the violence and yet still be frustrated at the annexing of Northern Ireland through the protocol, believing that this is not the Brexit for which you voted. You can still condemn the violence and be aghast at a weak PPS, which tells you not to believe your own eyes, that there is nothing to see here and that it is the laws that are very confusing. It is entirely possible to condemn the violence and still be angry that there is two-tier policing. Protestant, unionist and loyalist — I am all of those — no longer feel as though as they are being heard, listened to or valued —”
“Those are shared by hundreds of thousands of people who do not take to the streets.”
“That is why all four unionist parties have indicated that they no longer have confidence in the Chief Constable and some of his team, and nor do the people whom we represent. That should matter. <BR /> <BR />Another example is recruitment. There are five under-represented groups in the police, but only four have support groups set up in the organisation, and it is only those four with whom the police and the Policing Board proactively engage. When the police advertise, only four are mentioned in the ad. One is not, and the one exception is always working-class Protestants. <BR /> <BR />Our community has had enough and so have we. Are some of them expressing their anger and frustration in the right way? Absolutely not, but that does not invalidate their fears and views.”
“In any circumstance, where the PPS writes that the PSNI's behaviour had anything to do with it being unable to bring a prosecution, that is a massive problem and an epic failure on behalf of the PSNI. I have been harping — that is the only word for it — at the Policing Board about two-tier policing since I got there in 2016. I have raised my community's lack of confidence in the police at pretty much every meeting, private and public, but, until recently, I was dismissed like a child, because the police did not believe that I was right and they did not care if they were wrong. We are all supposed to be equal under the law and equally subject to it, but that is not the case, and everybody in my community sees that.”
“Those laws may be for everybody else, but there is another set of rules for Sinn Féin, which appears to be above the law. It also appears to be facilitated by the police to breach those laws in ways that are inexplicable and unacceptable. I want to place on record my full support for the rank-and-file police officers who are having to deal with this on the ground, but something needs to change at the top, and, at the very least, it is the mentality. <BR /> <BR />The Storey funeral is the benchmark to which the policing of all other restrictions is compared. There absolutely is two-tier policing in Northern Ireland, and the PPS provided the evidence last week.”
“However, part of this is that they have watched and learned that violence, or the threat of it, has often paid off, sometimes literally with funding. Historically, they have watched parades rerouted or stopped because of violent protest and fear of disorder. More recently, they have watched the law be blatantly broken, without consequence, by those who wrote it. <BR /> <BR />The political elite in Sinn Féin, who adopt a "Do as we say not as we do" attitude, brought thousands on to the streets and hundreds into a cemetery when every other family got 25, 30 or 10 and were not allowed into the crematorium, never mind, what has been viewed as, given control of it. Sinn Féin: happy to write and endorse draconian laws for restrictions, safe in the knowledge that it can flout them without recourse.”
“<BR /> <BR />There is massive political and cultural alienation. I am not condoning or justifying their behaviour, because it is never acceptable to burn a bus, throw a petrol bomb or attack a police officer.”
“I declare my membership of the Policing Board. <BR /> <BR />I deplore violence, all violence, regardless of the source. I am appalled at what we have witnessed. I am sorry for the public and police who have been injured. I am horrified that these children may be criminalised. However, it is so disappointing that civic society is quick to condemn but does not seem to want to understand, never mind address, what is at the root of this. We are always analysing those who commit crime. What was in their background? What gave them the propensity? Was it a broken family, drug abuse, the legacy of the Troubles or violence in the home? We should also want to understand why there is rioting and civil unrest now. We need to look at and consider how we got here, what brought them to this, and what needs to change.”
“That is the message that we must send to people with disabilities: we value their lives equally to those whom we describe as able-bodied. <BR /> <BR />None of us knows for how long we will be here but, for long as I am, I will stand for the unborn and the disabled. I will certainly support the Bill, which gives effect to the motion that I tabled last June and that encompasses the Sinn Féin amendment to that motion. I urge all Members to do likewise and, in so doing, send out the signal, loudly and clearly, that there is no place for disability discrimination in Northern Ireland in 2021 and that Northern Ireland continues to be a country where disabled people are valued.”
