Paula Bradshaw
South Belfast · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“They were places where those who were vulnerable were concealed, young mothers were stripped of their babies and children were stripped of their identities. Let us be resolute in our remembrance of what happened behind the doors of those institutions.”
“At all stages, the Committee has set out its clear support for the legislation's overarching aims and principles, which are to establish a statutory public inquiry into the systemic failings associated with mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses between 1922 and 1995 and to create a statutory redress scheme for t…”
“Again, I refuse to call them "mother-and-baby homes", for we now know that there was nothing homely about them. What the Bill can and must do is offer a tangible declaration that the state accepts its responsibility.”
“As Chairperson of the Committee for the Executive Office, I welcome the opportunity to speak at the Final Stage of the Inquiry (Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses) and Redress Scheme Bill.”
“Key points were also made in relation to redress: the need to ensure that the Executive Office introduces clear guidelines for the scheme as soon as practicable; the need for the Executive Office to widely communicate and promote the scheme to all victims and survivors, including those who live overseas; and the need for the Executive Off…”
“The First Minister and deputy First Minister tabled a number of amendments that gave effect to the Committee's intent across a number of clauses. In several instances, the Committee chose to withdraw its amendments in favour of the Ministers' wording, where that better reflected the broader book of the law.”
The complete record
Every one of 2,444 lines we hold for Paula Bradshaw, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 35 of 49.
“<BR /> <BR />It was, of course, the deeply troubling murder in London, some distance from here, that really hit the headlines. Perhaps that is because Sarah Everard did everything right — she made her route known, kept to well-lit locations and notified people that she was leaving — yet she was still the victim of a chilling murder. That led to an outpouring of women sharing their experiences, and every single woman has experiences to share. <BR /> <BR />Before continuing, I put on record that, when I talk about women, I of course include trans women. I also recognise the particular vulnerability of sex workers. <BR /> <BR />Of course, men can be victims of violence.”
“I support the motion and the amendment. Sadly, the motion is very well timed. It comes after a weekend in which it appears that we again faced the horror of two women being murdered here in Northern Ireland. It is deeply shocking, yet it continues to happen. <BR /> <BR />In my constituency, in the past year, there have, sadly, been other tragic examples. We remember Emma McParland, who was murdered in the Ormeau Road area in April, and Susan Baird, who was murdered in the Four Winds area in August. Given that the murder rate in Northern Ireland is comparatively low, the fact that we can easily recall incidents in which women were the victims within the past year and within a few miles of the Chamber reinforces that we have a specific problem that requires a specific intervention.”
“There was an announcement that a maximum of two families would be permitted to meet for structured outdoor sporting activities. Anybody who has played golf will know that the majority of games are played as a four-ball, so that is something that should be looked at to make it better for those who engage in the sport. It is a sport that is experienced more by older people or those who took early retirement, who use it as a way not just to socialise but to keep up their physical health. That is something that could be addressed. <BR /> <BR />Lastly, I would like the Health Minister to give us an update on the work of the Department and the Health and Social Care Board on long COVID and what support is coming forward for those who are suffering from it at home.”
“The issue that the Chair of the Health Committee raised about young people is one that I had also raised. When I mentioned it, it had been 80 days since Christmas, and there was an assumption that all our young people had not seen their friends, had not been to school and had not been gathering. The reality is, if you look down any social media feed, young people are starting to gather, no doubt because of the nice weather. The response from the departmental officials that they were looking at fresh guidance for young people is welcome. We have to deal with the reality that young people want to see their friends and try to support rather than penalise them. <BR /> <BR />Moving on to my last two issues, one is in relation to golf.”
“<BR /> <BR />At the Health Committee, I raised concerns about social distancing at the vans and coffee stands in our parks and public spaces. I understand why people are trying to make an event out of getting out of the house, but, again, I have concerns about people not adhering to the two-metre rule.”
“People are generally bored at home and think that the only places that they can go to are the supermarkets. We have seen huge crowds, especially over Mother's Day and Valentine's Day, and, no doubt, Easter will be the same. As the "Stay at Home" instruction is lifted, non-essential retail shops should open as soon as possible. The small retailers in my constituency, South Belfast, for example, are very small and run by families, and it would probably be much easier to control social distancing and hygiene in those environments than in the big supermarkets. I also put on record my concerns about the small changes to the click-and-collect provisions. Those could have gone further again to allow businesses to trade more freely while adhering to the public health advice.”
