Paula Bradshaw
South Belfast · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“They were places where those who were vulnerable were concealed, young mothers were stripped of their babies and children were stripped of their identities. Let us be resolute in our remembrance of what happened behind the doors of those institutions.”
“At all stages, the Committee has set out its clear support for the legislation's overarching aims and principles, which are to establish a statutory public inquiry into the systemic failings associated with mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses between 1922 and 1995 and to create a statutory redress scheme for t…”
“Again, I refuse to call them "mother-and-baby homes", for we now know that there was nothing homely about them. What the Bill can and must do is offer a tangible declaration that the state accepts its responsibility.”
“As Chairperson of the Committee for the Executive Office, I welcome the opportunity to speak at the Final Stage of the Inquiry (Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses) and Redress Scheme Bill.”
“Key points were also made in relation to redress: the need to ensure that the Executive Office introduces clear guidelines for the scheme as soon as practicable; the need for the Executive Office to widely communicate and promote the scheme to all victims and survivors, including those who live overseas; and the need for the Executive Off…”
“The First Minister and deputy First Minister tabled a number of amendments that gave effect to the Committee's intent across a number of clauses. In several instances, the Committee chose to withdraw its amendments in favour of the Ministers' wording, where that better reflected the broader book of the law.”
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“First Minister, I will stay in the space of striking the balance between climate change and delivering the investment that all our communities deserve. It is over a year since the regulations allowing for the appointment of a Climate Commissioner came into force. Will you provide an update on the appointment of the commissioner?”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. My question has just been asked. Sorry.”
“The DFI staff whom I contact through my constituency office are wonderful and very responsive. However, a lot of the time they have to come back and say that they do not have the budget for the works that we have requested. What will you do to ensure that there is adequate staff to ensure that the new strategy is actually deliverable?”
“The Committee for the Executive Office recently heard about an amazing project run by the Open University through youth services across Northern Ireland that deals with young people at interfaces. The people involved told us about the funding crisis that they face. Given the huge outputs and benefits from T:BUC, to what degree are you engaging with the Department of Education to fill the gap created by posts no longer being filled?”
“We have to ensure that that work is sustained, targeted and funded at the level required to make a real difference to our society. <BR /> <BR />Behind every statistic is a person, and behind every missed opportunity to intervene is a life that might have been saved. There is a responsibility of all of us in the Chamber and beyond to lead cultural change. That means calling out behaviours that demean women, supporting organisations on the ground that do that vital preventative work and ensuring that the issue never slips off our political agenda. Unless we are prepared to confront the root causes, we will continue to see similar tragedies.”
“Too often, when such cases arise, the public conversation focuses narrowly on their circumstances. However, we know that violence against women and girls is not random; it is systemic and is rooted in inequality and in harmful attitudes and behaviours that are too often minimised, excused or ignored until it is too late. <BR /> <BR />That is precisely why the ending violence against women and girls strategic framework exists. It recognises that this is not simply a policing or justice issue but a societal one. It requires a whole-system approach from education and early intervention to support services and the consistent enforcement of the law. I thank the voluntary and community sector organisations that are delivering on programmes related to the strategic framework.”
“Thank you, Claire, for raising the matter in the Chamber today. My party colleague Naomi Long, the Justice Minister, is at a family funeral this morning; otherwise, she would be with us in the Chamber. <BR /> <BR />The tragic and heartbreaking recent deaths of Amy Doherty, aged just 30, in Derry and Ellie Flanagan, just 23 years old, in Enniskillen illustrate to us all the reality of violence against women and girls in our society. First and foremost, we must highlight what their families have lost. They were two young women with futures, friendships and lives that mattered. Their deaths are not just individual tragedies; they are part of a wider, deeply troubling pattern in Northern Ireland. If we fail to confront that pattern honestly, we fail them and their loved ones.”
“I sincerely hope that the provisions in the Bill that support the Dolans' campaign will give them some comfort today.”
“<BR /> <BR />Part 6 of the Bill represents an important development: it will strengthen sentencing, improve the responsiveness of our legal system and provide greater protection for those who are most at risk of being targeted by crime. For those reasons, it is important that the Bill is allowed to progress today. Progressing the Bill will demonstrate that these institutions can act decisively to strengthen protections, support vulnerable people and deliver a justice system that better reflects the values of fairness and equality that we all share. <BR /> <BR />In closing, as a South Belfast representative, I acknowledge Peter and Niamh Dolan's loss of their precious son in my constituency. I think of that tragic event every time I pass the site.”
