Paula Bradshaw
South Belfast · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“They were places where those who were vulnerable were concealed, young mothers were stripped of their babies and children were stripped of their identities. Let us be resolute in our remembrance of what happened behind the doors of those institutions.”
“At all stages, the Committee has set out its clear support for the legislation's overarching aims and principles, which are to establish a statutory public inquiry into the systemic failings associated with mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses between 1922 and 1995 and to create a statutory redress scheme for t…”
“Again, I refuse to call them "mother-and-baby homes", for we now know that there was nothing homely about them. What the Bill can and must do is offer a tangible declaration that the state accepts its responsibility.”
“As Chairperson of the Committee for the Executive Office, I welcome the opportunity to speak at the Final Stage of the Inquiry (Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses) and Redress Scheme Bill.”
“Key points were also made in relation to redress: the need to ensure that the Executive Office introduces clear guidelines for the scheme as soon as practicable; the need for the Executive Office to widely communicate and promote the scheme to all victims and survivors, including those who live overseas; and the need for the Executive Off…”
“The First Minister and deputy First Minister tabled a number of amendments that gave effect to the Committee's intent across a number of clauses. In several instances, the Committee chose to withdraw its amendments in favour of the Ministers' wording, where that better reflected the broader book of the law.”
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“Thank you for the response. I am keen that, where new posts are created, there will be opportunities for Assembly staff members who have been here for many years, particularly in areas where there is under-representation. Is the Assembly Commission able to give an assurance that additional support will be put in place in order to ensure that there is equal access to those new posts?”
“I am sorry: Liz and I spoke at the same time there. First, are the figures that you mentioned UK-wide or are they for Northern Ireland? Secondly, is there a role for councils in the environmental health space in the interim?”
“As a liberal party, we wish to investigate every option short of prohibition, including the improvement and enhancement of public health information. However, the evidence on the overall public health risks of sunbeds is mounting, and countries such as Australia have already moved to outright prohibition. <BR /> <BR />I very much hope that we will see the issue progressed and investigated by the Health Minister and his departmental officials in order to get us to a position where Northern Ireland at least has licensing and regulation schemes that are similar to those applied elsewhere in the UK. That has clearly been the direction of travel since the start of the decade, and I wish to see no further delay.”
“<BR /> <BR />Regulation and licensing would also give us the power to consider two further aspects of the problem here. First, we may wish to raise the age of prohibition to 18, as per the amendment and as has been the case for Botox in England since 2021. I would certainly like to see the Health Committee consult on that. There is also a cross-border element to the matter in that we need to avoid people simply popping across the border to get procedures that may carry significant risk. I am aware that concerns have already been raised in England regarding different regulations or prohibitions in Wales and vice versa. <BR /> <BR />The second issue concerns the potential prohibition of some procedures altogether, most obviously sunbeds.”
“as well as, no doubt, in the interests those who wish to provide them competently and safely. At that time, I went on to say that we in Northern Ireland must not be left behind because of our inability to legislate. We now have that ability, yet we are still left behind. I appreciate Mark Durkan's providing an update on what he has been advised; I was not aware of that. This time last year, Scotland had already run a consultation on the topic before the UK Department of Health and Social Care did so for England. Wales is proceeding with similar work. That will likely result in a licensing scheme for providers of procedures such as Botox and dermal fillers. In Northern Ireland, the RQIA has the power to regulate only those who provide laser or intense pulsed light (IPL) cosmetic treatments.”
“<BR /> <BR />As I mentioned in a public statement on the topic over a year ago, when, frustratingly, we had no means of legislating to deal with the issue:”
“I support the motion and the amendment. The start of the motion refers to "greater regulation", but the issue is that, in many instances, there is, in practice, no regulation. The regulation of non-surgical procedures and products is effectively absent in Northern Ireland. Premises must register with their local council, but there are no grounds to reject such a registration. Those acting as health professionals must register with the GMC, but those who offer aesthetic or beauty products or procedures have no means of getting a licence, even if they want to, as many do. That carries a significant risk to consumers, about which we have heard, but it is also totally unfair on competent practitioners, as they have no means of formally demonstrating their professionalism and training, apart from with course certificates.”