“Heidi's previous intervention on the matter gave rise to a very moving piece on Sky News Australia. That reminds us that, as we approach the subject, we are not only being watched by our constituents and neighbours in the Republic but being watched by other parts of the world. <BR /> <BR />We now have an opportunity to change the law and uphold the rights of those born with a disability and at the preborn stage of their lives. Let us seize it with both hands. In the words of one mother:”
“Members may not, on the one hand, promote equality for the disabled and, with the other hand, vote to have them aborted. These positions are incongruous. Either those with disabilities are equal, or they are not. If they are equal outside the womb, they are equal inside the womb. To my mind, they are equal. <BR /> <BR />Let us be clear: without question, regulation 7 unavoidably perpetuates stereotypes against individuals with disabilities. Any person with a disability, looking at when an unborn baby can be legally aborted, will recognise that their life is valued differently to others. <BR /> <BR />I want to remind the House of the words of Heidi Crowter last summer, before the regulations were approved. She said:”
“Disability Rights UK, commenting on Lord Shinkwin's Bill, said:”
“The Bill will protect such women so that they do not have to fight for the right of their child to live and will not be pressured by medical professionals. The Bill will uphold their child's right to life. <BR /> <BR />Last June, I quoted Lord Shinkwin. His words are just as relevant now as they were then. He said:”
“The doctors made it very clear to her that, even at 38 weeks pregnant, if she changed her mind on the morning of the induction, she should let them know because it would not be too late. Until her baby had literally started travelling down the birth canal, she therefore could still have terminated her pregnancy. <BR /> <BR />We are trying to protect women like Rachel Mewes, who describes how she was pressured to consider having a late-term abortion at seven months, despite previously stating repeatedly that she would never terminate for Down's syndrome. She describes herself as having PTSD as a result of this experience. She said, "Being forced to imagine someone killing Betsy nearly destroyed me".”
“It is also important that we consider the kind of society that we are creating for pregnant women and mothers. Do we want them to be questioned as to why they will not terminate their pregnancy, as was the experience of one mother recently, or do we want to create a society in which people with disabilities are protected and valued? The Bill is about protecting women like Emma Mellor, whom Mrs Barton has already mentioned, who, at 24 years old, described feeling under pressure to abort her daughter, Jamie, throughout her pregnancy. Emma said that she and her husband:”
“Hannah's mother, along with the mothers of Eliab, Nathan, Aaron, Darren and Sara, and many other parents from Northern Ireland, all agree that their children should be treated as being of equal value to any other child. Hannah's parents said:”
“<BR /> <BR />If we do not pass the Bill, we are signalling to every person with a disability that their life is valued differently from that of others. Hannah Wilson, who is a young women with Down's syndrome from County Fermanagh, pointed out:”
“<BR /> <BR />The Government, as ever when it suits them, seem to forget, however, that there is another border. It is my understanding that, in the Republic of Ireland, a woman cannot get an abortion up to birth on the basis of Down's syndrome or any other non-fatal disability. The regulations mean that we have a situation in which women from the Republic of Ireland are able to travel across the border to here to obtain an abortion on the basis of any serious disability right up to term. The regulations may have an impact on our neighbouring jurisdiction and the way in which people in the Republic view disability. I am aware that some TDs have already expressed real concern about the impact on attitudes to disability in the Republic.”
“Great Britain "amend its abortion law accordingly." <BR /> <BR />Make no mistake: regulation 7(1)(b) of the 2020 regulations mirrors the very same legislation that the UN CRPD rejected. It fundamentally perpetuates stereotypes against individuals with disabilities. <BR /> <BR />In our deliberations today, we also have to bear in mind the cross-border dimension when considering the impact of that particular regulation. It seems from the explanatory memorandum on the current regulations that cross-border considerations, rather than the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), were the primary consideration in Westminster wanting to free itself from dealing with women from Northern Ireland who travelled to England for abortions.”
“for persons with a disability. The Disability Discrimination (Northern Ireland) Order 2006 further amended the Disability Discrimination Act 1995 to include a requirement that public authorities promote: "positive attitudes towards disabled persons". In 2009, the UK as a whole ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). Those laws reflect the fact that every person, regardless of their ability or so-called disability, is of value and worth. The Bill seeks to illustrate that those with disabilities are equal to everyone else, inside or outside the womb. <BR /> <BR />I remind Members that, in 2017, in its report on Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the UN Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities stated:”
“In the past 30 years, like every jurisdiction in the UK, Northern Ireland has introduced legal protections for individuals with disabilities. Those laws aim to foster equality and ensure that individuals with disabilities are treated equally to everyone else. The Disability Discrimination Act 1995 protects the rights of persons with disabilities. The Northern Ireland Act 1998 placed a statutory duty on public authorities to:”
“In turn, it clearly says that people with Down's syndrome or other disabilities are of less value than people without disabilities. <BR /> <BR />This is completely unacceptable in 2021. Again, I ask the question: why would we ever countenance the disability discrimination that the Westminster Parliament was persuaded to vote for 30 years ago? That happened in 1990, before the advent of disability discrimination legislation and before the UK became a signatory to the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. <BR /> <BR />I am sure that Members know the lovely Heidi Crowter. She is a brave young woman with Down's syndrome. She describes the current law as offensive and hurtful. This law is not only offensive, it is regressive and discriminatory.”
