Stephen Doughty
MP for Cardiff South and Penarth · Labour (Co-op) · United Kingdom
“The hon. Gentleman is absolutely right to set out the situation, the threats and the impact on our economy. Across this House, we share a desire to get the strait reopened.”
“I thank my hon. Friend for his sustained and continued advocacy on behalf of his constituent, which is deeply powerful. I know it is of concern to many Members across this House. Despite some progress in Mr Johal’s legal proceedings, eight of the cases against him remain outstanding.”
“I share the hon. Gentleman’s horror at some of the things we have seen going on in those illegal settlements, and we have absolutely condemned the settler violence—the settler terrorism—that we have seen.”
“I pay tribute to our Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office consular teams, particularly for their current work on the Nepal-China flooding crisis. It is also important to pay tribute to the work they do to support the thousands of British nationals who are arrested or detained abroad each year.”
“If I may, Mr Speaker, I want to start by acknowledging the devastating floods in Nepal. I know many Members are supporting constituents who have been affected by this tragedy, and our intention remains to support British nationals and the people of Nepal.”
“The right hon. Gentleman raises important cases. I can assure him that we continue to support the clemency applications of Ryan Cornelius and Charles Ridley and to raise their case with the UAE authorities. In fact, I did so recently; the former Foreign Secretary did so as well and has met the families. As the right hon.”
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“We can have the toughest regime on paper, but if Russia is in practice finding ways around it, that is not acceptable. I was struck on the visit to Kyiv by the importance of ratcheting up the sanctions. Indeed, many of the measures proposed in these regulations are about expanding the sanctions, and that is a good thing. However, it is crucial that we work with some of the best minds around the world to look at other areas where we can bring pressure to bear. Indeed, McFaul, the former US ambassador to Russia, and others, including from the Ukrainian Government, have a working group looking at additional ways in which they can expand these sanctions and make them tougher. I was concerned to be told that there is apparently no UK representative on that group. Can the Minister clarify why that is the case?”
“What conversations has the Minister had with the National Crime Agency to ensure the proper enforcement against those who breach the sanctions regime? In the previous debate, I asked about the potential circumvention of sanctions. Numerous allegations have been put to me about a range of industries, such as the steel industry—we have discussed measures on those sorts of products and there are measures in these regulations—where Russia is attempting to use third countries potentially to export steel and other key products, some of which are ending up in the UK and countries across the west that are imposing sanctions. That is an absurd situation and I hope the Minister can provide more information about that and about what we are doing to close the loopholes that Russia is attempting to use.”
“The former Minister, now Foreign Secretary, informed me in May that 150 individuals were working full time in the sanctions taskforce in the FCDO and that the Office of Financial Sanctions Implementation had at least doubled in size, but I have tried to get further clarity about the resourcing going in. I asked about that in the last two debates and I was promised a letter by the Minister. I have not had that and I hope that the new Minister can chase that up and get some answers. We support these sanctions and the measures, but it is only right that the Opposition can scrutinise and understand whether the Government are properly resourcing them. What extra financial resources have been given to those bodies?”
“I refer again to my impending entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests as a guest of Yalta European Strategy. I was deeply moved by the spirit, courage and bravery shown by not only President Zelensky but all the Ministers, officials, Members of Parliament, members of civil society and Ukrainian citizens. I returned with a deep sense of urgency, a personal commitment and a solemn duty to do everything that we can to end President Putin’s egregious display of aggression, violence and cruelty, which we have sadly seen so brutally in the scenes from Izyum—the mass graves, the torture and the stories coming out of there. We heard in the previous debate about sexual violence. On our visit, we heard some truly horrific things and we saw with our own eyes the destruction of civilian infrastructure.”