“I thank the Minister for his update. As a representative for South Belfast, I share the frustration of the school's leadership, which has been working on the project for 10 years. When does the Minister anticipate that the school will be built?”
“Minister, further to John Blair's question, can you outline what proportion of the Northern Ireland population is currently eligible for legal aid? How does that compare with elsewhere on these islands?”
“I thank the Minister. I appreciate that it is an operational matter, but I hear about it regularly in my constituency office. The issue is that residents feel not only that there is substandard work but that their complaints are not dealt with properly. What conversations is the Minister having with the Housing Executive about better support for residents who feel that the work is substandard?”
“My Alliance Party colleagues have been at the forefront of all-party groups, tabling motions, bringing forward Committee inquiries and, hopefully, introducing a Member's Bill. We will take no lessons from the DUP on supporting those people.”
“<BR /> <BR />At the time, my criticism of the DUP, which introduced the Bill, was that there was nothing in the Bill at its introduction or at any further stage to actually support or enhance services for people who live with disability. Again, my party colleague Kellie Armstrong has very much articulated the ways in which they could have been supported over the years. As Chair of the Committee for the Executive Office, I have been leading an inquiry into gaps in equality legislation. The DUP took over the position of First Minister in 2007. For 17 years, it has been at the helm of the Department that is responsible for equality legislation, yet we have seen none in that time. I will take no lectures from the DUP or others about support for people with disability.”
“I was not going to speak in the debate, but I felt that some of Mr Kingston's comments really needed to be challenged. I am pleased that my party colleague Kellie Armstrong has addressed the majority of them. I very much agree with Diane Dodds in her assertion that she did not want the debate to descend into one about abortion. However, I took great exception to the commentary around my party's position on the severe fetal impairment Bill at the time. I worked diligently with the other members of the Health Committee. I do not think that we had ever scrutinised a Bill so rigorously or engaged with so many people. We all arrived at our position as a matter of conscience, and it was one that we felt best supported women, families and individuals.”
“I was at the Northern Ireland Chamber of Commerce and Industry president's banquet dinner last week, as was the deputy First Minister, Sinéad and others. That was a wonderful occasion, and you spoke, deputy First Minister, about the investment strategy. There was such a can-do attitude in the room. To what degree will the private sector be able to drive prioritisation of the investment strategy?”
“I would argue that abuse of the sectarian veto is, in itself, contrary to the ministerial code, which demands that Ministers work for the whole community and towards a shared future. As long as that veto remains in place without review, we are left meekly calling for things that will probably never happen, leading to the public losing faith altogether, as we continue to lose opportunities to improve society. Nevertheless, we support the motion.”
“<BR /> <BR />Therefore, we welcome the proposal of a review of strand two; indeed, we would support a review of the institutions more broadly. Sticking with strand two alone, however, we share the view that it is a fundamental aspect of the agreement that cannot simply be ignored at will. With much more focus on ensuring that the administration and resourcing of North/South bodies were improved, we would eventually get to the point of being able to demonstrate more clearly the benefits for all our communities in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />The motion could have been strengthened to make clear reference to how a sectarian veto should not be able to block a review aimed at ensuring that the North/South Ministerial Council and the ministerial code could function more effectively.”
“Indeed, we are still in a position that the North/South bodies are not operating properly because their boards have vacancies, predominantly on the Northern side. We feel that that represents a significant opportunity lost. <BR /> <BR />We also await updates on the ministerial code. A question also arises about why we have a code that appears to be unenforceable without itself falling foul of the sectarian veto that stalls so much progress in this place. That has already been touched on this afternoon. We may note that the code applies to covering the full range of functions, including promoting good community relations. It is also hard to see how outright boycotts are in the public interest that we, as politicians, are supposed to serve.”
