Paula Bradshaw
South Belfast · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“They were places where those who were vulnerable were concealed, young mothers were stripped of their babies and children were stripped of their identities. Let us be resolute in our remembrance of what happened behind the doors of those institutions.”
“At all stages, the Committee has set out its clear support for the legislation's overarching aims and principles, which are to establish a statutory public inquiry into the systemic failings associated with mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses between 1922 and 1995 and to create a statutory redress scheme for t…”
“Again, I refuse to call them "mother-and-baby homes", for we now know that there was nothing homely about them. What the Bill can and must do is offer a tangible declaration that the state accepts its responsibility.”
“As Chairperson of the Committee for the Executive Office, I welcome the opportunity to speak at the Final Stage of the Inquiry (Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses) and Redress Scheme Bill.”
“Key points were also made in relation to redress: the need to ensure that the Executive Office introduces clear guidelines for the scheme as soon as practicable; the need for the Executive Office to widely communicate and promote the scheme to all victims and survivors, including those who live overseas; and the need for the Executive Off…”
“The First Minister and deputy First Minister tabled a number of amendments that gave effect to the Committee's intent across a number of clauses. In several instances, the Committee chose to withdraw its amendments in favour of the Ministers' wording, where that better reflected the broader book of the law.”
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“<BR /> <BR />The Committee is seeking further information on a number of areas, such as the north-west development fund, and is exploring the good use of public money for accommodation and establishment costs. We will monitor the impact of reduced opportunities for in-year allocations on the delivery of key areas of the Department's work. We welcome the much-trailed anticipated move to multi-year Budgets and the certainty that that will bring to TEO and its delivery partners, the development of TEO's five-year business plan and greater alignment between the Budget and the Programme for Government. <BR /> <BR />I will make some remarks in my capacity as an individual MLA. There is funding for a number of really important areas of work, albeit in a less-than-optimal allocation.”
“We remain concerned that continued pressures of that type could impact on NDPBs' ability to discharge their functions fully and effectively. <BR /> <BR />An allocation of earmarked resource DEL that is below the departmental requirements of £168 million has been provided. That funding is mainly for victims' payments and forecast costs of truth recovery redress payments and of establishing and implementing a statutory public inquiry. The Committee will closely monitor those requirements during the year, and it looks forward to the introduction of the Bill in the coming weeks. Members also noted that capital allocations, including an allocation to meet the financial transactions capital net requirement, will allow inescapable pressures to be met.”
“<BR /> <BR />Members noted that, when taken with the baseline, resource DEL allocations will enable the current commitments on ending violence against women and girls (EVAWG) to be taken forward in line with spending plans and that the funding for good relations will ensure that delivery continues to be maintained at current levels. It is somewhat disappointing that, given the importance of those programmes to communities across Northern Ireland, little room is left for emerging needs or to expand provision. <BR /> <BR />Members also noted that the funding that is available to non-departmental public bodies (NDPBs) only partially meets pay and inflationary pressures over and above the baselines that were brought forward.”
“During the briefings, the Committee noted that the Budget allocations to TEO agreed by the Executive are considerably lower than TEO's bids, which means that many of the pressures that the Department feels cannot be met. That remains problematic and will be compounded if there are not the same opportunities as in previous years to access additional, in-year funding through monitoring rounds and consequentials. In the past, TEO has been reliant on in-year allocations to fund and continue key programmes. Members are concerned that the progress that has been made in previous years could be lost if programmes have to be scaled back, delayed or even cancelled because of reduced funding.”
“I thank the Minister of Finance for tabling the motion, giving Committees and, indeed, Members an opportunity to make further comment on the programme of expenditure proposals for 2025-26 prior to the passage of the Budget (No. 2) Bill. <BR /> <BR />The Committee for the Executive Office considered written and oral briefings from the Executive Office on its budget in March 2025, and it has received several further written updates. It is due to meet the Department's permanent secretary in the coming weeks to discuss the departmental plan for the next financial year. <BR /> <BR />Members noted that the Executive's Budget for 2025-26 is challenging.”
“How does what you have said many times in the Chamber about the Department of Health's budget equate to your lack of sympathy for the GPs who are trying to run a service?”
