Paula Bradshaw
South Belfast · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“They were places where those who were vulnerable were concealed, young mothers were stripped of their babies and children were stripped of their identities. Let us be resolute in our remembrance of what happened behind the doors of those institutions.”
“At all stages, the Committee has set out its clear support for the legislation's overarching aims and principles, which are to establish a statutory public inquiry into the systemic failings associated with mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses between 1922 and 1995 and to create a statutory redress scheme for t…”
“Again, I refuse to call them "mother-and-baby homes", for we now know that there was nothing homely about them. What the Bill can and must do is offer a tangible declaration that the state accepts its responsibility.”
“As Chairperson of the Committee for the Executive Office, I welcome the opportunity to speak at the Final Stage of the Inquiry (Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses) and Redress Scheme Bill.”
“Key points were also made in relation to redress: the need to ensure that the Executive Office introduces clear guidelines for the scheme as soon as practicable; the need for the Executive Office to widely communicate and promote the scheme to all victims and survivors, including those who live overseas; and the need for the Executive Off…”
“The First Minister and deputy First Minister tabled a number of amendments that gave effect to the Committee's intent across a number of clauses. In several instances, the Committee chose to withdraw its amendments in favour of the Ministers' wording, where that better reflected the broader book of the law.”
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“In late January, I was shocked and appalled to learn that an individual had spray-painted anti-Semitic graffiti at Newforge Lane in my constituency, an area where people frequently walk. Actions like that have a heavy impact on our Jewish community, and I was saddened that such issues remain today. Thankfully, it was not just members of the Jewish community who contacted me about it but other right-thinking members of the public. I duly reported it, and I am grateful to Belfast City Council for promptly removing it. It is our moral duty to defend and support those who are victims of such shocking ignorance and prejudice. I heavily condemn those acts, and I extend my thoughts to all those who were affected by it. <BR /> <BR />Offering our thoughts will simply not cut it, however.”
“During the Adjournment debate that my colleague Christopher Stalford secured late last year, I raised the issue of the lack of transport infrastructure into Belvoir estate. Is that being considered as part of the consultation process?”
“Thank you, Minister, for your statement this morning. The report touches on the appropriateness of housing men and women in close proximity to one another in a prison setting. Can you provide any more details on the progress of the new female facility at Hydebank?”
“Off the back of the COVID pandemic, will you produce an updated version of that response on how you integrate the putback with the transformation agenda?”
“The Bengoa report was published in 2016. We were all excited when it came into force. Then, the Department released its response, so to speak.”
“Thank you, Minister, for your answer. You will appreciate, of course, that I submitted the question before your statement in the House last week. Can you confirm or otherwise whether the Economy Minister has brought forward any proposals? On the point about engagement, you will appreciate that, while the nightclubs and the bars will have some access to grant funding, people like DJs, musicians and band members are outside that. Can you or your officials engage on that?”
“Without them, the statistics would be worse and the families would not have their much-needed intervention and programmes. I hope that we ensure that this growing issue, which is causing so much pain and suffering, will be sustainably prioritised.”
“The report details that there is little evidence to suggest that any effective intervention has been made. <BR /> <BR />We can also see from the Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency (NISRA) figures last week that, over the past five years, people living in areas of high deprivation are almost four times more likely to suffer an alcohol-related death than those elsewhere. It is vital that we support those communities and provide the essential support needed to address that issue. The Department of Health must ensure that local organisations are supported sustainably to work with young people in those areas and to support them to prevent addiction or move away from it. <BR /> <BR />I place on record my thanks to those community and voluntary sector organisations that currently provide such support services.”
“The Department of Health outlined its new strategy to combat drug and alcohol misuse in September, but it cannot be implemented effectively without a budget available for the strategy as a whole. We already know, for example, that services such as counselling are heavily sought after but often to no avail as waiting lists are so extensive. We need clear actions and resources allocated to fix that. <BR /> <BR />Worryingly, the report also details the impact of prescription medication on drug-related deaths, which has long been a problem disproportionately greater here than elsewhere. For example, Northern Ireland has the highest prescription rate of pregabalin in the UK and the effects of its overuse on our communities are already taking their toll. In 2019, that one drug was responsible for 40% of drug-related deaths here.”
