Sammy Wilson
MP for East Antrim · Democratic Unionist Party · United Kingdom
“I draw attention to my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests. The Foreign Secretary has said that his concern is for the behaviour of some settlers on the west bank, and I think we all share that, but does he accept that the fear of losing votes to the Green party and the independent Members on the Bench behind me is also…”
“It is a sad state of affairs when ordinary people feel compelled to take direct action against illegal immigration into our country as a result of successive Governments failing to stop the invasion of our country by illegal immigrants, aided by criminal gangs.”
“The Chancellor has rightly identified trade frictions as a major impediment to economic growth. As a result of the Windsor framework, the internal market in the UK has been severely disrupted by EU-imposed restrictions on trade, which mean customs unions, mountains of paperwork and physical barriers. What steps does the right hon.”
“We would not need these regulations were it not for EU regulations having to apply to a certain part of the United Kingdom because it is regarded as part of the EU, regardless of the democratic vote of the British people to leave the EU. This is not about protecting biodiversity.”
“Because they are now subject to all these additional regulations. If they do not abide by those regulations—we have already seen this—those goods can be seized, destroyed, re-exported or detained by DAERA in Northern Ireland. That is not something which is just a maybe; it happens currently.”
“It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Alec. The Minister outlined why these regulations were necessary and gave what, to most on the Committee, would be an acceptable argument: they are to protect biodiversity in Northern Ireland and to ensure that diseased plants are not accessing the Northern Ireland market.”
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“The other term that the hon. Gentleman ignores is “measures appropriate”. Had it been simply financial measures, it would specify financial measures, but it does not. It is ambiguous. One of the first times that I was politically involved in something was around the time of the referendum on entering the EU and the renegotiations. At that time, people were accused of scaremongering when they said that when we gave fishing policy over to the EU, it could devastate the local fishing industry. We were told that the ambiguous wording in the treaty was being misinterpreted. We now have a devastated fishing industry.”
“I do not mind why the hon. Gentleman votes against the treaty. I know that parts of it find favour with him, but if that is the reason compelling the Scottish Nationalists to vote against it, I agree with him. When membership of the EU was being negotiated, we were told that we were misreading the terms of the treaty, and that what we feared could not possibly happen. Now we have seas that are plundered, villages that are destroyed and industry that is wrecked. What we were told could not come true has come true. As for what are now being described as scaremongering stories, I believe that at some point in the future we will look back and regret that we did not listen to the voice of reason in the House.”
“Some powerful speeches have been made tonight about the erosion of the powers of this Parliament, about the increasing influence of Europe that will result from the treaty, and about the impact that that is likely to have on the lives of ordinary people here in the United Kingdom. I hope that Members will see the light between now and a quarter to 10, although I doubt it. Of course, it is not always a case of seeing the light; sometimes it is simply a case of Members managing to remove the Whips’ arms from their throats. If that does not happen, however, at least those of us who stood on the basis of a manifesto commitment to put this to the British people in a referendum—to give them the right to have their say—can walk through the Lobbies tonight with our heads held high, and oppose the Third Reading of this Bill.”
“Now I say to Conservative Front Benchers, “Don’t listen to that kind of nonsense.” It should not be forgotten that we are valuable members of the European Union. The other members of the EU benefit from us as much as we benefit from them, and sometimes more when it comes to trade, the transfer of money and a host of other matters. If there is a change of Government—as I hope there soon will be—and the British people speak, saying that they do not like the terms of this treaty, there will be a chance of renegotiation. I do not think that Members should go limply through the Lobby to vote for the treaty simply because they have been told there is no alternative. The votes that have taken place so far have brought great sadness.”
“No one will talk to you.” Indeed, I think that one argument was, “There will be no one to talk to.” We have had some experience of that in Northern Ireland. We opposed an agreement between the Irish Government, the British Government, the American Government, all the parties in the Irish Republic, all the parties in the House of Commons and all the parties in Northern Ireland. We had been told “Don’t even think of opposing it; no one will talk to you, let alone renegotiate the agreement.” We did not believe that, and the agreement was renegotiated. Safeguards that had not been inserted in the first place were inserted. The people who had said that it would never be possible to persuade Sinn Fein to accept the police and give up their guns were proved wrong.”