“Thank you, Minister, for your statement. Minister, I concur with other Members who have spoken about the tone in which you have delivered the statement, and I certainly concur with them about the content of your statement. You have come to the Chamber many times and said that the Department of Health needs more money just to stand still. I do not know how that equates with your lack of sympathy, expressed through your statement today, for the ability of GP practices —”
“I would also like to put on record that no request came from Mr Gaston either.”
“I record my appreciation of the staff of the Ad Hoc Committee for their efficiency and effectiveness in supporting us with our Committee packs every week and organising the evidence sessions with the Assembly Commission and representatives of different legislative bodies and others. <BR /> <BR />It is worth repeating that at no time did the Committee discuss salary levels or other technical issues to dictate the deliberations of the remuneration board other than in making the suggestion that I referenced about having regard to local financial circumstances. Our focus was entirely on ensuring that the Bill provides the legislative framework to enable the Clerk of the Assembly to take forward the appointment of the board and provide support for its work.”
“<BR /> <BR />Mr Gaston's amendment Nos 5 and 13 are superfluous and have, I suspect, been proposed for no other reason than to make political points about the Windsor framework and our exit from the EU in order to direct them at the DUP and put it on the spot about whether it will support them.”
“I wondered whether he had tabled that amendment on a sectarian basis. <BR /> <BR />I will return to my point about benchmarking. There is a narrative that MLAs have fewer responsibilities than Members of other regional Assemblies across these islands. That is simply not the case, as is shown in research that the Assembly's Research and Information Service (RaISe) provided to the Ad Hoc Committee. Yes, there are variations in devolved responsibilities, but to imply that we have a lesser workload is false. We did not look at the responsibilities of the legislators elected to the regional Assemblies across these islands, as it was not our responsibility to do so. It will be up to the remuneration board to look at that issue in detail as part of its deliberations.”
“No, because you made an entirely inappropriate point of order earlier. You can address that.”
“When you get to your feet, I will give way.”
“That is standard practice, so we would not be an outlier in doing that. I would be interested to know what Mr Carroll and Mr Gaston would see as an alternative approach by which clarity and transparency could be provided on how the remuneration board members arrived at their final recommendation or recommendations on pay. I will put that another way: what other paid roles in the public sector, private sector or community and voluntary sector could it benchmark against, given the unique role that we play as legislators? <BR /> <BR />I was not going to speak to amendment No 4 — I was going to brush past it — but I ask Mr Gaston what his justification is for seeking to remove the reference to the Dáil and the Seanad. When I read the amendment, I thought, "Is that sectarian in nature?", and I would welcome his explanation when he gets —.”
“and I strongly suspect that trade unions will be on its list of consultees. <BR /> <BR />Likewise, my opinion on Mr Gaston's new clause 7A, "Duty to consult", is that the remit of the aforementioned catch-all provision is sufficiently wide to allow the remuneration board to consult whomever, they feel, it is necessary to consult and, further, does not preclude them from consulting whomever they wish, should they deem it necessary to do so. <BR /> <BR />I will return to clause 3 and the provision for the remuneration board to "have regard to the salaries" of Members of other legislatures on these islands. It is worth bearing in mind that that is a sensible starting point for benchmarking. In our evidence, the Committee was advised that other legislatures' remuneration boards have regard to other institutions' salaries.”
“I was just clarifying that we would have invited Mr Carroll to come before the Committee and that I would have welcomed the opportunity to talk about trade union involvement through consultation and engagement with the board. <BR /> <BR />To have two trade union members on the board would be excessive, but we could have looked at including a recommendation that the remuneration board explicitly engage with and consult trade union representatives as part of its deliberations. As the Member knows, clause 6 includes a catch-all provision to consult:”
“Apologies, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.”
“No, that is how it works, Gerry. You have been here long enough to know how such things work.”
“Had you made a substantive submission, that would have prompted —.”
“<BR /> <BR />I will stay with Mr Carroll's amendments. I will not support amendment No 8. In the spirit of what I have just said, I wish that he had come before the Ad Hoc Committee to speak to his proposal for a new clause for trade —.”