“The court must explain how that vulnerability has affected sentencing, provided that it is not already an element of the offence itself. Again, I feel that victims will appreciate that explanation forming part of the case proceedings as a way of acknowledging what they have gone through. Importantly, the Bill provides a clear definition of vulnerability, including that of children and individuals whose ability to protect themselves from violence, abuse, neglect or exploitation is significantly impaired. That approach also has a practical benefit, as it will enable the criminal justice system to more effectively record and track offences, including those against vulnerable victims; help to better identify patterns of offending; and ensure that resources are better targeted towards prevention and protection.”
“It is important that we raise that in the context of this debate, but, we should, of course, also ensure that appropriate protections exist, while being mindful of not creating a duplication in law that could cause confusion rather than clarity. <BR /> <BR />Clause 36 is also significant in that regard, as it provides for increased sentences where an offender:”
“Thank you, Justice Minister. The Chair of the Justice Committee pointed to that when he said that nobody should be targeted because of who they are. That is the fundamental point, and I hope that the Justice Committee will consider all targeted groups as part of its scrutiny process. <BR /> <BR />Another issue that has been raised, including in the Executive Office Committee's recent scrutiny, is the absence of age as a protected characteristic. We have been looking at gaps in equality legislation. We hope to pursue that and see some progress on it. It is important to recognise the developments that have taken place in that area since Judge Marrinan's review, in particular the vulnerability aggravator in the Adult Protection Bill, which may address many of the concerns relating to crimes against older people.”
“The Bill, however, does not include them as a protected group. While it is important that the Bill progress through the Assembly in order for it to deliver the protections that it contains, it is nevertheless frustrating that agreement could not be reached on extending the protections further in the face of such clear evidence of vulnerability. My party believes —.”
“Until now, some of the victims have felt that the criminal justice system does not fully recognise the impact not just on them but on their family circle and their community of such attacks. <BR /> <BR />We must all recognise the harm, risk and vulnerability associated with hate crime. Racist graffiti on a wall can turn into families being intimidated out of their homes. It is about more than sentencing alone; it is about ensuring that our communities feel safe and that people across Northern Ireland can live free from intimidation and fear. <BR /> <BR />It is also important to acknowledge that there are discussions about expanding the list of protected groups. For example, transgender people are, by some measure, two to four times more likely to experience assault than the general population.”
“<BR /> <BR />The measures are not simply a technical change to sentencing practice; rather, they represent a strengthening of protections for many of the most vulnerable people in our society and should act as an important deterrent to those who would target others because of who they are. Ensuring that the gravity of the offence and the harm caused are fully recognised in sentencing is a crucial step towards reinforcing public confidence in our justice system. <BR /> <BR />We have all heard from victims of crime, particularly those who have been the target of racially motivated attacks, which, unfortunately, are happening at an increasing rate, not least in my South Belfast constituency.”
“I thank the Member for his intervention. I speak in the debate today from the perspective of a South Belfast representative, because there are so many attacks on vulnerable and marginalised people in my constituency. He is right that maybe not all the attacks are racially motivated, but there remains a deep sense of fear among people going about their everyday business. The provision is really welcome, as it will assure people that we recognise that they could be targeted because of their background or ethnicity. <BR /> <BR />I also welcome the recognition of intersectionality in the provisions and the ability to recognise hostility towards multiple protected groups in a single offence. That better reflects the lived reality of victims, as I have just said to Mr Frew, and acknowledges the complexity of many hate crimes.”
“It requires the court to state openly how the presence of such aggravation has affected the sentence imposed. At the same time, it ensures that, even where the aggravating element cannot ultimately be proven, a conviction for the underlying offence can still be secured. That balance is important for ensuring fairness in the courts and accountability for offenders. On the latter point, I feel that that is needed by victims of crime if they are to get full acknowledgement from the courts of the crime that was perpetrated against them.”
“<BR /> <BR />The introduction of a hate crime aggravator is certainly a significant step when it comes to the way in which our justice system responds to crimes motivated by hostility, something that campaigners and my constituents will no doubt warmly welcome. Clause 33 will allow any offence to be treated as being aggravated by hostility, commonly referred to as "hate crime", where it was carried out with or motivated by hostility towards a person's race, religious background, sexual orientation or disability. In our increasingly diverse society, that is critical, if everyone is to be assured that we, as an Assembly, value that diversity and want to give them particular protection against unprovoked attacks. <BR /> <BR />Linked to that, clause 34 is also particularly important, as has already been stated.”