“I do not really care which party tried to sell that line. It was the wrong line, and one that we have come to regret. What is so sad is that subsequent Governments have not sought to do anything about it. As other Members have pointed out, once we enter into arrangements such as this they are almost impossible to reverse. It is no use arguing that they were wrong at the outset and would prove devastating, because it is not possible to change them. That is why I find it sad that we have not given this Bill proper scrutiny. We are walking into something that will be irreversible. Conservative Front Benchers have been told, “If you don’t go along with this, no one will negotiate a different treaty with you.”
“There is great concern in Northern Ireland not only about long-term prisoners but about the number of people who are held for a short term in jail as a result of the non-payment of fines. Given that only 1 per cent. of those who have been brought to court for fuel smuggling ever finish up in jail, and that fine defaulters are regularly put in jail, will the Minister tell us what plans he has to ensure that organised criminals get hefty jail sentences, and to deal with the issue of the fine defaulters who are taking up space in our prisons?”
“The Prime Minister will be aware of the increased security threat posed by the dissident IRA groups in Northern Ireland and the sophisticated criminal gangs now operated by former paramilitaries. The police in Northern Ireland have said that the use of intercept evidence would be very useful to them in stamping out the crimes associated with such activity. Given that the security services are now carrying the main responsibility for intelligence gathering in Northern Ireland and that policing and justice are not devolved, can the Prime Minister explain why, if intercept material is to be used, its use will apply only in criminal cases in England and Wales and will not be extended to Northern Ireland?”
“We have just come through one of the tightest comprehensive spending reviews since this Government came to office. One of the reasons for that is the current strain on public finances. Will the borrowing rules be relaxed to allow borrowing above planned borrowing for next year in order to finance this deal, or will there be a reduction in planned borrowing for infrastructure projects—and if so, which Departments does the Chancellor intend to delve into in order to finance this?”
“One of the tests of policing in Northern Ireland and making the police acceptable is how they deal with antisocial behaviour. Does the Minister agree that it is difficult to persuade the public that the police are serious about antisocial behaviour when some senior officers seem to suggest that the police should empathise with gangs of youths rather than deal with them when they engage in criminal acts? In Northern Ireland, antisocial behaviour orders are rarely used by the police. What, in his discussions with the Chief Constable, will the Minister push the police to do to ensure that antisocial behaviour is dealt with?”
“Does the Secretary of State not see the irony of 10,000 people flying halfway round the world to discuss reducing CO 2 emissions while generating thousands of tonnes of CO 2 ? Does he accept that one of the reasons why no binding targets were agreed at Bali was that even the most enthusiastic participants know that to achieve them will require massive structural change in their own economies, will influence economic growth and will hurt most the economies of developing countries?”
“The Government have not honoured their promise to the Orange Order of some time ago that if private insurance cover could not be obtained they would look at how to ease the way and review Chief Constable certificates. I ask the Minister to establish what has happened in respect of that promise and to ensure that it is fulfilled in 2008.”
“The Government had promised the Orange Order that if it was not possible to arrange private schemes they would look again at the issuing of Chief Constable certificates, which would open the door to compensation. Currently, to get a certificate it must be proved that at least three people have done the deed—often, halls are in the middle of the country and the deeds are done at night when no one is around, so it is impossible to establish that—or that it has been done by a proscribed organisation, but no proscribed organisation, regardless of how militant it might be, will confess to being involved in such a sectarian campaign. The result is that many of those halls are left empty and derelict.”
“Over last weekend, another three Orange halls in Northern Ireland were destroyed, making an average of three per month over the past year and more than 200 in total since the sectarian campaign began of destroying what are in many places the only local community facility—although they are attached to the Orange Order, they are used by a wide section of the Northern Ireland community. Because of the number and widespread nature of the attacks, it has been virtually impossible for the people who run the halls to obtain insurance. Therefore, many halls scattered around Northern Ireland are lying derelict, burnt out and ruined—and of course every ruined building is an encouragement for those who want to continue such sectarian behaviour to do so, because they can see the highly visible results of what they do.”
“I would like the Minister to seek an explanation from the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister as to why in a recent letter to one of the victims’ groups in Northern Ireland the Government said that as far as they are concerned the case is closed. If war can be conducted against the Taliban and their assets can be frozen, and if we can go into Afghanistan to pursue terrorists, then at least Libya should be made to pay for the harm and hurt it has caused the people of the United Kingdom by sponsoring terrorism in this country for so many years. I want briefly to raise one other matter.”