“I support the motion. The motion as framed is good, and we fully support it in its entirety, although we add that it is a pity that the opportunity was not taken to add a section on institutional reform — that very much speaks to the comments of Doug Beattie — which, if we looked at the wider piece, would include ensuring that breaches of the ministerial code are not just passed over. Mr Kingston clearly outlined why we need institutional reform: so that we cannot have a stop-start, collapsing Assembly. <BR /> <BR />We strongly share the proposer's frustration that vital North/South work has not been taken forward as well as it could have been in recent years in part because of a boycott of the institutions in their entirety and in part because of a previous boycott of the North/South institutions.”
“Its contribution to the growth of the sport is measured not just by those results but by the growth in the number of junior leagues for women in recent years from nine to 12. That represents approximately 400 extra women playing the sport every week. <BR /> <BR />I hope that the achievements of the Ireland teams and those of the Ulster teams at the other end of the age range lead to a greater recognition of what hockey brings to society here, as one of the top three sports by participation, not just in Northern Ireland but in the world.”
“<BR /> <BR />Those hockey players are not just amazing athletes but fantastic role models. They all give back to the sport through umpiring, coaching, sitting on management committees, supporting fundraising efforts and, most importantly, encouraging players coming up from junior clubs, women returning from pregnancy and those picking up a stick for the first time. <BR /> <BR />At the other end of the age scale, I also note the victories of the Ulster under-16 boys, under-18 boys and under-16 girls in the Autumn Interprovincial Series, which concluded this weekend. They all won their leagues. That went alongside a narrow runner-up spot for the under-16 girls, so there is certainly a bright future for Ulster and Irish hockey. On that note, I give a special mention to the work of Ulster Hockey.”
“I rise to note the achievements of the Ireland over-50 women's, over-55 men's and over-55 women's teams, which all competed at the recent Masters Hockey World Cup in Auckland, New Zealand. All three teams finished in at least the top eight, but the over-55 women's team deserves a special mention having reached the final, becoming one of the very few sports teams from Ireland to have played in a world cup final. The team narrowly missed out in the final, losing 1-0 to England, but it achieved memorable victories over Australia, Scotland and, most notably, South Africa in the semi-final, winning 5-0. The Ireland team included six players from the Ulster Masters team, all of whom still participate in the club game here in various guises, including one from Belfast Harlequins Ladies Hockey Club in my constituency.”
“Thank you, Minister, for your answer. I met Orchardville, which, as you will know, is an organisation in my constituency that operates across the Province. Orchardville is concerned that there is not enough mention of support for people with learning disabilities and how barriers will be removed. Orchardville will be looking to see how you will ensure that their needs are met in terms of the implementation of the action plan and how that will be measured.”
“That needed to be clarified on behalf of the Committee, Deputy Speaker. Thank you.”
“I thank the Minister for giving way. To clarify, when the Committee held the evidence session with stakeholders, it was them, especially those who had businesses in south Belfast, who raised concerns and expressed dismay about the police having stood by. The videos are in the public domain: you will know that, and we have all seen them. When the Deputy Chief Constable came to the Committee, he acknowledged that there were lessons to be learned about how officers intervene.”
“Those are the core principles of our proposal for an additional peace-building mission in and underpinning the Programme for Government. <BR /> <BR />While we should not be prejudicial about what a comprehensive review of the ongoing racist attacks, including those of late July and early August, might determine, we know that the PSNI identified paramilitary influence. The Executive Office has a tendency to put what it does into different silos, but, fundamentally, the evidence is clear: ending paramilitarism, promoting good relations and delivering racial equality are, ultimately, in the same silo. <BR /> <BR />In closing, the motion calls for a rapid review. We are now four months on from the worst weekend of the summer, and we should agree the motion and get on with the work.”