“Indeed, that is in line with what the Independent Remuneration Board of the Senedd in Wales and the Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority in Westminster have done. <BR /> <BR />The Assembly Commission's amendment Nos 6 and 7, in providing for an order to tidy up the process for dealing with temporary appointments to the board, are fine. <BR /> <BR />I understand Mr Carroll's thinking behind amendment No 2. During our deliberations, I raised the issue of the remuneration board's having regard to the current financial circumstances in Northern Ireland, as I am conscious of the impact of the ongoing cost-of-living crisis on our constituents. That issue was discussed, and the Committee agreed that the best approach would be to include that suggestion for the remuneration board in the report, which is what has happened.”
“I will make a few remarks, having sat on the Ad Hoc Committee, to respond to the amendments. I do not intend to repeat what I said at Second Stage about the general principles of the Bill. <BR /> <BR />Our Committee amendment for the inclusion of the word "Independent" is entirely sensible and provides clarity and confirmation of the separation of its purpose from the Assembly Commission and MLAs in setting pay.”
“As the deputy First Minister indicated yesterday, while the UK Government and Mears locally are responsible for providing the accommodation, we have a responsibility to ensure that the people who seek asylum here are provided with the support services that they need.”
“I represent South Belfast, where there is, obviously, a high concentration of contingency accommodation providers. I have spoken to many families who are living in squalid situations. Their food has poor nutrition. The children are restricted in how they can come and go. They cannot have friends over and have to turn the lights off by 9.00 pm etc. I want to highlight the fact that not only do those people have to live in a restrictive environment in that accommodation but they are vulnerable to criminal gangs and sexual exploitation because of the complexity of the trauma that they have experienced during their displacement and travel and the violence in their homeland. <BR /> <BR />We must do more in Northern Ireland.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. I refer to the report from the National Audit Office, which was published on 7 May and covered in the media here yesterday, regarding Home Office contracts for asylum seekers' accommodation. The headlines were about the costs of providing that accommodation and how they have risen to three times the initially projected figure across the UK and are higher still in Northern Ireland. However, the issue is about the UK trying to meet its international obligations to some of the most vulnerable people in the world by providing accommodation contracts on a for-profit basis. It is entirely entitled to do that, but, when it does, it must do so in a way that provides dignity to those who live in the accommodation and value for money for the taxpayer. The alarming truth is that the contracts do neither.”
“On the issue of processing, I am sure that the deputy First Minister will agree with me that the voluntary-sector organisations that have provided support with applications have been doing an amazing job. Once an application is submitted to the board, how often is the process being reviewed? Are any changes planned for the future to make the process easier for applicants?”
“In particular, my party and I strongly encourage others to recognise the fact that respecting everyone's rights in the spirit of genuine and meaningful reconciliation makes Northern Ireland stronger and more stable. We should not miss that opportunity today.”
“Indeed, it is already the case that, in 11 of 14 EU member states where the head of state is directly elected, citizens who live externally have a vote. <BR /> <BR />We would prioritise the potential for such a move to be a further step down the road to embedding peace and reconciliation; a welcome and clear recognition that the Irish identity is chosen by many citizens here and that it is acknowledged and valued without in any way diminishing the identity and, importantly, the constitutional preference of those who exercise their right not to choose that identity. Ultimately, we do not all have to choose the same national identity, but we should all wish to respect the rights of everyone in our society to maximise the benefits of all strands of the agreement.”
“What the motion does not cover is the potential for the move to strengthen the agreement and to advance reconciliation on the island. Reconciliation requires recognition and acknowledgement of others' identities without that necessarily weakening our own. To put it another way, reconciliation requires a generosity of spirit that is too often absent from debates such as this in the Chamber. <BR /> <BR />It would be foolish to deny that there are not complications in the implementation of the convention's proposals. Realistically, we would be looking at the 2032 elections before any change were likely to come into effect. The details of how the inherent complexities would be ironed out need not be an issue for the Chamber. The principle is clear.”
“However, the proposal is specifically about the citizenry as whole. There is, therefore, no need for the final three words of the motion, and there would be no change to the constitutional or sovereign status of Northern Ireland. The proposal is simply for all Irish citizens to have a vote, full stop. That may seem technical, but it is important, because no one in Northern Ireland would be forced to participate. <BR /> <BR />We should note that there is already a difference in voting rights between presidential elections and Dáil elections, in that the former are already restricted to Irish citizens whereas the latter are open to any resident of the state. That distinction would be maintained under the proposal in that the added requirement to be resident of the state to vote in presidential elections would be removed.”