“Before I make my remarks on the substance of the Bill, I acknowledge the collegial and positive nature of the debate, given the sensitive nature of the matters that it covers. <BR /> <BR />I speak not only as a member of the Alliance Party and an elected representative for South Belfast but as one of my party's spokespersons on Executive Office matters with particular reference to equality and race relations. Therefore, I will focus my remarks specifically on Part 6 of the Bill. I very much welcome Part 6, as it introduces provisions that will allow the courts to treat certain types of offending more seriously through the use of statutory aggravators in sentencing. That reflects one of the most important recommendations arising from Judge Marrinan's review of hate crime legislation.”
“First Minister, you talked about the need for strategic, long-term investment in public services. I remain concerned, as we hurtle towards the end of the mandate, that we have not seen the investment strategy 2050. Can you update the House on when we will see that?”
“I will pick up on that last point. Thank you for the answer. I was at the round-table meeting last year and the Jo Cox Foundation, as you say, was there. It has done substantial work in looking at specific actions. In what way is the Assembly Commission considering those recommendations?”
“Thank you, Minister, for the statement. No doubt, many residents in south Belfast will be delighted to see the scheme opening, especially in the Ormeau Road area, where they are concerned about the impact that the Glider will have on parking, and Stranmillis. Minister, you will be aware that the consultation for a scheme in the lower Lisburn Road area — the Eglantine area — failed because it was blocked by local businesses. How will their voices feature in the community-support issue?”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. In the previous debate, Jonathan Buckley intervened during Phillip Brett's speech to say that the Alliance Party is over-represented on the Executive. Mr Brett agreed and said that the Alliance Party is entitled to only one Minister. That is not true, and I hope that the record will be corrected. We are entitled to two Ministers under d'Hondt. Obviously, the Justice Minister's portfolio is allocated in a different format, but, given our number, we are entitled to two ministries.”
“Thank you, Minister, for that update. Do you share my concerns for public health and safety should a bonfire again occur on that site?”
“Thank you, Minister. That sounds positive. Will the Minister outline the timelines for the introduction of Lucy's law?”
“Minister, will you please provide some detail on the derogation process?”
“I emphasise again that the Alliance Party sees the move as part of much broader reform, including the removal of sectarian vetoes, that would have a much more direct and profound impact on the ability of this place to push for meaningful reform, to make meaningful decisions and to deliver meaningful legislation on behalf of the public. <BR /> <BR />Ahead of the next Assembly election, we have an opportunity to correct the situation and deliver an Executive Committee that is much more aligned to what the voters elected. That will ensure that, when voters go to the polls, they do so knowing that the leadership of the Executive Committee of government here is, at least in principle, based on equality and genuine power-sharing. This is a modest reform, but it is a meaningful one. For those reasons, we support the motion.”
“As has been mentioned, several former holders of the post from different political backgrounds have recognised that anomaly and called for change; those who have occupied the posts have acknowledged that the titles misrepresent their joint nature. <BR /> <BR />Importantly, such a change would send a signal beyond the Chamber. Most of all, perhaps, it would make this place more relevant to a younger generation that does not see politics solely through the prism of orange and green; to those who identify as neither or indeed the significant minority who identify as having several national and cultural identities at once; to those who belong to a group that has emerged post agreement whose prime identity is Northern Irish; and to those who want to see our institutions reflect cooperation rather than competition.”
“It was not to create a system of symbolic winners or losers but to ensure that government here would be exercised on the basis of mutual respect, parity of esteem and shared responsibility. Yet, the current titles continue, however unintended, to reinforce a narrative of hierarchy. We can all see that influencing the narrative at every Assembly election. As Mr McCrossan pointed out, as we come up to an election, it offers a chance to garner support within the respective electoral bases. <BR /> <BR />The titles feed the perception that one tradition holds the top job while the other merely occupies the second job. That perception may be politically convenient for some, but it does not serve an increasingly mixed and diverse society.”
“I have not been following the Committee's work that closely, and nor have I heard that suggestion. It is certainly not party policy as such, but I can understand why some people would see merit in it. <BR /> <BR />The Alliance Party has consistently stated that our institutions must be reformed and allowed to evolve to reflect society as it changes around us. The fact that something was agreed in a fragile context nearly three decades ago does not mean that it must remain so for ever, particularly where it reflects neither political reality nor the community that we are all elected to serve. The spirit of the Good Friday Agreement was not to entrench hierarchy but to create a partnership in the leadership of government here.”
“The titles were the product of political negotiation at a particular time, many years ago now.”
“Their powers are exercised together, their decisions are taken together, and their mandates rest on the same statutory foundation. The distinction between "First" and "deputy First" suggests seniority and subordination. It suggests that one office leads and the other follows. That simply is not how our institutions are designed to operate, and it is not how the law defines them.”