“Rightly, the British and American Governments jointly demanded compensation for the victims of the Lockerbie bombing. But when it comes to victims of Libyan-sponsored terror here in the United Kingdom, rather than making demands for compensation, the Foreign Office has campaigned to have sanctions against the Libyans lifted—it has twisted arms to make sure that they were lifted. The most bitter irony of all is that the Foreign Office has now sanctioned the sale of arms from this country to Libya. According to the records in this House, over the past two and a half years in standard individual export licences alone £50 million-worth of armaments has been sold by the United Kingdom to the Libyan Government, and that country has still not even apologised for the harm and suffering it caused to citizens of the United Kingdom.”
“It would not have been unreasonable to expect that the Government, who are committed to ensuring that states that sponsor terror pay for their actions, would have had some urgency in making Libya pay for the years of terror it sponsored in the United Kingdom—terror which, as I have said, has had a far greater impact on individuals in this country than that of the Taliban or al-Qaeda or any of the other terrorist groups that the Government are currently pursuing. There are well-documented precedents of compensation. When WPC Yvonne Fletcher was murdered near the Libyan embassy in London, compensation was sought for her family. When an airliner was blown up over Niger and 170 French citizens were killed, the French demanded compensation and refused to support the lifting of sanctions until it was paid.”
“That money then came back to Ireland, was reinvested in property and businesses in Dublin at a time when property was booming, and made terrorism sustainable—it enabled the apparatus of terrorism to be financed through Libyan money. The Libyans not only financed terror; they also trained terrorists. In “Bandit Country”, his excellent study of the IRA in south Armagh, Toby Harnden highlighted a number of the godfathers of terrorism in that area who had been trained in Libya and then returned to Northern Ireland to carry out bomb attacks against the security forces and organise the terror campaign that led to many targets here in London being blown up.”
“It was used in the attempt to blow up the Cabinet in Downing street in 1991, and it was used in at least 250 booby-trap bombs, many of which led to loss of life and all of which led to the loss of limbs. Many shipments were intercepted. It is estimated that 200 additional tonnes of weaponry were on the three ships—the Claudia, the Marita Anne and the Eskund—which were intercepted on their way from Libya to Ireland. Libya not only supplied arms; it also supplied finance. That has been borne out by Libyans themselves. The head of the Libyan London section confessed that at least £6 million was made available to the IRA by way of suitcases of money passed to IRA couriers in Tripoli.”
“In 1992, the Chief Constable of the then Royal Ulster Constabulary gave an intelligence estimate of the weaponry that had reached Northern Ireland from Libya. He catalogued it as 6 tonnes of Semtex; 1,500 AK rifles; three heavy machine guns; 500 handguns; 20 SAM missiles; 50 RPG-7 rocket launchers and 10 flamethrowers. Some of that Semtex was used in the most cowardly and dastardly terrorist actions committed during the troubles in Northern Ireland. That Semtex was used in a bomb at the war memorial on the November Remembrance day when 11 people were killed. It was used to blow up a bus near the Ballygawley roundabout in which eight soldiers died.”
“All of us support the Government in their actions. In Afghanistan, Iraq and other parts of the world, the Government are conducting their war against terror but, in a most despicable example, they have ignored the state that has been the greatest sponsor of terror with the greatest impact on people in the UK: the state of Libya. For many years, Libya sent arms to, financed and trained the IRA, which carried out acts of terror not just in Northern Ireland, but here in Great Britain. Many at this Christmas time mourn loved ones and are still living with the loss of limbs and livelihoods as a result of the terrorism sponsored by the Libyan Government over the 1970s, 1980s and into the early 1990s. The IRA campaign of terror could not have been sustained without the support of the Libyan Government.”
“Madam Deputy Speaker, may I wish you and the staff here in Parliament a very happy Christmas—not winterval, winterfest or Xmas, but Christmas? I hope that the Minister will tell her Government colleagues in Departments where there may be a tendency to follow the terms that the politically correct mob would foist on us that this House would like to see Christmas referred to by its proper term and not by these other names. I am sure that those of other religions—in this House and outside—do not take offence at the fact that we use the term Christmas around this time. I want to raise a matter of great concern to people in Northern Ireland. Much of the time during the past Session was taken up, quite rightly, with the Government proposing legislation and regulations and providing reports on the war against terror.”
