Paula Bradshaw
South Belfast · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“They were places where those who were vulnerable were concealed, young mothers were stripped of their babies and children were stripped of their identities. Let us be resolute in our remembrance of what happened behind the doors of those institutions.”
“At all stages, the Committee has set out its clear support for the legislation's overarching aims and principles, which are to establish a statutory public inquiry into the systemic failings associated with mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses between 1922 and 1995 and to create a statutory redress scheme for t…”
“Again, I refuse to call them "mother-and-baby homes", for we now know that there was nothing homely about them. What the Bill can and must do is offer a tangible declaration that the state accepts its responsibility.”
“As Chairperson of the Committee for the Executive Office, I welcome the opportunity to speak at the Final Stage of the Inquiry (Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses) and Redress Scheme Bill.”
“Key points were also made in relation to redress: the need to ensure that the Executive Office introduces clear guidelines for the scheme as soon as practicable; the need for the Executive Office to widely communicate and promote the scheme to all victims and survivors, including those who live overseas; and the need for the Executive Off…”
“The First Minister and deputy First Minister tabled a number of amendments that gave effect to the Committee's intent across a number of clauses. In several instances, the Committee chose to withdraw its amendments in favour of the Ministers' wording, where that better reflected the broader book of the law.”
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“I thank the Member for giving way. I share on some level his concern about the need for a strategic focus on investment in infrastructure. Does the Member agree that it is about time that the Executive Office brought forward the investment strategy 2050 and laid out the capital projects and investments in infrastructure so that we can spend strategically?”
“Last week I attended a stakeholders' meeting regarding the new campsite that will be set up in Ormeau Park. It seems that it will be heavily oversubscribed. Can you outline any work that is ongoing by Tourism NI to identify other sites close to the city?”
“Specialist support services for victims are truly life-changing. Recognition and truth are important, but ongoing practical support is necessary. <BR /> <BR />In closing, I will be clear: the path going forward must be about acknowledging the suffering that, too often, has been deprioritised. It is about sending a message that, even decades later, victims of sexual violence during the Troubles have not been forgotten and that their suffering is being taken seriously by the Assembly. It is about building a process that will, at long last, enable them to feel a sense of acknowledgement. The road will be long, but that is why we should start it now.”
“Care must be taken to ensure that any amendment does not unintentionally create legal or procedural complications that could delay or undermine the process of building a system that will deliver recognition and justice to the victims. Dialogue and negotiation involving the new Legacy Commission may, in the end, be the most practical and effective route, regardless of legislative interventions. Nevertheless, we have no issue with exploring whether a legislative intervention may be helpful. <BR /> <BR />I will add, from my experience of Executive Office issues, that support for victims must extend beyond investigations. I concur with Pam's comments around the victims and survivors strategy and the excellent work that is being delivered by community and voluntary groups across Northern Ireland.”
“Even leaving aside the length of time that has passed and the inherent complexities, developing a process that has widespread trust and can deliver appropriate acknowledgement and meaningful access to justice will be frustrating and arduous. Therefore, it appears to make sense that the starting point for such a process will be with institutions already in existence. <BR /> <BR />At the same time, we must acknowledge the second element of the motion, which calls for such crimes to be included in the Northern Ireland Troubles Bill. We fully support engagement with the UK Government and ensuring that victims' concerns are heard, so, in principle, we have no difficulty with that. Such a legislative intervention at this stage would not be straightforward, but it would be the right one.”
“Therefore, it follows, in principle, that victims of sexual crime must have a clear path to recognition, acknowledgement, truth and justice. I concur with Mr Beattie and Mrs Dillon about encouraging people to engage with the criminal justice system now if they feel able to. <BR /> <BR />There is little doubt that victims of the Troubles have for far too long been overlooked and that victims of sexual violence during the Troubles, in particular, have not been sufficiently prioritised. That is an unpalatable truth that the motion rightly speaks to. Sadly, we must also be honest about the challenges. As a member of the Committee for the Executive Office, I know that legacy processes are inherently extraordinarily difficult.”