“Obviously, in the last few weeks, we have seen remarkable progress by Ukrainian forces in the east and south of the country in an incredible counter-offensive. Indeed, Ukrainians have shown extraordinary courage, strength and ingenuity in the face of Russian aggression. Those efforts, thanks to our support and that of others, are thankfully bearing fruit. As we enter a new phase of the conflict, it is more important than ever to show our firm resolve to stand behind Ukraine in every way, not only in the military domain but politically, economically and diplomatically as well as, crucially, in the consequences that Putin and his cronies must face for their illegal and barbarous actions. As I mentioned in the previous debate, I have just returned from a trip to Kyiv and the surrounding area.”
“That underlines the point that I have made in many previous sanctions debates about the resourcing and assistance that is being given to critical units in the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office and elsewhere, and whether that is enough. I know that it has been expanded and there are more officials, but we need to have the support in the system to ensure that we get such things right first time. Putin and his cronies will be—we know that they are—seeking every single loophole, omission and error to try to circumvent them. We must not allow them to do that. I will come to further comments about that in due course; I hope that the Minister will explain that in his closing remarks.”
“I welcome the new Minister to his place. I look forward to working with him on sanctions, as I have with his many predecessors. I welcome the opportunity to discuss sanctions on Russia again and I am pleased to see such a wide range of issues being covered in today’s measures, which are mainly amendments. My first question is why so many amendments are needed. The Minister has answered some of that, as do the explanatory notes, but—I do not want this to be seen as a criticism of the officials, who work incredibly hard to put such regulations together—an extraordinary number of errors and omissions appear to have been made, as he just confirmed.”
“I have just received notice that on 11 October we will be debating another set of amending regulations on sanctions—not only against Russia, but against a whole bunch of regimes—to deal with the very fact that crypto-assets are not treated in the same way as other financial assets for the purposes of sanctions. In fact, there appear to be a whole series of loopholes that the Government are only getting around to dealing with on 11 October. We really need to move a lot faster. We need to be up to speed with what is actually happening and with how people are using these markets.”
“I hope that the Minister can explain why that exemption has been made. It is clear that Lukashenko must feel the pressure from the west as much as he does from the east. We therefore welcome the overall package of sanctions that the Committee is considering today, which represents a considerable step in the right direction. The war is continuing for far longer than was ever estimated at the beginning. I fear that it will only be protracted and worsen in the months ahead, so we must ensure that our sanctions regime can expand in real time, in real response to the measures taken by Russia with the assistance of countries such as Belarus and the Lukashenko regime. We fully support the regulations. We will not divide the Committee, but I hope that the Minister can answer some of my questions.”
“The explanatory memorandum states that air and space goods have not been included, as they were in the measures against Russia, because “Belarus does not have the exact same role as Russia in the war against Ukraine.” That strikes me as slightly odd. We ought to be taking the toughest measures. It is very clear that, although Belarus has not committed its own troops, it is part and parcel of what Putin is doing, in providing a launchpad—that so-called aircraft carrier—to use against Ukraine. I cannot understand why we would then give Belarus an exemption on aviation and space goods. I recognise that that is probably a fairly small part of its market, but we should not be giving it any scope whatsoever for economic benefit from products that are either directly or indirectly linked to the actions that are taking place in Ukraine.”
“I am pleased to see those measures. It has been suggested to me—I wonder whether the Minister can shed any further light on this—that materials are being exported from Russia and Belarus via third parties in the steel and iron market, and potentially making their way to our shores and those of allies. It would be deeply concerning if such sanctions-busting activity was going on, either through the rebadging of products or by misleading people about their origins. If the Minister does not have the details today, I would welcome a letter from him on that. What measures have been put in place to ensure that diversionary routes are not being used to send products—particularly high-value products—that originated in Russia or Belarus to our shores? How will we ensure that the measures set out in the regulations are absolutely robust and secure?”
“Thirdly—I have made this point in many debates on this subject—what consideration is being given to moving beyond the freezing of assets, travel bans and so on to the seizure and repurposing of the assets, whether Russian, Belarusian or otherwise, of those who are directly implicated in the illegal war against Ukraine? We know that demands for reconstruction, humanitarian support and other forms of support for Ukraine are immense, and they are increasing. There is a fiscal reason for ensuring that we get additional resources in, but many people are rightly asking why some assets will sit there, effectively dormant, without being seized and repurposed. What further consideration has been given to that? In the impact assessment, there is specific mention of issues relating to Belarusian steel and iron products.”