“Last Thursday, the Public Accounts Committee published its findings on addiction services in Northern Ireland, and they should shock us all. As is confirmed in the report, we have long known that we are a long way from where we should be on this issue and that a fully resourced strategic plan is necessary to tackle the misuse of drugs and alcohol. In 2020 alone, 351 people in Northern Ireland suffered an alcohol-related death. The latest figures tell us also that, in 2019, 191 people suffered a drugs-related death. Those figures are staggering, and, sadly, they demonstrate a considerable increase since 2010. <BR /> <BR />Prevention and support services are pivotal in supporting people, but, without dedicated resources, that is impossible.”
“<BR /> <BR />Given the concern that the unintended consequence of amendment No 7 could be that it has the precise reverse result of that which is intended, I urge Members to oppose it and to allow for the discussions between the Minister and the Member, which the Minister indicated today will take place, to be taken forward and, hopefully, be better accommodated. In closing, the Bill is an important piece of legislation, and I urge that we move swiftly to get it on the statue book.”
“The amendment makes an amendment that is tied to section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act on information gathering; however, it leaves it unclear who is to gather the information, how it is to be gathered and why, in fact, it is thought that asking victims for potentially intrusive information will improve their experience. We need to be very aware of the sensitivities here. A very real risk is that that amendment will have the precise opposite effect of that which I assume is intended, thus making victims less likely to come forward and report for fear, essentially, of being judged by the system itself or of simply having to reveal what they perceive to be sensitive information that they do not see as relevant or do not wish to reveal to authorities. That is precisely what we are trying to move away from.”
“I know that the Committee deliberated on those for some time, so I hope that we have reached an accommodation that will enjoy universal support in the Chamber. Amendment No 4 concerns data collection, and amendment No 5 concerns training. I have to emphasise the term "specified authority's" here. Amendment No 6 concerns reporting arrangements, and amendment No 8, in effect, enables those three amendments. <BR /> <BR />Amendment No 7 seeks to amend further amendment No 6. It seeks to deliver support to victims, and I do not think that anyone would oppose that objective. The difficulty is that the wording makes it unworkable and potentially counterproductive.”
“It also creates stalking protection orders, which are an essential tool for prevention in the first place. I am somewhat concerned even by some of the amendments that I am backing, for reasons that were noted by my colleague the Minister. I think that many of the additional provisions that are in those amendments would be better placed in regulations. Nevertheless, since those amendments have cross-party consent, there are no concerns about their drafting and they will make no material difference to the policy intent of the Bill, I am content to back them. <BR /> <BR />Amendment Nos 1 to 3, which are on guidance, offer increased scope, particularly around the operation of stalking protection orders.”
“I support amendment Nos 1 to 6 and amendment No 8, and I will oppose amendment No 7. First, I re-emphasise how important the Bill is, given that over 10,000 incidents of harassment were reported in Northern Ireland in 2019-2020, which is the latest year for which final figures are available. That was double the previous year's total. Stalking can be both psychologically and physically damaging to victims, given the extreme lengths to which often delusional offenders go. Therefore, the Bill goes beyond harassment to create a specific offence around repeated and often fixated behaviour or a single incident of threatening or abusive behaviour. <BR /> <BR />A further important aspect of the Bill is that victims will have automatic eligibility for special measures assistance.”
“The messaging around them should carefully reflect that, and, as we move forward, quite possibly to the stage when face coverings become optional, we should ensure that personal choice will be respected either way. <BR /> <BR />As we move forward, I would like to see a lot more consideration given to advising the public and demonstrating the evidence behind that advice on how to continue to act responsibly. That is the key now.”
“Messaging should not just be about what the public should do but why they should do it. <BR /> <BR />Ultimately, in too many instances, the debate around masks has become about obeying or flouting authority for the sake of it rather than about a recognition that face coverings help to prevent spread. Indeed, the faster we prevent spread, the faster we can get rid of other restrictions. Face coverings are primarily about protecting others. Therefore, they constitute an act of social responsibility and solidarity in the common interest. Those who can wear them, absolutely should; those who legitimately cannot, however, should not feel victimised.”
“The evidence shows that this is an aerosol-driven virus, and as soon as people are gathered in an indoor venue, particularly at close quarters, it does not matter whether they are standing or sitting. <BR /> <BR />On face coverings, frankly, the public debate has moved, unhelpfully, to be much more about enforcement and too little about encouragement. The goal is not to fine the maximum number of people possible but rather to get more people wearing face coverings in indoor venues or when close to others. I have put on record my personal view that the way that this amendment was presented caused genuine and legitimate stress, and that should not have happened. The Department of Health needs to give considerably more thought to the broad implications of the proposals that it brings forward as well as the way in which they are communicated.”