“I rise on behalf of the Alliance Party to support the motion. We see some merit in the amendment, but we will oppose it because we feel that, while the AERC is doing some good work and taking some great evidence, there is potential for incremental change, led by the UK Government, on institutional reform here. We recognise that, to use Mr Sheehan's phrase, there are "deeper structural issues" in the institutions that need urgent attention by the Government. <BR /> <BR />The Assembly knows, because it is written into law and demonstrated in practice, that the offices of First Minister and deputy First Minister are joint and equal in authority and responsibility. One cannot act without the other. One cannot remain in post without the other.”
“On that note, I congratulate Hockey Ireland and Ulster Hockey on their tremendous work and the successes that we see with both teams. We must ensure that we build on the success, not put it at risk. Let us commit to action to make sure that that success can continue.”
“<BR /> <BR />Nevertheless, it brings up an issue of concern. An interesting aspect of the team that reached the final in 2018 was that there were members from each of the six counties in Northern Ireland. The concern is that we will not be able to repeat that because of a lack of facilities; in fact, one county — Fermanagh — does not have a functional hockey pitch now. Enniskillen Hockey Club has to play its home games in County Tyrone. The Derry and Strabane council area has just one pitch, and, due to floodlighting restrictions, the local club cannot run as many teams as it would wish to. Even in the greater Belfast area, we are basing facilities on demand, but there cannot be demand for pitches that do not exist. <BR /> <BR />This weekend has reinforced that hockey is an Irish success story with significant Ulster input.”
“I congratulate both the women's and men's Irish hockey teams on their qualification for the World Cup, which will take place in the Low Countries in August. The men, including a considerable Ulster contingent, qualified a couple of days ago with a comfortable win over Wales and then won their qualifying tournament in Chile by beating France 2-1 yesterday. It is worth noting, on the day after International Women's Day, that hockey is the second most played sport in the world, largely because it is widely played by women; in fact, it is the largest majority-female participation sport in Northern Ireland. The women's team secured qualification in a shoot-out against Japan. That is the third consecutive qualification for the World Cup, and, of course, we still remember the 2018 tournament, in which the team reached the final.”
“I apologise for not having been in the Chamber for the start of the statement. <BR /> <BR />Minister, will you provide an update, please, on the open-book exercise and whether it will be comprehensive enough ahead of the potential agreement on a multi-year Budget?”
“<BR /> <BR />International Women's Day 2026 is, of course, a moment for celebration, but it is also a moment for reflection. Celebration without accountability risks complacency. Progress has been made, but progress is neither inevitable nor evenly distributed. True equality means dismantling structural barriers, embedding fairness in our budgets and policies and ensuring that section 75 duties shape decision-making in a meaningful way. It means recognising intersectional disadvantage and ensuring that women from minority ethnic backgrounds, disabled women, LGBTQ+ women and working-class women —”
“<BR /> <BR />I echo the motion's commendation of the organisations that equip and encourage women to stand for election and progress in their chosen fields. Those initiatives matter. They challenge the structural barriers — financial, cultural and practical — that still inhibit representation. A democracy functions best when it reflects the society that it serves. The Assembly's support for the strategic framework to end violence against women and girls is particularly important in that regard. That framework must be more than a statement of intent. It must be properly resourced, genuinely cross-departmental and focused on prevention as well as response. Short-term funding cycles for routine front-line services create instability where stability is most needed. Ending violence requires sustained commitment.”
“<BR /> <BR />On the issue of childcare and some of the other societal issues, we also face an unacceptable reality of abuse — I think that the two Members who spoke before me both referred to this — as women in public life. In our positions of responsibility, we face intimidation and harassment simply for using our voices. That abuse is designed to silence and deter us, and, unfortunately, it is getting worse, instead of better, for us all. Amplifying the voices of those who are subjected to abuse means more than expressing solidarity; it requires action, stronger enforcement, cultural change and practical support. No woman should feel that participation in public life comes at the cost of her safety or dignity.”