“I associate myself with the comments of others who expressed sympathy to those who have been bereaved this year and our enduring and deep appreciation for our front-line workers in health and social care for their work over the last 12 months. I, too, look forward to a time when we are no longer debating the lockdown restrictions. <BR /> <BR />I place on record my thanks to the Health Minister. We may disagree on a small number of issues, but I recognise how incredibly hard he has worked during the pandemic and how much he cares about the general public. <BR /> <BR />I will highlight a few concerns about the impact of the health protection regulations. The first one relates to crowding in supermarkets at weekends, which I think my colleague on the Health Committee Pam Cameron also raised.”
“Thank you, Minister, for your statement. I welcome it, including the reference to the private family law action plan. You mentioned that that is a collaborative approach with the Department of Health. Will you outline how the Department of Health will play a role?”
“We saw from the response to the FOI request that came out at the weekend that, during the travel ban that you spoke about, people preferred to put women at risk by having them travel during a pandemic rather than provide them with healthcare services here. Will you respond to those accusations, which members of the general public are levelling at you?”
“Minister, the Health and Social Care Bill papers provided by your Department clearly state that commissioning is not a cross-cutting matter. You have used this excuse on numerous occasions for why you brought it to the Executive. Will you please outline how it is a cross-cutting matter? Also, there is an accusation that you were bringing these proposals to the Executive because you knew that they would be blocked by the DUP.”
“I thank the deputy First Minister for her answers so far. What consideration has been given to people who have been on furlough, whether they are in retail or restaurants etc? It is one thing to earn a salary, but work is not just about getting paid; it is also about interactions and a sense of worth. How will the recovery strategy accommodate those people when they are getting back to the workplace?”
“There should be a commitment to develop a framework through which the display of flags and emblems can take place as a matter of commemoration or celebration in a focused and time-bound manner. That is what is meant by the notion of leadership. To enable that, I urge unanimous support for the motion and the amendment, which, rightly, proposes the swift establishment of the Office of Identity and Cultural Expression.”
“More than a few people who speak some Ulster Scots and regard their own heritage to be Ulster Scots take great pride in Irish dancing, celebrating St Patrick's Day and other cultural traditions. In other words, we have to get away from seeing identity, culture and tradition as a set menu, selected solely along sectarian fault lines. Instead, we need to see it as an à la carte menu that has the potential to enrich us all. <BR /> <BR />What I hope we will hear at the end of the debate is a new determination from the Executive Office to prove that it can get things done, alongside immediate publication of the FICT report, imminent publication of the culture and language legislation as set out in 'New Decade, New Approach', complete with clear allocations of funding and responsibility to ensure actual delivery.”
“As long as we fail to respect the impact of all those who have made their home here and as long as we fail to respect our own and others' responsibilities to respect and, indeed, promote all aspects of culture, tradition and identity that come from that patchwork of diversity, we will get nowhere. <BR /> <BR />We also need to get away from the notion that language, culture, heritage and tradition are necessarily a single package. In particular, we frequently hear the phrase "Ulster-Scots language, culture and heritage", yet many people who enjoy Ulster-Scots heritage do not speak the language. Others may well speak or understand the Ulster-Scots language while not otherwise considering themselves to be Ulster Scots when they reflect on their own cultural heritage and traditions.”
“Any displays need to take account of local people and their livelihoods. That point really should not need to be made. <BR /> <BR />It should be emphasised that, in many instances, flags, emblems and memorials represent underlying issues and, occasionally, tensions around culture and tradition, and, indeed, society and the economy, which, themselves, need to be tackled. That is why it is important to recognise that what came to be known as the Commission on Flags, Identity, Culture and Tradition (FICT) is about more than just flags. The leadership that really seems to be lacking is the one that recognises that Northern Ireland is a crossroads where English, Irish, Scottish and, increasingly, other people have come together to create their homes.”
“What that shows is that the lack of a regulatory framework through which flags and emblems can be placed on public property for celebration and commemoration is not viable. The Executive Office should be working on the provision of such a framework. <BR /> <BR />What should never be tolerated is the erection of flags or emblems or, indeed, memorials as a means of intimidation, deliberate exclusion or mockery of victims. That is where the line must be drawn. Yet we are about to enter, again, the time of year when we meekly tolerate those. Under the Terrorism Act, it is illegal to display emblems of any kind that support proscribed organisations; a law that is taken seriously in Scotland, but is largely ignored here. Why does that continue? Ultimately, as with any rights, there are also responsibilities.”