“I also want to ask the Minister about the statement that was made in November 2021, when the sanctions against Belarus were last debated. The then Under-Secretary of State, the hon. Member for Aldridge-Brownhills (Wendy Morton), stated that our “actions work best when combined with other diplomatic and economic measures, and the UK has assisted independent media and civil society organisations in Belarus”. —[ Official Report , 4 November 2021; Vol. 702, c. 1076.] Can the Minister explain what support is being provided to Belarusian civil society, much of which is being targeted by Lukashenko, to supplement and complement the sanctions that are being debated today? Clearly, the support that has been offered has not been enough to stop the repressive activities that we have seen, as well as what he has being doing inside Ukraine.”
“Lukashenko said that Belarus will “continue to stand for the preservation of harmony”. We know that is absolute nonsense, because less than a month prior to those words being issued he fired 25 missiles, hitting targets in the Chernihiv region and around Zhytomyr on the day when Ukraine celebrated its statehood day. I echo the words of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, who condemned the attack, saying: “Lukashenka can’t fool anyone. He is guilty of crimes against Belarusians & Ukrainians & must be held accountable.” She rightly stated that Lukashenko is effectively allowing Belarusian lands to be used as “an aircraft carrier for Putin.” Our actions here in the UK must match that bravery and the starkness of what she and those who work around her, who have often been put at immense personal risk, are setting out.”
“Member for Basildon and Billericay about the number of individuals being targeted, which seems small compared with the number of those who we know are involved in the Belarusian regime, and potentially in orchestrating and authorising these actions against Ukraine and in support of Putin. I hope that the Minister will answer that question about the numbers involved, come back to us in due course, and keep the measures under constant review. With the measures against Russia, the names of individuals have been regularly updated. I hope that that will occur in relation to Belarus and others. Lukashenko had the gall the other day to congratulate Ukraine on its independence day. I was marching with the Ukrainian representatives and refugees in Cardiff just last week.”
“After our most recent debate on sanctions, the Minister’s predecessor, who is now the Education Secretary, assured me that the sanctions taskforce at the FCDO contained 150 permanent staff, and that the Office of Financial Sanctions Implementation had doubled in size. Can the Minister confirm how many permanent staff are now in OFSI and the sanctions taskforce? Has the Department has assessed staffing levels again, and are they sufficient to provide the swiftness that we need? The Ukrainian people do not have time for these sorts of delays when it comes to countries such as Belarus and individuals in those regimes who are taking these actions. We need to move swiftly. If it is a question of capacity, I urge him to look at whether more permanent staff can be brought in urgently. I agree with the point made by the hon.”
“That was confirmed by the Foreign Secretary the same day, so I have to ask the Minister why it took until the start of July for the sanctions to be brought into effect, and why it has therefore taken until today for the Committee to be given the opportunity to debate them. I do not doubt the Government’s intention, and nor do I criticise what they are putting forward, but time and again we have been lagging behind and not moving at the necessary speed. If it is a question of resourcing for the excellent teams in the FCDO and elsewhere that have been doing this work, the Government really need to catch up.”
“He effectively allowed Putin to invade Ukraine via Belarus, he has surrendered the use of his country as a platform for air raids and missile strikes, and he has tied the regime’s future to a war that has led to the death of thousands of civilians. That has been known from the very first days. We all saw the evidence for what they were doing—it is there, as clear as day—and we have seen some horrific actions in recent weeks, including the launch of missiles towards Ukraine. The Prime Minister stated that it was the Government’s intention to apply sanctions to Belarus on 24 February.”