“The requirement here is for people to show responsibility by being fully vaccinated or by taking a test, which is available for free, before entering high-risk premises. We should also be clear that exactly this requirement remains in place even after Wednesday. We are now in a position, however, to reduce the number of venues that we consider to be high-risk. It is worth noting that the fact that hospitalisation was kept below the worst-case scenario is an argument that COVID passes worked in line with their principal objective. <BR /> <BR />On the amendment (No. 21) regulations, I will be frank and say that I never thought that this change was going to be enforceable, and I am sorry to see it reversed in the latest Executive announcement.”
“We are debating them today just as most of them are about to be disapplied or already no longer apply. In general, I continue to be concerned that regulations are proposed by the Executive without consideration being given to the communications that are required. <BR /> <BR />The changes in the amendment (No. 20) regulations are to tidy up the implementation of the COVID pass, and it is worth re-emphasising that it is not and never was a vaccine passport. That is made clear in the amendment regulations, given that they focus on the requirement for negative tests to be used as a means of accessing venues that require them.”
“I want to pick up on points that have been made by the two previous contributors, but I will be quick. <BR /> <BR />I will pick up the point about young people getting the virus. The figures from the past seven days indicate that 44% of new positive cases are in the nought-to-19 age group. While we have, fortunately, seen only two deaths in that age group, we are finding that a lot of young people are missing school. I have said before in the Chamber that I coach hockey, and I spend the whole morning on Sundays replying to parents who tell me that their daughters cannot come because there has been another outbreak in their class. I would like an update from the Minister on the paediatric part of the vaccine programme. <BR /> <BR />I will move on to the amendment regulations.”
“Thank you, Mr Principal Deputy Speaker. I was going to ask for your indulgence at the start of my speech.”
“In the deputy First Minister's response to Mrs Dodds, she mentioned dealing with the past. Although I welcome the strategy, we still have to support those women who were affected by mother-and-baby homes. Will she confirm or provide details as to how the redress scheme for those affected is being brought forward? Is legislation being drafted?”
“I thank the Minister for his statement. My question follows on from the previous one. Given that the Minister set up the Northern Ireland Fiscal Council, will he outline his response to that council's independent and expert view that the Department of Justice continues to be the major loser when it comes to allocations from monitoring rounds?”
“For those patients, every moment counts. I urge the Health Minister to take advantage of this opportunity and re-examine the decision —”
“Those women already feel disadvantaged compared with patients in England. They have highlighted the lack of clinical trials in Northern Ireland, the additional administrative processes to access drug treatments and that the first dedicated clinical nurse specialist for secondary breast cancer has only recently been appointed here.”
“Whilst I welcome the fact that data collection will be a central focus of Northern Ireland's cancer strategy, it seems that we are missing an opportunity, and that is keenly felt by patients and campaigners. <BR /> <BR />Trusts in England are required to record cases of secondary breast cancer. According to Breast Cancer Now, however, compliance is relatively low here. Therefore, I question why our health service cannot undertake the audit, given that we are in a relatively similar position to that in England. As the charity points out, that information is vital for the effective planning of services. Without it, we are unable to identify how we can make necessary improvements. <BR /> <BR />For patients with this incurable diagnosis, the commitment in the cancer strategy to review the use of data seems like too little, too late.”
“In Northern Ireland, however, we are failing those women, largely because our health service is not collecting the required data and, therefore, there are gaps in the service. <BR /> <BR />In May last year, thanks to the dedication of campaigners and charities, NHS England announced the first-ever national metastatic breast cancer audit to collect accurate figures for the number of people who are living with secondary breast cancer in England. NHS Wales has also committed to participating in the audit, but, unfortunately, Northern Ireland will not be taking part. I wrote to the Health Minister, in November 2021, to ask whether he had considered joining the national metastatic breast cancer audit. I was informed that we do not collect and organise the data that is necessary to carry out that audit.”
“I want to highlight the shocking lack of data on the women in Northern Ireland who are living with secondary breast cancer. I start by thanking Ann McBrien and Julie Ann Lillis of Beaconbridge secondary breast cancer group for coming to our all-party group meeting last week. It was a very powerful meeting, and the MLAs who attended very much appreciated their contributions and their sharing their personal experiences. <BR /> <BR />Whilst we know that around 35,000 people are living with secondary breast cancer in the UK, that is merely an estimate. Without accurate data, we cannot possibly provide the best care for those patients. Secondary or metastatic breast cancer is a truly devastating diagnosis for any patient. Women deserve the best possible care in order to prolong their life and spend their valuable time with loved ones.”