“I support the motion and thank the Ulster Unionist Party for bringing this important debate to the Chamber. I start by paying tribute to the victims who have spoken out, including Máiría Cahill. It is really important that we hear their voices and act upon them. I should emphasise that the key reason for our support for the motion today is the principle behind it, which is that sexual crime should be recognised for what it is: the very worst form of abuse in society. Sexual violence, including child sexual abuse, is among the most devastating crimes that a human being can suffer. Its effects on the victim are horrifying, yet they are not confined to the victim. The trauma often ripples out to family, friends and communities and, ultimately, touches society.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. Does the Member agree that many young women on both sides of the community did not go to the police for fear of retribution?”
“Thank you, Minister, for the update on the programme. As you will be aware, Ulster Hockey presented to the Communities Committee last week. It spoke to its report on the state of pitches right across Northern Ireland. Will you provide the House with an update on any plans for additional hockey pitches in Northern Ireland?”
“First Minister, you mentioned moving forward together. The Assembly passed a motion on the armed forces covenant. It is my firm belief that, if we are going to have peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland, the North or whatever you want to call it, that has to include everybody. It is very clear that members of the armed forces, after they have served and return to civilian life, will experience some level of discrimination and marginalisation. How do you square that circle if you are going to be the "First Minister for all"?”
“Fundamentally, it is a test of whether the system exists for its own sake or whether it needs to be reformed to put patients first. I want to hear from the Minister on the obstacles that prevent the delivery of the key part of the 2022 action plan, when we will see 24/7 thrombectomy services and what action is being taken to keep patient dignity in the meantime.”
“The ambulance arrived within 10 minutes, but the service could not save her from severe disability because of the amount of time she lay unattended. She was left paralysed, immobile and with severe and accelerated cognitive decline. It did not have to be that way. <BR /> <BR />There is a severe inequity at the heart of the system. We need to be clear that whether someone has a stroke in the wee hours of a Saturday morning or at midday on a Thursday should not make a difference to their survival prospects and potential rehabilitation; the human case should, of course, be enough. It is also worth emphasising that not providing a 24/7 thrombectomy service clearly costs the system more money through the provision of follow-up services than it would to provide it.”
“I want to speak up for the clinicians with whom I have engaged about a 24/7 service and office hours. Many of them come in on their days off, when they should be at home resting or spending quality time with their families, because they recognise that a patient has entered the health service and needs their help. We cannot put such a huge burden on so few healthcare professionals. I want the Health Minister to outline how he is working with the trusts to develop a robust workforce in that area. <BR /> <BR />Unfortunately, from experience in my family, I know that strokes do not keep office hours. My mother-in-law was found on the floor, having had a stroke sometime between midnight and 7.00 am on a Saturday.”
“We need to recognise the fundamental cost of inaction. Thrombectomy is time-critical: it is literally a matter of life and death. People are being left with serious disabilities or, sadly, dying well before their time because a 24/7 service, which could have saved their lives, has not been introduced, and they were unable to avail themselves of treatment because of the time of day that they entered the health service. <BR /> <BR />As a past health spokesperson for the Alliance Party, I met many survivors and clinicians who spoke of the huge relief that thrombectomy can bring to people who can avail themselves of it. They also spoke of the appalling consequences of delay, including brain damage, loss of independence and difficulty with rehabilitation.”
“It is incredibly frustrating to stand in the Chamber and call again for a 24/7 thrombectomy service for Northern Ireland. Eighteen months ago, when I was chair of the all-party group on stroke, I presented a petition to the Assembly on behalf of the Stroke Association, calling for the 24/7 service that the stroke action plan, as others have mentioned, promised by the end of 2024. Here we are again, in 2026, reinforcing the point that treatment for patients who have suffered a stroke must be a priority. Failing to deliver on that pledge will have already had devastating consequences for so many lives, and it could affect any of us at any time in the future.”