“It has long been my party's view — in fact, we have stated this publicly on many occasions, including in the week before the racist attacks in early August — that progress on renewing the race relations order and publishing the racial equality strategy and the refugee integration strategy has not proceeded as quickly as it should. Tied to that is the reality that racism and sectarianism are, ultimately, two sides of the same coin. It is being increasingly recognised internationally that they are ultimately the same thing. Where you have an us-and-them, you will always end up with sectarianism and racism. We have to get far more serious about challenging sectarianism, overcoming division, genuinely reconciling and ending paramilitarism.”
“The tragedy is that valued members of our community who contribute to our economy, provide essential services and enrich the cultural diversity of our society have been left to feel that they do not belong. On the contrary, the Committee broadly and consistently restated the view that we are privileged that people from diverse backgrounds have chosen to make this place their home. We can do something about the issue. A concerted, targeted, rapid review of the events of the summer can go some way towards making people who were targets of hostility feel that they belong. The Committee calls for that to happen without delay. <BR /> <BR />I will now make a few brief remarks in my capacity as a South Belfast MLA.”
“The Executive Office needs to carry out the review because of the multidimensional, cross-cutting nature of the issues and potential solutions. Some of the solutions may mean changes in legislation. The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) recently observed that we need a clearer definition of racial discrimination and a particular statutory offence of hate crime in Northern Ireland. I also met the Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ), which raised similar issues. <BR /> <BR />As part of its inquiry into gaps in equality legislation, the Committee for the Executive Office can look at some of the potential changes to the law. However, that goes beyond just adjusting statutory protections for minority ethnic communities. A review can look at the issues in the round.”
“Why was the violence allowed to go on for so long? Why were so many properties allowed to be damaged or destroyed? <BR /> <BR />On 11 September, the Committee considered correspondence from the Commissioner Designate for Victims of Crime. I also met her separately, on 9 October, to discuss her proposal for the Executive Office to carry out a rapid review of the racist incidents in the summer. The Committee agreed to support her call for such a review. That review is necessary because we need to get to grips with the reasons why those things happened and are still happening; understand who was involved and why; find out how prepared the authorities were, how they responded and what impact they had; and make sure that we create the conditions that mean that they will not happen again.”
“Committee members put questions to them based on what we had heard from the stakeholders, including evidence of paramilitary involvement in racist attacks, police officers standing idly by while minority-owned businesses were attacked and police advising victims to engage with community representatives who are known to be involved with paramilitary organisations. It was also noted how ludicrous it was that authorities argued over whose responsibility it was to remove racist posters rather than getting on with removing them. <BR /> <BR />There remain many unanswered questions. What factors led to the circumstances in which so many people assembled to attack our most vulnerable communities? Who were the people carrying out the attacks? Who organised them? Why were the authorities so unprepared?”
“We heard about attacks on their businesses; criminal damage to their places of worship and places of support; violence and intimidation against them; their fear for their children's safety; and their feeling of helplessness because such acts were not stopped by the authorities. The Committee also heard that that is nothing new. Over time, it has been part of a pattern of ongoing racism and xenophobia, damage to property, everyday microaggressions against people who are different and experiences of institutional racism. <BR /> <BR />On 2 October, the Committee heard from the Department and the police about how they had responded to the events of the summer and how they were tackling ongoing issues.”
“At the beginning of August, the Assembly was recalled to condemn the incidents of racism that had occurred over the summer. The motion is not about repeating those words of condemnation, as much as that may be warranted, but about seeking to understand what happened and showing urgency to do something about it. <BR /> <BR />From the evidence that the Committee has heard, it has become clear that racist intimidation had been happening before the summer and has continued since. Racist violence is not simply an isolated, seasonal series of events but endemic in our communities. Unfortunately, PSNI records show that the trend is worsening, not improving. <BR /> <BR />On 18 September, the Committee heard harrowing evidence from stakeholder organisations of racism and Islamophobia.”
“I thank the First Minister and deputy First Minister for the read-out of the two meetings. It seems that you covered a lot of ground, which is to be welcomed. <BR /> <BR />I will focus on the discussion around the mother-and-baby institutions and working closely on common issues. The Committee remains concerned about the sharing of information, especially if the religious order is based in Dublin. Did that come up as an issue that the NSMC is going to explore?”