“I support the motion. First, it is worth noting that the Belfast Agreement recognises that a person from Northern Ireland has the right to identify as British, Irish or both. That refers to national identity, but subsequent legal tests have affirmed that it also applies to citizenship. As such, a person from Northern Ireland may hold British citizenship, Irish citizenship or both. That is reflected in their ability to hold an Irish passport, a British passport or both. <BR /> <BR />Secondly, it is worth noting that the Convention on the Constitution was very explicit that it was not choosing to extend voting rights in Irish presidential elections to Northern Ireland as an entity but, rather, to all Irish citizens. By definition, that includes any person from Northern Ireland who chooses to be so regarded.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker, and thank you, Minister. That is certainly very welcome news. How will there be a consultation on the proposals?”
“That creates a minefield, which needs a clear application of the law and an ending of direct and indirect discrimination and harassment. I trust that the ruling, whatever our views on it may be, has at least demonstrated the merit of a single equality Act here in Northern Ireland and of courts providing clarification on such legislation once it is produced. We cannot continue to be left behind in this regard.”
“Although the ruling was quite clear, the legal ramifications in Northern Ireland, given our particular circumstances, are complex. We are already seeing public authorities making assumptions about how the ruling is to be applied, but it is essential that its application be based on appropriate guidance from the appropriate commissions. <BR /> <BR />The second key aspect is that this is just the latest issue to reinforce the need for a single equality Act in Northern Ireland. Currently, we operate according to section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act, which was already somewhat outdated by the time the Equality Act 2010 was passed for Great Britain, and a scattering of other legislation and regulations, some of which are decades out of date.”
“<BR /> <BR />There have already been complaints about the guidance that was provided by the Equality and Human Rights Commission in England prior to and subsequent to the ruling, and there are concerns that the ruling does not provide clarity on what it will mean in practice for people on whom it impacts. Given the sensitivities and our position in Northern Ireland as a distinct legal jurisdiction with devolved equality law, we need to act to ensure that there is clarity on what it means here. The first thing that we need is a consistent approach by public bodies that is based on guidance from the Equality Commission and the Human Rights Commission here in Northern Ireland. I sincerely hope that they will provide and publish their guidance, imminently. Today, I emailed both organisations asking for a meeting.”
“I wish to contribute to this Matter of the Day and appreciate that it has been tabled. It is timely, as it allows us to put on record our thoughts on the Supreme Court ruling. It is an extremely sensitive issue. I emphasise the fact that we need to look at the equality law in its totality and to think about non-discrimination against all nine protected categories in Great Britain, including sex and gender reassignment. Although the ruling does not apply directly to us in Northern Ireland, it means that discrimination and harassment based on someone's sex or on gender reassignment are and will be regarded as unlawful by the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom under the terms and definitions laid out.”
“I very much agree with the sentiments that the First Minister has raised in response to the question. One of the issues that we all hear from the community and voluntary sector is that of sustainability and funding pressures. What role can you, as First Minister, play in ensuring the continued delivery of community and voluntary sector organisations into the future?”
“<BR /> <BR />The Committee is seeking further information on a number of areas such as the north-west development fund and the costs of the overseas bureaus. It is exploring the good use of public money in relation to accommodation and establishment costs, particularly in relation to the new commissioners. We will monitor the impact of reduced opportunities for in-year allocations on the delivery of key areas of the Department's work. <BR /> <BR />Finally, we welcome the anticipated move to multi-year Budgets and the certainty that that will bring to TEO and its delivery partners; the development of TEO's five-year business plan; and the greater alignment of the Budget with the Programme for Government.”
“The Committee was concerned that continued pressures of that type could impact on the ability of those NDPBs to discharge their functions fully, efficiently and effectively. <BR /> <BR />An allocation of £150 million of earmarked resource DEL has been provided in response to the requirements of £168 million. That funding is mainly for victims' payments, forecast costs for the truth recovery redress payments and to establish and implement a statutory public inquiry. The Committee will closely monitor those requirements during the year. <BR /> <BR />Members also noted that capital allocations will allow inescapable pressures to be met and the allocation of £2·3 million to meet the FTC net requirement.”