“Secondly, the erection of flags promoting what we call paramilitarism is illegal under the Terrorism Act 2000. Surely, no one in the Chamber would have a problem with enacting and enforcing that Act. Thirdly, the display of flags, emblems and memorials should take account of the effect that it has on businesses, tourism and, ultimately, neighbourhoods. Does anyone challenge that? <BR /> <BR />The absence of lawful authority does not make it illegal per se, and cultural expression through the display of flags, emblems and memorials is a democratic right. However, no one supports flags becoming rags, and a legitimate democratic right that also requires a democratic responsibility to tolerate displays that we would rather not have to tolerate must be balanced with the need for such displays to be reasonable, focused and time-bound.”
“The culture of taking things into the Executive Office for them to reappear only on the basis that "One for you, one for us" is agreed is no way to provide good government. It merely shows that a system that is based on sectarian veto has nothing to offer us at all. It is hardly "together: building a united community". <BR /> <BR />The very point of the motion is that it is hard to have a debate on issues when we know that, after a painstaking and thorough process, a report on them has been produced but we literally cannot see it. Let us at least ask Members whether they agree on the basics. First, with regard to flags and emblems, there is no current lawful authority — "lawful authority" is the key term — for the display of flags and emblems on public property or the constructing of memorials on it. Does anyone dispute that?”
“Note, not even "has been set up", merely "is being set up", and fully five months after a response to another question for oral answer stated that they were considering next steps, and more than a year after the Executive came into office. <BR /> <BR />That is all an excuse for the usual endless inaction, not a route to delivery. What, exactly, is so time-consuming that the report, which took £800,000 of public money to produce, must be concealed from the public?”
“That could be achieved only with yet another use of the sectarian veto, the exact opposite of legislation that is supposed to deliver for all. How ironic. <BR /> <BR />The report and the legislation are strands of the same comprehensive agreement on how to take our culture, tradition and identity forward, including how those are reflected in flags and emblems flown from public property, and in language. As ever, that can still be abused for crude political purposes. <BR /> <BR />It is simply not good enough, five years from establishing the commission, to receive in response to a question for oral answer about the publication of the outcome of its work that a working group is being set up.”
“It seems to have disappeared into the Executive Office with no hint of when, how or even if it will emerge. <BR /> <BR />The commission's work, given its timing, has also become embroiled with the very existence of these institutions. The debate on an Irish language Act was central, rightly or wrongly, to their non-existence for three years. I myself engaged with the parties during 2017 and found that the engagement was mostly positive. The outcome, albeit with extra bureaucracy thrown in, was the agreement in New Decade, New Approach. That, too, however, has disappeared into the Executive Office. <BR /> <BR />With time now short until the end of the mandate, we have still not seen any draft legislation emerging. Of course, we now have DUP sources briefing journalists, proposing an outright breach of New Decade, New Approach.”
“I rise to propose the motion and am happy to accept the amendment. <BR /> <BR />The Commission on Flags, Identity, Culture and Tradition was formed in June 2016. It held a series of useful events around Northern Ireland and brought together key interests not only to discuss what may be perceived as the obvious issues of the display of flags and emblems — perhaps predominantly in urban areas — and memorials — perhaps more so in rural areas — but to look at the range of issues arising from culture, identity and tradition that have, it must be said, been at the heart of much of our division and conflict. <BR /> <BR />What was striking was how well mannered and, indeed, positive much of the commission's engagement was, but we have not yet had sight of its report.”
“Furthermore, the UN independent expert on protection against violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity recognises that the practice may constitute a form of torture, depending on the severity of the therapy and the impact on the individual. He has called for a global ban on conversion therapy. <BR /> <BR />The petition calls for the introduction of legislation to ban conversion therapy, but it must be robust and fit for purpose. It would be heartening if the Communities Minister, on behalf of the Executive, were to proceed with haste on the issue and send a message that attitudes in Northern Ireland have moved on. <BR /> <BR />No one should be encouraged to deny their sexual orientation or gender identity. Our citizens should have the freedom to be themselves without undue influence.”