“<BR /> <BR />Before Christmas, during Members' Statements, I raised the concerns that are felt amongst the female student population in the Holylands area of south Belfast about the rise in sexual assaults and of fears for their safety as they are just walking along the streets. There are girls right across this island who live in fear every single day. I welcome the consultation, which was launched last week by the Executive Office and the Department of Justice, into a strategy to tackle violence against women and girls, and I encourage everyone to channel some of their anger into responding to it. <BR /> <BR />May Ashling rest in peace.”
“However, we all know that, from an early age, women and girls — of course, I include members of the trans community in this — experience forms of sexism and unwarranted attacks due to their gender. For too long, that has been accepted as a consequence of being born female. <BR /> <BR />As others said, this tragic death is unfortunately not an isolated incident, and the deputy First Minister read out the names of women who have lost their life. It was heartbreaking to hear that, because we all knew some of those women personally or they were constituents of ours and we knew their backstory.”
“Thank you, deputy First Minister, for bringing this Matter of the Day to the House. It is right and proper that we all stand in solidarity with everyone across the island of Ireland who has been so deeply saddened and angered by this senseless murder. I extend my deepest sympathies, as others have, to the family and friends of Ashling Murphy. The tributes written about her since her death have afforded us all an insight into her wonderful life, which was so cruelly taken away from her. <BR /> <BR />It is unfortunate that this is another acute reminder of the need to end violence against women and girls. I share the concerns that others have expressed about the escalation of violence against members of the female population.”
“Opportunities could be looked at for linking this scheme into Belvoir estate in some way. However, I will not repeat what others have said. I welcome the debate and thank the MLA for securing it tonight.”
“I will move on. I very much concur with others who indicated that the route should extend all the way to Carryduff. The fact that the planning permission for the new Lidl supermarket went through last week is wonderful and much-awaited news for local residents. It will be fantastic to put some heart back into that area. I also urge the Minister to do what she can to expedite the Carryduff greenway scheme. That has a lot of potential but has stalled, as a lot of capital projects did during COVID. A wee bit more energy could be brought back to that scheme. <BR /> <BR />Like Christopher Stalford, I have concerns that parts of South Belfast are not properly and adequately served by public transport. He mentioned Belvoir estate, as I am about to. That is a huge area.”
“While we would all like to move towards a greener system, we cannot get away from the fact that people will use their cars. I would reflect very much on what has happened in west Belfast, primarily around the back of the Royal Victoria Hospital, where a lot of cars have been moved into neighbouring communities, causing residents difficulties in being able to park outside their doors. That is another issue that has not been touched upon today. We know that those roads are tight enough and that parking spaces outside houses are at a premium, so that would certainly have to be considered by looking, for example, at whether we need a residents-only parking scheme to run alongside this.”
“I thank Christopher Stalford for securing the debate. I start my contribution by saying that the Alliance Party is very supportive of the proposal. As others do, we have some concerns, but I will start with the positives, including the fact that the Ormeau Road has been chosen as the route for the BRT phase 2. Also, as the previous Member who spoke mentioned, the success and growing popularity of Ballyhackamore has been down to the fact that that regular service passes through there. The Ormeau Road is certainly one of the in places in the city now, which is great to see. <BR /> <BR />I share the concerns about the difficulties that will arise from the loading bays if the scheme proceeds. However, there is also the issue of people parking along the Ormeau Road.”
“Thank you for letting me back in. I very clearly laid out the qualifications, the background, the expertise and the knowledge of those fetal medicine subspecialists who would be working with the mother, in very distressful circumstances, to guide her in her decision. Do not put words in my mouth.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. I appreciate that, as you have outlined, it is a very narrowly defined Bill, with very little content. However, there will be far-reaching consequences if a lot of women have to travel to England to terminate their pregnancies. The reason why we expanded the debate was to give voice to the women who have made that journey and for those who will have to make it in the future.”
“Will the Member agree with me that these consultations with healthcare professionals will involve women who are carrying a much wanted pregnancy, so it is a very difficult conversation that nobody wants to give or receive?”
“I get angry even thinking that the Bill will, into the future, force women to make that lonely and desperately sad journey. <BR /> <BR />I ask all Members to consider carefully the practical impact of the Bill as presented by the medical professionals, Alliance for Choice, Alliance for Choice Derry, women's groups and the legal experts. The Bill is not about disability; it is about abortion. It will, however, lead not to fewer abortions but to less support for women in their time of need. <BR /> <BR />I acknowledge the sterling work of Informing Choices and healthcare professionals and leaders across the health and social care trusts in stepping up to support women when those in positions of power did not.”