“I gather from the short time I have been in the Chamber that it is not so much about the Department taking on the burden as about enforcement.”
“The reason that I am not mentioning the name of the development is that the residents have said over and over, "We do not want to go to the media because the last thing that we want is to devalue the price of our property". They want to protect the reputation of the area, but they have spent years repairing their cars and getting stuff out of the gutters themselves; they have just been tortured. It was meant to be their dream home, but they have been left with a shambles. In many ways, it is down to inaction from the Department for Infrastructure.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker, for letting my name be added to the list at such short notice. I only came in to listen, and I was getting post-traumatic stress disorder from the debate, having worked for constituents who live in a development in South Belfast and have been waiting for 13 and a half years for their road to be adopted. <BR /> <BR />The questions that Phillip Brett has just asked are the ones that I want the answers to. We keep going round in circles, with departmental officials saying, "It is maybe a wee bit early to use the enforcement powers. Maybe we will send another letter. Is there benefit in sending another letter?". It is ridiculous, Minister.”
“We recognise and really appreciate that they are committed to the highest standards of care and to the oath of working in consort with patients. If we identify cases of abuse, we will identify those responsible. If we address negligence, those committed to higher standards will themselves be able to have more faith in the system within which they work. If we can address the public with candour about the care and services that they receive, the bond between HSC staff and those for whom they care will be strengthened. <BR /> <BR />I appreciate the Minister's contribution. I hope that he introduces his legislation shortly, and we will work with him on it.”
“Thank you for that clarification. <BR /> <BR />The public have grown tired of scandal after scandal and disaster after disaster, as the Chair of the Health Committee, Liz Kimmins, highlighted. They, rightly, no longer trust a system that refuses even to engage with clear recommendations for improvement and putting patient safety first. That is why a statutory duty of candour is necessary, otherwise there is no prospect of restoring patient confidence. <BR /> <BR />The interests of victims must be put first when we look back, and the interest of patient safety must be put first when we look forward. The motion is drafted as it is for a reason. Among the prime beneficiaries of a statutory, legally enforceable duty of candour will be the overwhelming majority of HSC staff. My colleague Danny Donnelly highlighted that.”
“I welcome Paul Frew's contribution, in which he talked with passion about introducing a private Member's Bill. So many times in the Chamber, unfortunately, it is up to individuals, rather than the responsible Minister, to introduce the legislation that is required.”
“Exactly. I touched on that a bit. Thank you for that. <BR /> <BR />It is perhaps small wonder that, when Justice O'Hara made his first recommendation for a statutory duty of candour, those who had overseen the system that did not prioritise patient safety decided to kick for touch, persuading the then Health Minister to ignore that absolutely critical recommendation and instead pursue the Being Open framework. That is still incomplete six years on, and we hear today that it will go out to consultation. We just need to get on with those pieces of work.”
“The panel further noted that the SAI procedure focused too much on timescale rather than on standards; did not have regional standards on patient rights; lacked regional patient safety training; failed to provide clear competencies that were required for those leading reviews; delivered insufficient independent advocacy for patients and their families; and struggled because time was taken up, in some cases, with reviews that were not necessary. That is purely shocking. <BR /> <BR />The outcome is that we simply can no longer trust those responsible to put the needs of victims first. There are simply too many instances of patient safety not being the absolute priority. Indeed, in many cases, those instances are systemic.”
“The panel specifically found that, in over a decade of serious adverse incident reviews, which started in their current form in 2009, not a single review had delivered any improvement. The panel found that the procedure for serious adverse incident reviews had never met the requirements of the statutory duty of personal public involvement set out in the Health and Social Care (Reform) Act 2009, did not provide for reasonable application of the principles of SAI review practice; did not deliver significant independence of the chairs; did not provide for the formulation of evidence-based recommendations or for the design of action plans that would enhance the safety and quality of healthcare; and did not produce readable reports. It did not end there.”