“<BR /> <BR />The clinicians, healthcare workers and campaigners are doing that work with one hand tied behind their back.”
“I thank the proposer of the motion. At the outset, it is worth emphasising that those who work in Health and Social Care to provide stroke treatment and care during extremely difficult and complex hours do so, as others have said, because they care so much about the well-being and prognosis of their patients. We are so grateful to them for that and all the subsequent support that they provide. I am also aware that they receive complementary and vital support through the likes of Stroke Association NI and Northern Ireland Chest, Heart and Stroke. They are here today, and we are all grateful to them for keeping the issue high on the agenda for us and providing a voice to those who have suffered a stroke and now live with the consequences.”
“Minister, you mentioned that claimant and departmental errors amounted to a substantial proportion of the losses. Can you outline what steps your Department has taken to simplify the system to avoid and reduce mistakes in the future?”
“<BR /> <BR />I pay tribute to the school and the Integrated Education Fund for keeping the matter on the agenda. I recognise that the Infrastructure Minister says that she supports the development of the site. However, we, as South Belfast representatives, and the people who support the new scheme still wait for firm answers about the next steps. I urge the Infrastructure Minister to engage with her officials to get the answers that the school and the planning department so greatly need at this time.”
“Despite some progress having been made, since 2018, the project does not seem to have moved forward as it should have done. The former Knockbreda High School site was proposed and was meant to be the answer to the delays. Since then, extensive pre-application engagement with statutory bodies, the school community and others has followed. They have engaged in good faith. After three years of pre-application discussions and the full planning application's being submitted in 2025, the delays seem to be on the part of the Department for Infrastructure. The key issue seems to be road safety, and I understand that, given the new location for the school. However, I am yet to see any real efforts to move the project forward, and many in the school community believe that the goalposts keep shifting.”
“For over a decade, the school has sought a suitable new permanent site. The parents, pupils and staff have done everything that they can to push that forward and have shown remarkable patience, but continually shifting timelines and delays have caused understandable frustration for them and the wider school community in South Belfast.”
“I rise to raise concerns about the continued delay in the delivery of the new school build for Forge Integrated Primary School.”
“Minister, have you undertaken any assessment of the cost of the redesign of any capital projects that have been delayed? <BR /> <BR />Mr O'Dowd: That is a matter for the sponsor Departments. Any further increase in costs that is met will have to be matched by a business case to support the increase in spend on the project. Again, those are matters for individual Departments, their Ministers and their accounting officers.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. I hope that he agrees that the tone of the debate has been one of collective support for the motion. Is there a role not just for our Justice Minister but for our MPs in Westminster, who could work together to put pressure on the UK Government?”
“I thank the junior Minister for giving way. I am not sure how long your speech is, so I want to get this in before you conclude. <BR /> <BR />I refer to the call in the motion for you to publish the reports, findings and recommendations, set out a time-bound response and state your position on a statutory public inquiry. I fully appreciate all the other work that the Department is involved in, but victims and survivors need to know whether those questions will be answered today.”
“<BR /> <BR />Before I finish, I want to address the People Before Profit amendment, which seeks to ensure that religious and other institutions take proactive steps to preserve relevant records as a matter of basic responsibility. Records matter for accountability, for truth and for survivors who may one day seek answers. They will rely on records for those. We will certainly support Mr Carroll's amendment, and I thank him for tabling it. <BR /> <BR />The Assembly has a responsibility to ensure that the work that it commissions leads to meaningful outcomes. Supporting the motion is about meeting that responsibility. For victims and survivors, it is about finally being listened to and heard. For that reason, I urge Members to support our motion.”
“I do want to impress upon that. This is different. I have already outlined the issue of historical abuse of children in homes and in mother-and-baby institutions. We know from stories that have been coming forward and from the inquiries that have been going on in some of the Churches that this remains today and is a current safeguarding issue in some places. <BR /> <BR />The motion does not ask Ministers to pre-empt outcomes but asks for action, transparency and accountability. The publication of publicly funded reports should be forthcoming shortly. A clear and funded response to the recommendations and clarity on the Executive Office's position on the recommendation for an independent public inquiry are all essential if trust is to be rebuilt.”