“We welcome the fact that resources are being put into ensuring that children take up the educational opportunities available to them. However, as persistent absences continue, despite the additional resources and sanctions available to schools and education authorities to deal with them, how does the Minister believe that those who remain absent from school while they are already supposed to be there are going to be enticed into his plans for staying on at school until the age of 18?”
“I welcome the statement but I am not sure that the public will be reassured that their personal details are safe in Government hands, especially as there seems to be a new revelation of inept handling of data by Government Departments every week. Only last week, the Northern Ireland Assembly was informed that 7,000 vehicle owners in Northern Ireland had their details lost when data were sent unsecured through the post. Will the Chancellor assure me that the spot-checks to which he referred in his statement will extend to Government Departments under the control of devolved Administrations across the United Kingdom? In light of the weekly revelations, does he understand why people are increasingly concerned about the introduction of ID cards in the future?”
“During the 1980s, the Libyan Government brought hundreds of tons of guns and explosives into Northern Ireland to help the IRA. As a result, hundreds of people were killed, thousands were maimed, and businesses worth millions of pounds were destroyed. Many of the victims groups have been demanding that the Government seek compensation from the Libyan Government, just as compensation was sought for the victims of the destruction of the Pan Am flight over Lockerbie. This week the groups were informed that the Government did not intend to pursue the case. Will the Leader of the House find time to bring the Foreign Secretary along to make a statement explaining why victims of Libyan-sponsored terrorism in Northern Ireland are being treated differently from victims of the same state in Lockerbie?”
“I appreciate the list of good things that the hon. Gentleman has given to the House, but does all that justify committing the equivalent of the defence budget in taxpayers’ money to propping up the bank?”
“I understand the point that is being made, but the Arts Council money that went to the Jerry Springer show was not so much about censoring or preventing censorship as about promoting something that many people found offensive. That is the difference. It is one thing to say that we do not want to censor, but another to say that we want to use public money to promote certain things.”
“In Northern Ireland, many Christians believe that the authorities, because of fear of various groups, have turned a blind eye to some of the things that have happened. Just last year, the gay pride march marched through the centre of Belfast carrying posters that read, “Jesus is a fag”. That was deeply offensive to Christians, but the police were prepared to do nothing about it. The Parades Commission, which would deal harshly with parades of other sorts that were deemed to have caused offence, did nothing about it. Indeed, those in the homosexual community who would rail against any restrictions or attacks on their community by people with strong religious convictions seemed to think that it was all a bit of a joke.”
“Thank you, Mr. Williams. I want to make a short contribution. First, I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for The Wrekin (Mark Pritchard) on securing the debate and on the subject that he has raised. Many, including some of the columnists and newspapers, will say that this is just another case of extremism and of someone wishing to push their particular faith beliefs down other people’s throats. However, it is important that we set out clearly the fears that are shared by the vast majority of people in not only this part of the United Kingdom but the part of the United Kingdom that I represent, that the foundations of our Christian traditions in this country are slowly being eroded. Many anecdotes and examples have been given so far.”
“The Minister will deny it, but that is increasingly the perception of many from the Christian tradition. Laws and public policy tend to be directed towards secularism, and the country will find itself poorer for that. The laws that go through Parliament will reflect that increasing secularisation and, perhaps, a straying away from some of the guidelines laid down by Christian tradition.”
“However, we live in an increasingly aggressively secular society in which some wish to make Christianity a private matter and to ensure that it is not manifested publicly, despite the fact that this remains a predominantly Christian country. If those people get away with that, this country will be the poorer for it. We have heard already about the contribution that the public face of Christianity has made to shaping this nation and to ensuring social justice. About six months ago, there was a huge protest by Christians outside Parliament. They feel that the Government increasingly lend their ears to those in the secular community who wish to promote secularism aggressively and introduce laws that will make Britain a more secular nation and erode Christian traditions.”
“Many of those people are mentally disabled and many are physically disabled. In the interest of art, that magazine mocked those attending the church, using terms such as “imbeciles” and “the lame”, and expected to receive public money. When I opposed that money, I received some amazing hate mail, including some from people living as far away as London, saying that that was censorship of the worst kind. That is despite the fact, of course, that if Christians had said such things about other groups, there would have been a massive outcry. Some local councils, Government Departments and schools have tried to suppress references to the festival that we will celebrate in a few weeks’ time: Christmas. The “Christ” in Christmas appears to cause offence. Other religions have not said that it is offensive.”