“We have only to look at the perilous diversion and grounding of Ryanair flight 4978, the irrefutable rigging of the 2020 presidential elections and the many repressive measures taken against the Belarusian opposition, and indeed civil society and those who want freedom of speech in Belarus itself, to show that Lukashenko shares Putin’s penchant for tyranny, repression and disregard of both domestic and international law. That was set in train by the formation of the so-called Union State between Belarus and Russia, which has facilitated the use of Belarusian territory and infrastructure to launch attacks against the people of Ukraine. Although Belarusian forces have not been committed, as the explanatory notes make clear, Lukashenko’s complicity in the war cannot be overstated.”
“It is very clear that, although Russia is the principal perpetrator of aggression towards Ukraine, the Kremlin is not acting alone, as the explanatory notes to the measures clearly set out. Those who aid and abet the Russian regime—Putin’s regime—must be held to account, which is why it is crucial that we approve these measures today. Lukashenko has long been a pawn of the Putin regime, and his brutal, corrupt and autocratic grip on Belarus has made it a regional pariah, undermining democracy at home and peace and stability abroad, particularly in the near region.”
“The House may have been in recess for the last few weeks, but the war against Ukraine and its people has raged on, claiming more lives, wreaking further destruction and continuing to undermine the global rules-based order. We have seen horrific reports of the forcible transfer of Ukrainian civilians, the separation of families and so-called filtration camps. A recent report by Human Rights Watch exposed that more than 3.4 million Ukrainians had entered the Russian Federation from Ukraine, including more than half a million children. Deep concerns have been raised with me by Ukrainians and others about what is happening in those camps. I hope that the Government give that due consideration, as well as the bulk of the illegal armed action that is taking place in Ukraine, in the measures that we take.”
“I thank the team in the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office and others who have worked on putting together the sanctions, which obviously required an intense amount of work. We have wholeheartedly supported the Government; indeed, the shadow Defence Secretary, my right hon. Friend the Member for Wentworth and Dearne (John Healey), has just been making that clear in the Chamber following the statement on military support for Ukraine. The economic, diplomatic and political pressure that we bring to bear on Russia and those aiding and abetting it is also crucial, so these are welcome measures against the despotic regime of Lukashenko in Belarus.”
“It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Hosie. I welcome the Minister to his first of our discussions on sanctions regimes. He will know from the record that when we have debated them in the past, the Opposition have always approached them in an entirely constructive manner. We will not seek to divide the Committee today, but I want to raise a number of issues and ask the Minister some questions. We have always supported the Government’s course on sanctions and on taking the toughest and deepest possible action against those who are taking direct action in Ukraine—in the case of Russia—but also those who are aiding and abetting, as is the case with Belarus. Where we have thought that sanctions could go further and be stronger, we have made that argument, and we will continue to do so.”
“I did get a helpful letter on 17 May from one of the preceding Ministers, who is now the Education Secretary—who knows what he will be doing tomorrow? He gave me some further detail on the resourcing, and helpfully said that the task force now has 150 members of staff. Can the Minister give some clarity on whether they are permanent or temporary staff? Secondly, there was no detail on when the new staff—the Office of Financial Sanctions Implementation—are going to be in place, just that the recruitment had commenced. It is crucial that we boost those numbers as quickly as possible. These are complex measures and I know that is why some of them take some time. We have got to have the resourcing in place to ensure that they can be brought forward speedily.”
“It is not just the Minister’s Department; it is also the Treasury, because, crucially, if any of these sanctions are to work in practice, it is also about companies and individuals, and for those who might be trading or engaging with them to be properly informed and have the right information to actually implement them. Crucially, UK businesses, and others, who might have had partnerships or engagement with Belarusian individuals must have that information, so I hope that the Minister will raise it with the Treasury.”
“However, from the party secretary who has orchestrated the brutal crackdown on the Uyghurs and other religious minorities to the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps, which runs the mass coercive-labour programmes throughout the region, there have been exemptions that are frankly staggering. Why have the Government held off? What more do they need to see to do the right thing?”