“The practice is based on the repugnant belief that lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people have a mental illness that can be cured. Let us be clear that a person's sexual orientation or gender identity is not something to be ashamed of, something to be denied or something to be hidden. It is certainly not something to be cured. <BR /> <BR />Conversion therapy is a cruel, homophobic practice that exists only to erase the LGBT+ community and its culture from existence. It has no place in Northern Ireland or any other tolerant society. The practice's detrimental effects are evidenced in the 2018 faith and sexuality survey conducted by the Ozanne Foundation, which found that more than half of those who had tried to change their sexual orientation reported mental health issues as a result.”
“I am proud to present the petition, which has received over 24,300 signatures to date, calling for a ban on so-called conversion therapy in Northern Ireland. I put on record my huge appreciation to all those who signed the petition and, in doing so, showed their compassionate support for the ban. The petition was started by the chair of the Alliance Party LGBT group, Micky Murray, who is a passionate campaigner for improved rights on behalf of all LGBT+ people in Northern Ireland. I am especially privileged to have him as a member of staff. I also put on record my appreciation to the Rainbow Project and TransgenderNI for their work on the issue. <BR /> <BR />The UK LGBT rights charity Stonewall defines conversion therapy as:”
“<BR /> <BR />In conclusion, whatever our political differences, I want to put on record my thanks to the Minister for being so responsive to issues raised by me from my constituents around education during the pandemic. I appreciate his prompt responses. However, these immediate problems give us a full view of the longer-term issue. We need to reconsider transfer in general and also be proactive in considering the particular circumstances of the growing and changing school-age population in South Belfast. We also need to ensure an integrated option is available for all ages to match increasing demand for it in our increasingly mixed communities. Our proactive planning and expanded provision in South Belfast can ensure that parental choice is a reality and high-quality provision is assured for all.”
“Let us be clear that transfer is a statutory function of the Department, and it is not adequate for the Department to say, "Well, let the schools decide". The Department's functions include, but are not limited to, ensuring that section 75, for example, is adhered to. We are already seeing disadvantage in schools exacerbated by time taken off due to self-isolation, and it is unacceptable for this to be ignored and handed over solely to schools to make the best of the situation. It is also unfair to the many pupils across South Belfast who beavered away on practice papers in anticipation of the transfer test. They have their hearts set on a particular school and are having to face the reality that they probably will not secure a place this September because they do not have siblings already at the school.”
“An immediate problem is how to manage the transfer for this year. However, it is a symptom of a wider problem that requires improved cross-sectoral communication and collaboration, more joined-up planning, a better approach to balancing parental rights and places for all ages, broader provision, not least in the integrated sector, and shared education by locality. <BR /> <BR />COVID, in some ways, has shone a light on the way that we often divert responsibility to schools. This was never more apparent than in the issue of managing transfers when it was increasingly evident that the transfer tests would not take place. I emphasise that the Department is responsible for planning, management and delivery of a fit-for-purpose school estate and an adequate transfer and public examination system.”
“Schools have also been worried about social-distancing provisions, contact tracing, ventilation and other matters that relate to public health.”
“One obvious question is this: is there room for another integrated school for our 11- to 18-year-olds? By that, I mean one that is well outside the constituency that could share the burden of oversubscription with Lagan College. It would be a significant boost to integrated provision for parents in and around South Belfast and further afield. <BR /> <BR />Given the delay in having this Adjournment debate, I will seek to address the lack of planning around COVID. Initially, schools were extremely concerned about the need for online learning options and the significant differences in pupil experience, depending on which school attended. They were concerned about access to technology, family circumstances and so on.”
“<BR /> <BR />An integrated education survey that was carried out a couple of years ago showed that six primary schools in South Belfast are consistently at or above capacity, as parents choose the route to post-primary provision for their children early on. Their choice is not, as you said, always just about the ethos, although that is relevant, because sometimes it is about proximity. The outcome of that is that there is a growing population, particularly in the Castlereagh South part of the constituency. That leads to a fast oversubscription for integrated education places. That situation will most likely be exacerbated in the next 10 years, as we know that there is ongoing work on, and work in the planning stages for, a further 1,100 houses, many of which are family-sized.”