“I agree; unfortunately, it seems that the apologies are all wanted in one direction. That example was one illustration from Northern Ireland of the authorities’ apparent unwillingness to listen to the legitimate protests of Christians who feel that their faith is being put under pressure and attack. Another example that has been given is the public money that went to “Jerry Springer—The Opera” because of falling ticket sales. In Northern Ireland, one magazine, which claimed to be an arts magazine, went round various churches in Belfast. It attended the church service that I would go to on a Sunday, where committed Christians bring people who are excluded from society because of their disabilities to church on a Sunday. They will take them to their homes beforehand for a meal.”
“That is an indication that there is little willingness in the Government and their party to listen to the warning that Christianity would give. The poor and vulnerable should be protected, rather than exposed to such things.”
“I take the point that that is the strength of Christianity. All this country’s great reforms have come from the strength of Christians pushing for change. However, sometimes, that must manifest itself in law. Although I am not asking for special legal protection for Christians, our Christian traditions ought to be reflected in decisions made by local and central Government. It is a great pity to see the Labour party become more secular. In its early days, many in the party were led to undertake massive social reform by their Methodist tradition, faith and beliefs. As the party has become more secular and listened to the secular tradition, bad and regressive law has been made, ranging from the 24-hour drinking law to the gambling law. Those laws hurt the vulnerable in society.”
“Secondly, public policy and the use of public resources must reflect the fact that, in many areas of our country, Christians and the infrastructure that they have through Churches provide many important and necessary facilities. If it were not for the work of Churches in vast areas of Northern Ireland—not even in a proselytising way, but simply in providing facilities—there would be no community activities or work with young people. However, there seems to be an unwillingness in public policy to make resources available to Churches to carry out such activities. I should like action on that. This is an important debate and I welcome the fact that the hon. Member for The Wrekin secured it. I trust that some good will stem from it.”
“Well, at the start of the Prime Minister’s period in office, there were certainly indications that he might do so. I would welcome it if the kind of Christian tradition that he comes from were to be reflected in some United Kingdom public policy. With regard to our attitude towards Christian traditions and influences, there are a couple of practical things that could be good for society. First, as the two previous speakers have mentioned, we must get away from the nonsense of thinking that we should try to dilute the Christian aspects of Easter and Christmas, whether in Christmas cards, school nativity plays, or terms that are used.”
“Yesterday, in the statement on national security, to which my party has given broad support, the Prime Minister announced a strengthening of the e-border programme. While we recognise the importance of checking the background of those who enter the United Kingdom, in the absence of that programme being implemented in the Irish Republic, or being applied along the border between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic, people from Northern Ireland are likely to be treated as foreign nationals when travelling to this country. That has grave implications for the Union. Will the Leader of the House arrange a debate to discuss the economic, social and constitutional consequences of the strengthening of the e-border programme?”
“The hon. Gentleman rightly highlighted the demands that immigration is making on this country’s resources, such as housing and schools. The pressure is now being felt in Northern Ireland. Yesterday, the Select Committee on Northern Ireland Affairs visited Belmarsh prison, where officers are doing a magnificent job in extreme circumstances. As 25 per cent. of the prison’s population are not even able to speak English, because they are foreign nationals, immense pressure has been put on its resources, as has probably been the case in prisons across the United Kingdom. That is another factor that needs to be considered.”
“If we are to raise expectation, there is no point trying to do so once people are totally turned off education, because they do not even have the skills to read or write. They are turned off by the indiscipline in schools, so if resources are to be directed at them, that should be done before the lights are switched off, rather than trying to raise their expectations once they have left school without qualifications. That is the emphasis of the amendment—its sentiments were shared by a number of Government Members, who warned that we must reach those young people at an early stage—and that is why I have taken part in the debate, and am happy to take part in the vote.”
“The same is true of the proposals on educational guidance. Most further education colleges, the careers service and jobcentres already provide a full range of guidance to youngsters, yet there is still a hard core of people who are not attracted to education. The final building block are the new apprenticeships, but we already offer a range of opportunities, whether through involvement in community-based schemes, industry-based schemes or training, so young people are doing hard work. The Government have tried to play down the compulsory element, but I am not sure that the proposals will increase the attractiveness of training for that hard-to-reach group of young people, which is why I support the amendment.”