“Of these figures to be treated with caution, 618 abortions were when Down's syndrome was identified, and 18 of those were conducted after 24 weeks, the gestation limit for other types of abortion. It is highly likely that a similar interpretation will be adopted here in Northern Ireland. Regulation 7 is the only ground where the decisions are taken on the basis of a diagnosis made of the baby, and it allows for abortion up to birth. Regulation 7(1)(b) affords greater protection to viable human beings in the womb who are deemed to be without a disability than to viable human beings in the womb who have non-fatal disabilities. It is clearly saying that viable human beings with non-fatal disabilities and conditions are worthy of less protection under the law than viable human beings who are deemed to be able-bodied.”
“In England and Wales, we know from the statistics that abortions on the grounds of cleft palate, cleft lip or club foot — all conditions that can be addressed through surgery — are deemed to meet the threshold of seriously disabled, and they do happen. In 2018, in England and Wales, 3,269 abortions were undertaken because of fetal abnormality. These are known as ground E cases. The commentary on the statistics says:”
“At present, regulation 7 covers all disabilities: those referred to as fatal and non-fatal. This allows for abortion in the very difficult cases where a baby has a disability that is likely to be fatal before or shortly after birth. Under Paul's proposed Bill, there will be no grounds for an abortion on the basis that the baby has a non-fatal disability. As I said in the debate last June, in Great Britain, the equivalent section of the Abortion Act 1967, schedule 1 (1)(d), has been interpreted to allow for abortion up to term for conditions such as Down's syndrome, cleft palate and club foot.”
“At the outset, I express my sadness at the passing of Professor Jim Dornan and send my condolences and sympathy to the family that he leaves behind. <BR /> <BR />I welcome the Severe Fetal Impairment Abortion (Amendment) Bill introduced by Paul Givan. His Bill is in line with a motion that I brought to the Assembly on 2 June last year, in that it seeks to amend one element of the Abortion (Northern Ireland) (No. 2) Regulations 2020, namely regulation 7(1)(b) which allows abortion up to birth in circumstances where:”
“Following the Minister's answer, I trust that those in the House who laud the protocol and call for its rigorous implementation will note the extent to which our external purchases are sourced from GB and will reflect on the significant challenges that the protocol presents to local business. <BR /> <BR />I ask the Minister to turn her attention to consumers. Will she outline the implications of rigorous implementation of the protocol for them, if no action is taken?”
“I am grateful to the Minister for his answer. In light of that, what discussions has he had with the DEFRA Secretary of State to highlight and reinforce that this cannot continue for Northern Ireland?”
“Taking into consideration the wider public expenditure position, the Committee has emphasised to the independent bodies that, for the 2021-22 year, they will have to live within their opening baseline positions, absorb significant pressures and identify surrenders at the earliest opportunity.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. The Member will be aware that the only role that the Audit Committee has in that regard is to scrutinise the budgets. Ultimately, decisions are for the Commission, but, yes, there is a responsibility on everybody to ensure that public money is spent in the most effective and efficient way possible and that savings are found, where it is possible to find them. <BR /> <BR />The Committee has carried out its assessment of the expenditure required by the three independent bodies for the 2021-22 financial year in a rigorous manner, and Members will continue to apply that rigour throughout the entire Budget process. I trust that that will give the Member some assurance.”
“We are, however, moving into a new year, in which there should be slightly less uncertainty, and working practices and procedures have already adapted to comply with the restrictions. It is hoped that that will be evidenced by more accurate forecasting.”
“The reduction for constituency office costs, however, arises from an estimation that the anticipated recruitment of staff that was facilitated by the determination would not all take place in this financial year. The Commission carried out unforeseen work during the year to deliver homeworking, and that has meant that a small number of anticipated capital projects will now be undertaken in the 2021-22 financial year. That resulted in a surrender of capital DEL totalling £123,000. <BR /> <BR />The Audit Committee is acutely aware that effective financial management processes are essential if significant overspends and underspends are to be avoided. As I have already mentioned, the past year has been a difficult one for forecasting expenditure.”
“The continuing closure of Parliament Buildings, the absence of external Committee activity and the consequent reduction in the full range of usual activity meant that admin costs were reduced by £345,000, and an easement for that amount was declared. There was also a reduction in planned revenue expenditure on a number of large-scale projects requiring external consultancy expertise, such as the Parliament Buildings security system and the corporate systems review project. <BR /> <BR />In January 2021, a further £906,000 was surrendered because of easements identified in staff salaries, admin costs, Members' costs and constituency office costs. COVID again played a significant role in the easements identified for staff and admin costs.”
“That, in the main, was because of the impact that the pandemic had on the Commission's plans for staff recruitment in the 2020-21 financial year. In October 2020, the Commission identified a net pressure of £2·295 million. A pressure of £4·146 million was identified as a result of the publication of the Assembly Members' salaries and expenses determination, and the Commission subsequently received an allocation for that. <BR /> <BR />Easements for the period were also identified, including £977,000 from staff salaries owing to recruitment being slower than anticipated, again because of the pandemic.”