“Thank you for the question. I will get on to the second question in a minute, but I think that the reason that Lagan College does so well academically is because it is so diverse. People want to send their children there because of its all-encompassing ethos. It is therefore almost a self-fulfilling prophecy. I do agree with you, however, that the whole issue of criteria and admissions cuts to the heart of the issues that we face in South Belfast. <BR /> <BR />As I said, I applaud the Department for trying to advance the new Forge Integrated Primary School on the site. Trying to make progress on that has no doubt not been easy during the pandemic.”
“For other parents, there is a recognition that, although integrated education may be their preference, the difficulty in getting to Lagan College from further away in the constituency and the likelihood of getting a place anyway are off-putting. To be clear, the Alliance Party fully supports the admissions criteria for attendance at an integrated primary school. <BR /> <BR />I recognise the efforts of the Education Minister, his Department and the school leadership to advance plans for the expanded Forge Integrated Primary School on the —.”
“Essentially, the system is unbelievably complex, with parents even considering nursery schools depending on the route to post-primary education that they wish to take for their children. There is huge complexity in everything from decreasing state secondary-school provision to an oversubscribed selective or integrated school within the constituency boundary. <BR /> <BR />It is evident that many parents wish to choose integrated education, but they are seriously limited in their choice. The excellent Lagan College, which is right on the constituency boundary, serves many parents in South Belfast who opt for that type of education for their children, but the catchment area is vast.”
“At the moment, that area planning is just too narrow and too reactive to serve its supposed purpose for our constituents in South Belfast, where there is a disproportionately high population turnover. <BR /> <BR />There are also understandable concerns about the type of provision. Planning rarely focuses on secondary provision. For example, Breda Academy already has an intake of which a third have recognised special educational needs, and there may be others without a statement of need. That requires the appropriate education infrastructure to be developed proactively. Four- to five-year lead-in times to cover issues that are emerging now are no good and do not serve the pupils' needs.”
“Area planning is not just about numbers on a page, although it should be noted that, in the cases of South Belfast and East Belfast, many of those numbers are outdated and lead to many of our schools annually requesting temporary variations on pupil numbers. <BR /> <BR />Area planning is fundamentally about provision: provision of buildings and other educational spaces, provision for pupils with special educational needs, provision of pastoral support and so on.”
“You would think that geographic proximity would be a key part of the transfer criteria, but that is not necessarily the case. In particular, the use of existing, or even former, family links has proven highly controversial among the many constituents who have contacted me over the last few months. Concerns have become a reality as Rathmore, Methodist College, Lagan College, Our Lady and St Patrick's College Knock, Wellington College, Aquinas, Victoria College, Hunterhouse and the Royal Belfast Academical Institution (Inst) all place having a sibling at the school above being the eldest child in their criteria. <BR /> <BR />Area planning has not served South Belfast well. The popularity of local schools, which is one reason why many people choose to live in South Belfast, brings its own disadvantages.”
“There are particular circumstances in South Belfast because of its demographic and because so many schools that are right on its boundary are so sought after for miles beyond it, across the city. <BR /> <BR />Naturally, the problem has been further highlighted this year due to the pressure on many popular schools in South Belfast to allocate places without the use of academic selection. As I speak, that sees many pupils, parents, carers and even grandparents being left on tenterhooks. We also have to recognise that many schools have to manage a very complex transfer situation and are seeking to do so as fairly and reasonably as possible. I will return to that point. <BR /> <BR />Popular schools should, of course, benefit the residents of South Belfast.”
“Thank you to the Education Minister, to South Belfast MLAs and to others who are in the Chamber. I will outline some of the very pertinent issues that are impacting on educational provision in South Belfast. <BR /> <BR />Parental choice is essential, but it is severely limited in South Belfast. There is a lack of adequate options for those who do not sit the transfer test or attain a sufficient score, and integrated schools and many of the selective grammar schools are hugely oversubscribed. In practice, the inadequate area planning restricts choice. I put on record that I toyed with the wording of "sufficient score" because I think that it is appalling that we still have the transfer test and that we would deem a child insufficient at such a young age. <BR /> <BR />One of the most pressing issues is post-primary transfer.”
“I welcome the announcement during the week of additional funding for community and voluntary sector groups that deliver on healthcare. What is the Minister's Department going to do to make the community and voluntary sector more sustainable? I am talking specifically about the charitable sector, such as our hospices, which provide vital, not just add-on, services. They should not have to rely on cake sales and other fundraising events to provide vital services.”