“We need to see better co-ordination among the OFSI, the National Crime Agency and other enforcement bodies to ensure a consistent approach. Let me turn to a fundamental point that a number of Members raised: why is it the case that the UK has sanctioned only 20% of the perpetrators of abuses who have been sanctioned by the United States? I cannot understand how we are so far behind one of our closest allies. According to Redress and the all-party parliamentary group on Magnitsky sanctions, there has been a slowdown in the use of Magnitsky sanctions in recent months. The ramifications are immense. We have heard about Xinjiang, where the human rights abuses have shocked the world. I pay tribute to those from all parties in the House, many of whom are present, who have been consistent in raising those abuses.”
“After the military coup in Myanmar, the Government took the welcome decision to implement further sanctions against Burmese military organisations—but that took two months, despite egregious crimes being committed against the population in real time. Is it an issue with our existing sanctions regulations, which need to be modified to cope with crises in real time? Or, as I alluded to earlier, are there often simply too few people at the FCDO and the Office of Financial Sanctions Implementation to ensure prompt and consistent responses? I know that the number in the FCDO unit has increased, and I pay tribute to the officials who do such excellent work in this policy area, but we are lagging behind the United States and others in terms of the investment and resources that we put in. The staff numbers at the OFSI are simply not enough.”
“Member for Esher and Walton (Dominic Raab), called on the Nigerian Government to investigate the reports of brutality at the hands of the security forces, yet to date the Government have failed to impose any sanctions in response, despite their having received, as I understand it, detailed evidence from Redress and Nigerian partners that identifies the perpetrators. We have heard in recent days about the shocking sentences handed out to three gay men in northern Nigeria, who were sentenced to be stoned to death. Surely we must take action against those who perpetrate or threaten such horrific abuses.”
“Indeed, the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina, Christian Schmidt, has warned of the real prospect of a return to violence. Many in the House will recall the scale and severity of the human rights abuses committed in both Bosnia and Kosovo, which I visited in the 1990s. Labour will continue to support the Government in levelling sanctions at those throughout the region, such as Milorad Dodik, for their role in inciting tensions recently. As has been mentioned, we must hold those in Nigeria to account for the appalling crimes that have been committed—not least the shocking events in 2020, when military forces opened fire at the Lekki toll gate in Lagos. The then Foreign Secretary, the right hon.”
“Member for Braintree (James Cleverly), who is now the Secretary of State for Education—when we believed that the broadening of the sanctions regime did not come quickly enough and when there were clear cracks in the system or a lack of resources. Let me follow up on the issues that I have raised consistently. What is the Government’s latest position on the seizure and repurposing, as opposed to merely the freezing, of the assets of those who have been sanctioned? Indeed, are any considerations being given to the repatriation of revenue to support humanitarian and reconstruction efforts in Ukraine? I have just returned from an extremely useful trip to the western Balkans. It is clear that the situation in that region is very dangerous and fragile.”
“We are now hearing shocking stories about the forced relocation of hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian citizens, including children, into the Russian far east, and the tearing apart of families in a brazen and appalling attempt to undermine and wipe out Ukrainian society. We have supported the Government’s sanctions regime, which is levelled at Putin’s inner circle, oligarchs and the profiteers of the regime, but I want to put on the record that the unity between the Government and Opposition on this issue is not uniformity. I had some frank discussions with one of the Minister’s predecessors—the right hon.”
“Freedom House articulated this clearly in its most recent “Freedom in the World” report, which concluded: “The present threat to democracy is the product of 16 consecutive years of decline in global freedom...As of today, some 38 percent of the global population live in Not Free countries, the highest proportion since 1997.” There are so many examples to list. Colleagues across the House have done an exceptional job of providing a sense of the dangers in the global picture and how our sanctions regime must match them. Of course, in Ukraine, Russian forces have committed egregious and heinous abuses in the deliberate targeting of civilian areas, the systematic use of rape as a weapon of war, and the use of mines and explosive equipment to murder innocent people returning to their homes.”