“Dr Hunter talked about the grief and guilt, on top of that shame, that are felt by women receiving the diagnosis. She said:”
“Do we want the days of exiling women to continue after all? That point was very forcibly made by Alliance for Choice, which said:”
“The blunt reality is that the best people to judge what to do in the case of a difficult diagnosis, weighing up the full impact, are the women, taking advice from the professionals in a multidisciplinary team of experts. That reinforces how the Bill fundamentally attempts to interfere with the woman's right to choose, forcing her to do something rather than supporting her to make a decision. <BR /> <BR />In the end, it is simply inevitable that the Bill will limit women's choices and condemn them to ostracisation. Many, for fear of not having adequate support to continue with the pregnancy, will choose to travel. That is the blunt outcome of this legislation. Women will have less support, and there may well be more abortions. Worst of all, we will have women having to make difficult choices without adequate support.”
“Furthermore, the professionals pointed out that effectively forcing a 23-week limit on abortions in certain circumstances may lead to more abortions taking place, not fewer. Neither proposer has considered that at all, yet it should be obvious. If either proposer wants to come in at this point, I am happy to take an intervention. <BR /> <BR />We should not be forcing women to make life-changing decisions in a rush. There is limited support for those who choose to continue such pregnancies, and the Bill does nothing about that. With limited support, what decisions are likely in such a scenario? <BR /> <BR />Let me reinforce the point.”
“Likewise, I do not remember you offering any alternatives or amendments to the screening process here. <BR /> <BR />This is a practical and important issue, and screening is carried out by NHS England earlier than it is carried out by trusts in Northern Ireland: namely, at around 12 to 14 weeks as opposed to at around 20 weeks here. There is potential here for women not to be adequately informed about what is to follow and how to prepare, and, as I have already noted, that creates a differential impact depending on means. In other words, the Bill exacerbates an existing problem rather than seeking to solve it, and it creates a clear inequality without acting to tackle it.”
“That issue has arisen south of the border, where women have been ostracised for seeking abortions where the outcome is likely to be fatal but has not been determined as such by specialists for fear of being charged with breaking the law. I am grateful to the Abortion Rights Campaign for the insight that it provided to the Health Committee on the experiences of women in the Republic of Ireland due to how the abortion laws there are construed and limited. Ms Stonehouse advised that 85% of women who received a complex neonatal diagnosis had to travel to England. <BR /> <BR />It is noteworthy that, when asked questions in Committee about screening, the Bill sponsor had nothing to say about it. This is an important —”
“I suggest that that is the nail hit firmly on the head. <BR /> <BR />I will turn to medical screening. The Bill, mysteriously, was not subject to formal consultation, and that means that there was a lack of consultation with medical professionals, who made their views clear to the Health Committee but whose views, as I noted earlier, continue to be ignored by the Bill sponsor. With regard to screening, had either Bill sponsor consulted the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, they would have been told, even before the judgement in the Heidi Crowter case, that we do not have:”
“Of course, there was no consultation on the Bill, and we can guess why that was. Perhaps it was to avoid actually hearing from disabled people who see the Bill for what it is: one about restricting women's rights and nothing else. As the Women's Resource and Development Agency put it:”
“What bewilders me, and should bewilder all of us, is why a Bill that is supposedly about disability rights and ensuring that people with Down's syndrome are equally valued focuses solely on abortion regulations. It is because the Bill is not really about disability discrimination. If it were, it would have taken a very different form. For example, not once has the Bill considered pregnant women who themselves may be disabled. The Bill sets out to pit disability rights against women's rights in a divisive way rather than recognising that they are part of the same human rights standard. <BR /> <BR />The CEDAW chair, whom I have already quoted, added:”
“It will just make it more difficult for them to do so, including having to travel to Great Britain, and the Chair of the Health Committee clearly laid out some of the systemic and economic barriers that many women will face, not least when in a very distressed state. <BR /> <BR />Members will also need to be clear about the consequences of this. We will not reduce the number of abortions; we will simply increase the struggle faced by women. Again, I ask those who were only too keen to tweet about trusting women whether they are content to allow a Bill to pass, the main effect of which will be to force women to take action rather than support them. <BR /> <BR />I will move on to disability.”