“Those whose focus was not on patient safety or on trying to learn from the process that led to appalling harm are, in some cases, on a board that is supposedly implementing the changes based on those very findings. Incredibly, even after all that, authorities were subsequently called out in court for conspiring to enable Dr Watt to escape due process by allowing a voluntary erasure. <BR /> <BR />Another aspect of patient safety that Members will be aware of relates to the SAI process. Incredibly, when we turn to any of the inquiries and look at the review of systems and processes of learning that were carried out on behalf of the Department by the RQIA and an expert panel, some of whom came from outside Northern Ireland, we see that it gets even worse.”
“It found that intervention is required where there is clear evidence of poor performance and malpractice, yet no such intervention occurred in the case of Dr Watt. It specified — we should note it clearly — that intervention is required where there is reason to suspect that patient safety is at risk. In other words, the burden of proof is not the same as it is in a court of law; it is on the balance of probability based on the evidence. It found that opportunities to stop harm being caused to patients were missed. Even when it was evident that harm had been caused, the authorities focused on trying to reduce the financial burden that would arise rather than on accepting liability and trying to learn from it. That issue came up today.”
“Remarkably, it is made up entirely of departmental appointees. We know that victims are looking for truth, justice and accountability, so you have to question how they could have faith in such a board. As Jonathan Buckley highlighted, the families, many of whom have campaigned for decades for the truth about their loved one's case, need to have faith in whatever processes are taken forward. <BR /> <BR />By way of example, let us look at some of the findings of the independent neurology inquiry, which should truly shock us. It found that there was a lack of prioritisation of patient safety to the extent that trusts had audit committees but not patient safety committees. My colleague Nuala McAllister raised that issue.”
“We have had the independent neurology inquiry and seen the sterling work of Colin Armstrong, who has been fighting on behalf of the families of the deceased. Of course, there was also the infected blood inquiry, and Nigel Hamilton and his late brother were stalwarts in the campaign for truth, justice and accountability in that space. We have seen a series of individual cases of negligence. The payouts for negligence average £40 million per year in Northern Ireland. I should have highlighted — it is on my list — that Diane Dodds raised the cervical smear test failings in the Southern Health and Social Care Trust. <BR /> <BR />We could stand here all day and recite the scandals, but there are so many inquiries into scandals and disasters that the Department of Health even has an inquiries implementation programme management board.”
“Sadly, the list of scandals and disasters this century alone makes for grim reading; they have had a significant human cost. We had the hyponatraemia inquiry, and I pay tribute to Alan and Jennifer Roberts for their courageous work over the years. I very much appreciate Pat Sheehan's outline of their story; I do not know how you remembered it all, Pat. We heard the family's story again, and what they have had to go through is harrowing. We have also had the Muckamore Abbey Hospital inquiry. That is another inquiry that the Department of Health was reluctant to establish, but it is under way, and some of the information coming out of it is deeply disturbing. We pay tribute to Dawn Jones and her late husband, Councillor Mervyn Jones, for the support that they gave to their son Timmy, who was an inpatient at Muckamore Abbey.”
“Thank you very much, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I thank the Members for their contributions this afternoon. I very much concur with the Minister that there has been a passionate debate. That is because we all care so much about the issue and, as elected representatives, have heard the stories of the victims and survivors, many of whom are in the Public Gallery. <BR /> <BR />The fundamentals are simple: victims have rights. Those who suffered ruined and incomplete lives because of a scandal or disaster need to be central to the response to that scandal or disaster. Work needs to be undertaken to ensure that such scandals or disasters do not occur, and Alan Chambers highlighted that. <BR /> <BR />My colleague Nuala McAllister outlined some of the scandals.”
“Does the Member agree that it is disappointing that we still have not seen safe staffing legislation come forward either? Thank you.”
“I do not lead on health any more. My colleagues and I have met the different unions many times. Does the Member agree that the motion has been proposed today out of sheer frustration that, seven years on from the inquiry into hyponatraemia, we are no further forward in this space?”