“The foreign policy of the next Labour Government will be grounded in securing the rights of people across the world and ensuring that Britain plays a crucial international role in advocating for the rule of law and, particularly when it comes to human rights, working with others and not lagging behind. This matters now more than ever, because we stand at a crossroads: a global trend towards authoritarianism and human rights abuses could prevail if we do not utilise every weapon in our diplomatic and legal arsenals to counter it.”
“Indeed, I have just received a summons to a debate at the start of the new term on sanctions on Belarus. Where the Government have got it right, we have supported them, but where we believe they should and could have gone further, we must say so. I express my heartfelt condolences to the family of Sergei Magnitsky. If we are to honour his memory, the full force of our sanctions regime must be utilised to root out and condemn human rights abuses worldwide. Across the House, we know that sanctions work only when the UK works multilaterally to hold the perpetrators of abuses to account by leading and drawing on our historic and defining global partnerships, not least with the United States and the European Union. That has rightly been raised by Members across the House today.”
“I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Rhondda (Chris Bryant) and the right hon. Member for Chingford and Woodford Green (Sir Iain Duncan Smith) not only for securing this critical debate but for their assiduous leadership on these matters across the House. I also welcome the Minister to his new role. I am delighted that we are engaging in such important discussions before the House rises for the summer, and I thank Members across the House for their thoughtful and valuable contributions to the debate. Let me begin by reiterating Labour’s support for the Magnitsky sanctions regime introduced back in 2020 and acknowledging the constructive nature of interactions between the Government and the Opposition on, for example, the implementation of sanctions on Russia since its illegal and barbarous invasion of Ukraine.”
“We know that he has been sanctioned by Canada as a former KGB agent and known associate of Putin. Have we sanctioned him, and if not, why not? We want the Government to make proper and far-reaching use of the Magnitsky regime that we adopted back in 2020, and indeed the country regimes, but that requires ambition, urgency and proper resourcing. The House has made its voice very clear today; there has been complete consistency across the House, as I hope the Minister has heard clearly. The protection and advancement of human rights should be at the heart of any British foreign policy, and I hope that the agreement that the Minister has heard across the House will result in action commensurate with the violations that are unfolding across the world today.”
“I absolutely agree with my hon. Friend’s point, which emphasises the point that I made about acting multilaterally, quickly, urgently and in co-ordination. We heard a lot from my hon. Friend and others about Hong Kong. The United States have sanctioned at least 11 officials—from Carrie Lam to Chris Tang—for their role in infringing on the rights of the people of Hong Kong. What is the Government’s trepidation about this? We can look at Ali Ghanaatkar in Iran or Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo in Sudan; the former was head of interrogations in Evin prison, while the latter is responsible for gross human rights abuses in Darfur. I have not even got time to mention the many examples that we have heard from across the middle east and the Gulf states. What of Alexander Lebedev—will the Minister clarify?”
“I asked the Minister a very specific question. Canada has sanctioned Alexander Lebedev, so will he confirm whether or not the UK has done so?”
“I beg to move amendment 38, page 7, line 27, leave out “the Minister considers appropriate” and insert “is necessary”. This amendment changes the threshold for giving a Minister power to make regulations under this Clause. The threshold is amended to make it objective rather than subjective.”
“As the Bill currently stands, in many cases Ministers may use these powers merely if they consider it “appropriate” to do so. That is simply not good enough. Not only is that a woefully low threshold, but it lacks any kind of objectivity. We cannot have a situation where Ministers can make sweeping changes that are not necessarily in the interests of all communities of Northern Ireland, and without proper scrutiny and process; and those of us on the Opposition Benches are extremely concerned about what Ministers may deem appropriate in the future.”