“The Secretary of State described four main building blocks for trying to attract young people who are not in full-time education including, first, new qualifications. Looking at the range of qualifications, from NVQs and GNVQs to GCSEs, vocational GCSEs, A-levels, basic numeracy and literacy, one can see that there is no shortage either of qualifications or of variety, so that is not what is preventing young people from participating in education. I am not sure that new diplomas will make things any different for those hard-to-attract young people. Allowances are an extension of the Government’s proposals, but the education maintenance allowance is already available, probably to the very people whom the Government seek to attract to full-time training and education. I do not think that there is anything new that will change the situation.”
“I had the opportunity to teach in further education, and one of my early memories is of teaching people who were compelled to go to a further education college one day a week. I had the joy of teaching first-year plumbers on a Friday morning for a couple of hours. Many of them were happy to learn their trade and acquire plumbing skills, but it was a nightmare for them to return to the educational setting—it was a nightmare for those of us who had to teach them, too—which created all kinds of problems. The Secretary of State must not underestimate the fact that even if it is only on a part-time basis, compulsory educational attendance will cause problems for teachers, and will have a detrimental impact.”
“Whether that is on a full-time basis, for 16 hours a week, or—for those who are in employment—one day a week over the year, there will be an element of compulsion. As someone who spent all his life teaching before coming to the House, and having taught in a grammar school for a long time, may I tell those Members who rubbished academic selection and grammar schools that social mobility in Northern Ireland is far ahead of social mobility in this part of the United Kingdom? More people from working-class backgrounds go into higher education than elsewhere. We have already passed the 50 per cent. figure, which is partly due to the fact that we retained the grammar school system.”
“No one could quibble with the objectives set out by the Secretary of State for Children, Schools and Families—increasing skills in the economy, increasing employability, and turning the least academically able section of our population away from a life on benefits. However, I have concerns about the method, and the vehicle, that is to be used. My first concern is about raising the age for full-time education. I notice that we are moving from talking about the school leaving age, and instead talk about the age for full-time education. Nevertheless, as the Secretary of State made clear in an intervention, there will be an element of compulsory attendance at an educational establishment.”
“I am pleased to take part in this debate. I say that with some caution, because I know that some of my hon. Friends on the Conservative Benches wonder why, now that education and health matters are devolved to Northern Ireland, I wish to take part in a debate on education and health in this Chamber. It is a great pity that some of my hon. Friends take the view that there should be two tiers of membership in this House, and that on some issues people who have been elected should be excluded from debates or from votes. As a Unionist, I believe that as a citizen of the United Kingdom who has been elected to the Parliament of the United Kingdom, I have the right to take part in these debates, and I am happy to take part today.”
“Does the Lord Chancellor agree that it is strange that those who claim to be most pro-Unionist are currently aligned with those who have stated in this House today that they are aiming for the break-up of the United Kingdom? When devolution did not apply to Northern Ireland, Northern Ireland MPs accepted, sometimes reluctantly, the fact that this House voted on measures that applied to Northern Ireland, even though most parties in this House did not stand in Northern Ireland. In the absence of devolution for England, people in England should accept the same responsibility as members of the United Kingdom, namely that this House is supreme in those matters.”
“Does the hon. Gentleman not see a certain irony in the fact that the proposal to strengthen the relationship between Government, Parliament and the people comes at the same time that the Prime Minister is resolutely refusing to allow the people to decide on one of the most important constitutional changes, namely, the EU treaty?”
“As a staunch Unionist, I find that argument rather disturbing. Although devolution did not apply to Northern Ireland for many years, part of the contract of the Union was that decisions about Northern Ireland were made in this House by people who often represented parties that did not even organise in Northern Ireland. In the absence of devolution in England, does that contract not also apply to people in England in the sense that all hon. Members should make decisions about what happens in this part of the United Kingdom?”
“When there was a strong, apparently immovable regime, perhaps they were happy to support it. Now that the prospect of long-term stability has lessened, it might push China and the ASEAN countries to apply more pressure on Burma. Hon. Members have said that the Chinese Government want the Olympics to go smoothly. We should use that as a lever to get the Chinese Government to pay more attention to the position in Burma and put more pressure on the Burmese regime, which they have the ability to influence.”