“<BR /> <BR />However, recognising contribution must not become a substitute for delivering equality. The motion rightly acknowledges that much remains to be done. The gender pay gap persists. Society continues to undervalue work that is traditionally done by women. Childcare costs remain a significant barrier to participation and progression. If we are serious about equality of opportunity, affordable childcare must be treated as a core economic infrastructural priority, not as an add-on. <BR /> <BR />As a side note, given that it is World Book Day this week, I am reading a wonderful book called 'The Moment of Lift' by Melinda Gates. I recommend it to everyone. It is from 2019. A lot has happened to that poor woman since that time, but the work that she has done on the global stage is really inspiring.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak in support of the motion and thank the Women's Caucus for bringing it forward. It is right that the Assembly recognises the contribution and leadership of women across every sphere of life in advance of International Women's Day. When women are given the opportunity to lead, society benefits. When women's talents are enabled, rather than constrained, the quality of life improves for everyone — economically, socially and democratically. As Members of the Northern Ireland Assembly, we see that impact every day. Women are leading in our schools, driving innovation in our businesses, sustaining our health service and holding communities together, often while carrying a disproportionate share of caring responsibilities. Their leadership is not abstract; it is practical, visible and transformative.”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. There are two conversations going on to my left, and it has been —.”
“Thank you, junior Minister, for that update. It is great to hear that so much work is going on behind the scenes. <BR /> <BR />Junior Minister, you will be aware that, because the scheme is admissions-based, many victims and survivors and family members are concerned that they will not have the appropriate information about their admission to one of those institutions. What work is ongoing to help people to access their birth or adoption records?”
“I urge the Finance Minister to do everything in his power to put pressure on the Treasury to ensure that funding is forthcoming for the new legacy commission and the infrastructure around that but also for the groups on the ground that are providing support to those most traumatised and impacted on by the Troubles. <BR /> <BR />The capital works budget is small at £18·7 million. Some capital projects have been in development for many years, and the costs for delivering those are rising. There is a commitment to delivering those through the Urban Villages programme. They are important pieces of infrastructure to deliver on good relations and a shared future, and I urge the Finance Minister to do all that he can in working with the Executive Office to ensure that those projects are delivered as fast as possible.”
“The Committee intends to spend more time on that in the coming months. <BR /> <BR />I will now make some remarks as an individual MLA. Last week, we had an oral evidence session with organisations that are delivering on the strategy for victims and survivors of the Troubles/conflict 2024-2034, and it is increasingly apparent that the organisations that access funds through that victim support programme are dealing with evermore complex areas of work in an ever more challenging financial environment. I was struck by the impact that the ongoing discourse around the new Troubles Bill is having on victims and survivors and the families that they support.”
“This is something that needs to be done right, and the resources need to be made available for that purpose. <BR /> <BR />The Department also has its flagship strategy for ending violence against women and girls, and I am sure that all Members agree that that must remain a well-resourced area of work and that cross-departmental effort is required to deliver on the strategy. The Committee stands ready to support the Executive Office in that important work. <BR /> <BR />There are areas in which members wish to see further value for money. The overseas bureaux make up a departmental unit that continues to come to the attention of the Committee, and Ministers must ensure that the taxpayer receives value for money for the work carried out in those bureaux, especially the ones in the USA and China.”
“Yes, the state was also culpable in what happened to the most vulnerable people in our society, so it is expected that the state should pay some of its share, but it is imperative that the institutions also contribute and that that process is transparent. The victims and survivors of that abuse are adamant that the institutions must pay up, and the Committee continues to place pressure on the Department to use whatever levers are necessary to ensure that that is the case. Indeed, to assist the Department in that area, the Committee has recently looked at legal recourse. That is a theme to which the Committee is compelled to return time and again. Members have been asking questions about historical institutional abuse cost recovery for a number of years, and we may well have the same conversation in the future about clerical sexual abuse.”
“The Committee strives to ensure that the resources for those important areas are sufficient and that the money is spent well and in the public interest. <BR /> <BR />While financial scrutiny has been applied to all areas of spending, the Committee has been particularly exercised about how payments through the redress scheme for mother-and-baby homes are to be recovered from the institutions that are responsible for the terrible ill treatment of women and children. It is estimated that, by the time the redress scheme opens to new applications, hopefully later this year, tens of millions of pounds will have to be allocated from the block grant to cover the costs of the inquiry and the redress scheme, yet, despite questions from the Committee on that, we have no idea as yet on how much the institutions will pay back to the public purse.”
“I rise on behalf of the Committee for the Executive Office. <BR /> <BR />The Executive Office has a relatively modest budget: flat cash resource DEL of £191 million along with £18·7 million capital DEL. It is important to note that the majority of that money is allocated in some way to support victims and survivors, mostly on a statutory basis, which means that the Department has little room to manage budget pressures. However, while the total amounts are relatively small, the Department deals with some of the most sensitive issues in our society: victims and survivors of the conflict, victims and survivors of historical institutional child abuse, victims and survivors of mother-and-baby institutions, fostering good relations between our communities, and striving to make our society safer and more tolerant.”