“Member for Bromley and Chislehurst (Sir Robert Neill), last week put it perfectly when he said, “there are Henry VIII powers and Henry VIII powers; and this is Henry VIII, the six wives, Cardinal Wolsey and Thomas Cromwell all thrown in together.” He went on to describe the Henry VIII powers as “almost Shakespearean or Wagnerian in their scope and breadth.” —[ Official Report , 13 July 2022; Vol. 718, c. 370.] Awarding Ministers these enormous powers is not a strategy, and the people of Northern Ireland will see it for what it is—a blatant power grab. The hon. Member for Bromley and Chislehurst identified one of the key problems with these powers when he explained that the test that Ministers must meet before using these powers is “extraordinarily low”. I agree.”
“Friend the Member for Tottenham (Mr Lammy), set out during Second Reading, 15 of the 26 clauses included in the Bill confer powers directly on UK Ministers. Those include the power to use secondary legislation to amend or modify Acts of Parliament—Acts that have been subject to the full scrutiny of this House. As the Bingham Centre for the Rule of Law sets out, the Henry VIII powers given to Ministers in the Bill “are numerous, extensive and subject to very low hurdles before those powers may be exercised.” Indeed, Professor Catherine Barnard of Cambridge University has called these powers “eye wateringly broad”. The Hansard Society, deeply respected on both sides of the House, describes them as “breath-taking”. And we should not just take their word for it. The Chair of the Justice Select Committee, the hon.”
“For months, Labour has called on the Government to do the responsible thing—get back around the table to do what we have always done, and what any Government worth its salt would do, which is to negotiate, in the interests of finding workable, practical and technocratic solutions that command the consent and support of all communities in Northern Ireland, and have the means to bring back power sharing in a meaningful and lasting way. In that spirit, we have offered amendments to the Bill today in good faith, to begin to correct the issues that are manifest across this legislation—starting today with the Henry VIII clauses that we have heard about, and which the amendment that we have tabled in this group address. As the shadow Foreign Secretary, my right hon.”
“On the Opposition Benches, we feel that the Bill is counterproductive, but that solutions are there if the Government are prepared to seek them. That requires compromise, hard work, and flexibility on all sides, including of course the EU, not knee-jerk reactions. I have listened to the very many genuine concerns that have been voiced about the functioning of the protocol. I have the pleasure of being a member of the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly in addition to my shadow Front Bench role. I have listened to businesses. I have been in Dublin and Belfast. I have listened to people on all sides and have heard genuine concerns, including from those in the Unionist community.”
“Tearing up binding agreements, threatening to break international law and walking away from the table are not the composites of a good negotiating strategy; they are the hallmarks of a zombie Government, out of steam—a Government who have constantly put their own party squabbles and obsessions before the interests of the people of the UK, and indeed the people of Northern Ireland. Tragically, they also risk dividing the UK and the European Union when we should be standing shoulder to shoulder in opposing Putin’s barbaric war in Ukraine, and in finding ways to make Brexit work in a spirit of trust and co-operation. This is not how a responsible Government should behave, and many Members across the House know that. What we need is cool heads, statesmanlike behaviour and a search for long-term solutions.”
“It is a pleasure to serve with you in the Chair today, Dame Eleanor, as we enter the third day of Committee on the Bill. As we do so, it is evident that instead of working to fix the genuine challenges that the protocol poses, the Government continue to push forward with a Bill that disregards the UK’s international legal obligations and threatens to throw Britain’s global reputation into disrepute, and which also—we shall discuss this today—gives them sweeping powers without restriction.”
“I completely agree with my hon. Friend. Indeed the Bill not only takes powers away from this place, but takes on powers without the consent of the Northern Ireland Assembly.”
“I always listen with great respect to the right hon. Gentleman. He talks about a democratic deficit. The Government, of course, negotiated the protocol. He has been consistent in his criticisms of it. The Government knew that when they negotiated it. They knew there were issues that needed to be addressed. It seems to me very odd that the Government are proposing to take a huge amount of powers that would have no scrutiny in this place and no scrutiny in Northern Ireland.”
“Our amendments will protect the much-valued scrutinising and functioning of this House, and give a voice in this hugely delicate and important process to the people of Northern Ireland.”