“I turn now to the Public Services Ombudsman. In June and October 2020, NIPSO did not see a basis for making alterations to its budgetary position, although it should be noted that, in response to the Department of Finance's separate assessment exercise, it did contribute £60,000 of its 2020-21 budget to central COVID-19 countermeasures. In January 2021, NIPSO surrendered £100,000 because of the delay in the commencement of its complaints and standards authority role. It is hoped, however, that that facet of its work will begin in the coming financial year, and the Audit Committee is content that NIPSO's resource plans for the 2021-22 year are appropriate for taking that forward. <BR /> <BR />Finally, I will deal with the Assembly Commission. In June 2020, the Commission surrendered £1·745 million.”
“That is borne out by the nature of the easements that were declared by those three independent bodies during the year. <BR /> <BR />I will deal, first, with the Audit Office. COVID-19 and the uncertainties that existed around the implications of Brexit on the audit of the European agricultural funds had a delaying effect on the Audit Office's planned intensive recruitment schedule. As a consequence, an easement of £300,000 was declared in June 2020. Further easements of £400,000 and £100,000 were declared in October 2020 and January 2021 respectively. Again, those were as a result of COVID. There were savings because of recruitment delays, but there were also considerable savings in travel and subsistence, training and running costs.”
“As the House is aware, the Audit Committee scrutinises and agrees the budgets and Estimates of the Northern Ireland Audit Office and the Northern Ireland Public Services Ombudsman (NIPSO) and lays the Estimates before the Assembly. The Committee also has an equally important role in scrutinising the budget for the Northern Ireland Assembly Commission. In recognition of the independence of those bodies, the Committee carries out those functions in place of the Department of Finance. <BR /> <BR />In-year monitoring is an important feature of the Budget process, and it should be acknowledged at the outset that, due to the impact of COVID-19, it has proven difficult at times for bodies to make robust and accurate forecasts of expenditure requirements.”
“<BR /> <BR />There are many who advocate loudly for tolerance but show none when they are behind a keyboard. There must be more stringent regulation of platforms or a stricter interpretation of the rules, or both, for those who breach and misuse them to bully, resulting in a desperate person coming to physical harm at their own hand. It is important that legislation keeps pace with an ever-changing world, and, therefore, I believe that it is right and necessary that consideration be given to legislation that deals specifically with cyberbullying that leads to suicide or a suicide attempt. Those 10,000 people in Northern Ireland call on the Justice Minister and the Assembly to say, "Enough", and to introduce a sanction. I support their call.”
“Sometimes, the hope that it will stop simply runs out, leaving nothing but despair — and then what? <BR /> <BR />The petition was originally started for mental health week, and some 10,630 people have signalled their support online for the family's campaign. I have another 1,246 physical signatures in my possession. The signatories call for sanctions on those who, often with unremitting viciousness and for fun, drive someone to take their own life or to attempt to do so. We seem to have become a society that is generous in our charitable giving but unkind with our words. Social media has become a place where it appears acceptable, often behind a veil of anonymity or a persona, to say anything, regardless of and with little thought for the impact that the words or the message may have on the recipient.”
“I am grateful for the opportunity to present this petition, which calls for sanctions for cyberbullying, to the House today. I have been requested to do so by a grieving family from my constituency of East Belfast, and this is a serious subject that will have touched many families across Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />The Gregg family lost a precious son, a beloved brother and a father to suicide as a result of relentless targeting for six months on social media. Mobile technology is freely available and necessary in today's society, so bullying and targeting not only are distressing for their subject but can be relentless and feel as if there is no escape. No one is immune from cyberbullying; we are all potential targets. It affects people of any age and from any walk of life, but it can be overwhelming and devastating.”
“I declare my membership of the Policing Board. At the board meeting on Thursday, the Chief Constable indicated that the current draft Budget would mean a reduction in the number of officers and in recruitment. Will the First Minister seek to prioritise the NDNA commitment to increase police numbers, as it should benefit the whole of society?”
“I thank the Minister for his answer. What consideration has the Minister given to establishing a standby list whereby carers, special educational needs (SEN) teachers, PSNI officers and anybody who is in front-line contact with the most at-risk groups can come in at short notice to fill any gaps?”
“I am grateful to the Minister for what was a very emotive statement, some of which was extremely distressing to hear. The statement refers to young women having to go to those places to escape "community rough justice". Will the First Minister indicate the context of that and whether it will be a key area of examination for the independent investigation? Given that some of this dates to relatively recent times — the 1990s — might there be a prospect of criminal justice outcomes in the future?”
“There are only 14 months left of the mandate, and there are many priorities in 'New Decade, New Approach' (NDNA). How will the Executive Office ensure that prioritisation is given to commitments that affect everybody rather than to items that could be viewed by some as niche?”