“<BR /> <BR />Members noted that, when taken with the baseline, allocations to our DEL will enable the current commitments to be taken forward in line with spending plans for the ending violence against women and girls programme and that funding for good relations will ensure that delivery is maintained at the current levels. That is somewhat disappointing, given the importance of those programmes to communities across Northern Ireland and the impact that it will have, and it leaves no room for emerging needs or expanding provision. <BR /> <BR />Members noted that the funding available for non-departmental public bodies (NDPBs) only partially meets pay and inflationary pressures above and beyond the baselines that were brought forward.”
“During the briefings, the Committee noted that the allocations for TEO agreed by the Executive in the 2025-26 Budget are considerably lower than its bids, meaning that many of TEO's pressures cannot be met. That is problematic, and the issue will be compounded if, as expected, there are not the same opportunities to access additional in-year funding through monitoring rounds and Barnett consequentials. In the past, TEO has been reliant on in-year allocations to fund and continue key programmes. Members are concerned that the progress that was made in previous years could be lost if programmes are scaled back or delayed because of reduced funding.”
“On behalf of the Committee for the Executive Office, I thank the Finance Committee for its work on the report, for helpfully sharing information on Budgets and financial matters and for bringing the motion to the House. The Committee for the Executive Office considered written and oral briefings from the Executive Office on 12 March and 26 March 2025 respectively. Committee members agreed a response to the Finance Committee at our meeting last week, and we appreciate the flexibility shown by the Finance Committee in accepting input after the initial response date. <BR /> <BR />Committee members noted that the Executive Budget for 2025-26 is challenging.”
“The problem, when we sit on these Benches and look across, is that there are very few issues on which you vote in a different Lobby from other unionist parties. It is very easy for us to see that you, in many ways, are a block.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. I appreciate his setting out his party's position. As I outlined, we discussed the regulations on at least five occasions in Committee. It was only at the last moment that one line was read out to say that the DUP was not in support of them. Committee members from the DUP had the opportunity on many occasions to raise their concerns and ask TEO officials for guidance and information. They never took that opportunity.”
“Preparing the next generation for climate-friendly living is an Education issue. The allocation of resources to combat climate change and reduce pollution falls to Finance and even, in some instances, councils. That is why the matter cannot be left to a single Department and why we support the regulations today.”
“No, I would like to make some progress. <BR /> <BR />It is worth noting that steps to combat climate change in Northern Ireland, including the appointment of a commissioner, are to be matched by a just transition fund for agriculture, which is now in place at £12 million. However, climate change is by no means just about agriculture, despite the fact that our departmental set-up puts Agriculture and Environment together. The very reason for having a commissioner appointed by the Executive Office is that climate change is a cross-cutting issue. We need to do much more on clean energy, which falls to the Department for the Economy. We need to do much more on active travel, which falls to the Department for Infrastructure. Clean air is a Health issue as well as an environmental one.”
“OK, that is fine, but I will reflect that the three members at the Executive Office Committee who voted against were all unionists.”
“Thank you for your intervention. I was referring to the unionist position at the time that the Climate Change Act was before the Assembly.”
“<BR /> <BR />The incorporation of a Climate Commissioner was primarily in recognition of the cost of inaction, which would be considerably higher than the cost of a commissioner who would ensure action. Northern Ireland had already been an outlier in the UK, with a record of improvement, particularly around carbon emissions, that was notably inferior to the rest of the UK for almost the entire 21st century. It would be peculiar if unionists were to continue to argue that Northern Ireland should remain an outlier in the UK on the matter. It is worth noting that steps to combat climate change in Northern Ireland, including the appointment of —”
“I am content with the approach of the Department in this instance. <BR /> <BR />The Question on the draft regulations was put to the Committee, and it divided: five members voted "Aye"; three members voted "No"; and there were no abstentions. The Committee therefore recommended that the draft Northern Ireland Climate Commissioner (Northern Ireland) Regulations 2025 be approved by the Assembly. <BR /> <BR />I will now make a few points in my capacity as an MLA. The Climate Change Act was, of course, proposed by a DUP Minister. After considerable discussion to build consensus around the content of that legislation, it was unanimously agreed at Final Stage. That included DUP MLAs, of course, who backed their Minister's Bill but also Members right across the political spectrum of the Chamber.”