“How will they be commissioned? Where will responsibility lie in identifying planning and engaging with primary and secondary care? How will this make things more efficient?”
“<BR /> <BR />The final issue is that the Bill, while apparently all about streamlining, means that additional costs will be incurred. It would be useful to hear what savings will arise from it in years to come. <BR /> <BR />Although there is little wrong with the Bill in itself, in many ways, it raises more questions than answers. I look forward to further scrutiny of it at Committee Stage. Given that the legislation is mostly about how Northern Ireland is not large enough to do full commissioning on its own, how exactly will the commissioning or contracting of health and social care services be improved for the future? How precisely will new services, such as those for ME, Huntington's disease, long COVID and other conditions that currently lack a fully resourced pathway or service not get lost in the Department of Health?”
“That was because it had a front-facing culture and there was meaningful and ongoing engagement with the people who were working in the communities and with the groups and sections of society that it aimed to support. As such, it would be helpful to hear, alongside the Bill, how precisely the Department will be restructured to accommodate that local input and engagement and the additional responsibility that it is taking on, almost in its entirety. <BR /> <BR />The Bill is predicated on the notion that commissioning is not a cross-cutting issue. That is stated in the accompanying documents, which is interesting because commissioning, as we debated in the Chamber yesterday, is one service that the Minister has argued in the past is cross-cutting. We would like a response from the Minister on that.”
“I saw the potential of LCGs and how they worked in practice to inform local population planning, exactly in line with the Bengoa report, and to establish pilot projects such as the integrated care partnership (ICP) falls service, which was rolled out into other areas. <BR /> <BR />Having consulted the policy background documents again since the Bill was discussed at the Health Committee last week, I remain unclear on why the Public Health Agency (PHA), which has a commissioning role, is untouched by the legislation. In a previous life, in the community and voluntary sector, I found the Public Health Agency one of the few statutory agencies in the public service that was responsive and effective.”
“In the last few months, we have seen the mass resignation of the Regulation and Quality Improvement Authority (RQIA) board. That undermined this expertise, and I wonder how the removal of the Health and Social Care Board will improve oversight, scrutiny and local democratic input. <BR /> <BR />The Bill says little about how exactly the BSO will be improved as part of the process. Currently, far too many positions in the health and social care sector are held on an interim basis. It can take months and months for a post to be advertised and filled. How exactly does any of this constitute streamlining bureaucracy in practice? <BR /> <BR />The apparent loss of local accountability and input concerns me most. As a councillor, I was on the Belfast LCG before coming to the Assembly.”
“I thank the Minister for his statement outlining the Bill. I support the Bill, with some reluctance, as I am unclear about precisely how the implementation of the legislation will provide a genuinely streamlined, more efficient and more transparent system. The fundamental question is this: how will the removal of publicly appointed board members and members of the local commissioning groups, who provide expertise on how the health and social care sector operates and scrutiny of performance, drawing from their own work and background, enhance the delivery of health and social care services? At the Health Committee, I drew a comparison with the removal of the Education Authority, which is the middle layer in the commissioning and operational delivery of education services.”
“Will the Member agree that it is not just the women who feel that pain gravely but the men?”
“Not least in the week that we have just had, I urge Members to reflect carefully on that.”
“If we consider these words carefully, we see that the Bill will prevent a patient-centred approach for distressed women, ignore clinical complexity, and result in women travelling for healthcare. Whatever the objectives of the Bill, these will be the outcomes if it becomes law. I have to ask of each of you: are you comfortable with those outcomes? <BR /> <BR />In closing, therefore, let me put on record two essential points. I want to see commissioning of abortion services that includes reference to the importance for support to enable mothers to make fully informed choices about whether to take pregnancy to term. What I do not want to see, however, is the Assembly endorsing a Bill designed to force women to do something rather than to support them to do something.”
“Ultimately, the proposer refers, with justification, to the need to change societal attitudes to Down's. Yet again, we have to ask why he has presented a Bill that does precisely nothing about it. I think that there may be a way to accomplish that fairly, and I continue to take soundings on whether and how an appropriate way can be found. We need to avoid a conflict about which rights predominate and instead recognise the need for the highest human rights standards that deliver respect, recognition and justice for all. <BR /> <BR />In conclusion, during the pandemic we have come to trust and even literally applaud our medical professionals. So, while every organisation will have different views, let us consider exactly what the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists has to say on this issue:”