“This is not a time for haste; this is a time for political leadership. Complexity cannot excuse a lack of communication with the very people whom this work is meant to support, particularly where sensitivity and survivor well-being must come first. <BR /> <BR />I want to pick up on a point that Patrick Corrigan of Amnesty International raised with MLAs this morning in an email. He said:”
“Victims and survivors understand complexity. They accept that serious findings and recommendations take time to consider. What they find very difficult to understand — rightly so — is why requests for information or meetings go unanswered and why engagement so often follows only when political pressure is applied. As Anthony Gribben of the Dromore group has said, it really is:”
“That is not victim-centred, and that is not trauma-informed practice. We use those terms very freely right across our public services, but, when communication is not forthcoming and that communication line is flat, victims will once again feel that they are being silenced. <BR /> <BR />It should not take the tabling of a motion in the Chamber for action to follow. I am aware that, yesterday, an email was received by campaigners at 6.32 pm from the private office offering a meeting with the junior Ministers. I welcome that and will not be churlish about it, but Members need to know that that request for a meeting was submitted on 19 November. Survivors were encouraged to engage in the process in good faith, and those delays in responding severely risk undermining the trust on which the whole process depends.”
“<BR /> <BR />In recent months, I have raised the issue at the Committee for the Executive Office with departmental officials, and I have tabled a series of questions for written answer seeking clarity on whether those reports will be published, whether an action plan is being developed and whether funding and a clear timeline for delivery have been identified. The responses have followed a similar pattern. We were told that the findings were being carefully considered, that no decisions had yet been taken and that officials remained committed to keeping victims and survivors informed. The difficulty is that survivors do not feel informed, and I know that all MLAs received a letter at the start of the year outlining their concern on that. They have felt that they have been left waiting.”
“<BR /> <BR />The harm does not end for victims and survivors when the abuse ends: it follows them into adulthood, shaping their relationships, their mental and physical health and their sense of safety in the world. Delays like this reopen wounds, retraumatise survivors and force them, once again, to sit with uncertainty, waiting for acknowledgement that what they endured mattered and was wrong. When it first became clear, last summer, that little movement had followed the submission of the research, I publicly expressed concern about the lack of progress and the need for timely engagement with victims and survivors. Unfortunately, those concerns remain.”
“Those words should give us all pause for thought. <BR /> <BR />It is also important to make clear that such abuse was not and is not confined to one denomination or faith. The institutions and the perpetrators differed, but the victims did not. Unfortunately, as we in the Assembly know all too well, the same patterns emerged in many different faith-based settings with different forms of abuse, whether that was against the children who were put in children's homes, in the case of the historical institutional abuse, or against the vulnerable mothers and pregnant women who were put into mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and, sometimes, workhouses.”
“That is why responsibility for acting with urgency now rests so heavily with the Assembly and the Executive Office. That frustration has been articulated powerfully by survivors. Nikella Holmes, who contributed to the research, has said that survivors:”
“That power was exercised in settings that were presented as places of safety, morality and care, in which children were taught to trust authority and not question it. Those were trusting young children, teenagers and adults, some of whom were already isolated, struggling and seeking reassurance for belonging when they entered environments that they were told were safe. Instead, they experienced betrayal, often by people whom they were encouraged to trust. As that betrayal came with authority, many did not have the confidence to speak up. When some did speak up, they were dismissed or silenced. That dynamic of silence, power and fear is the central reason for the abuse remaining hidden for so long. <BR /> <BR />Survivors speak of two harms: the abuse itself and the decades of silence and institutional indifference that followed.”
“I have done so on behalf of the victims and survivors who shared their experiences with me directly and spoke with courage and openness in the hope that that would lead to action. <BR /> <BR />Listening to those experiences and hearing how abuse continues to shape their lives, years or even decades later, fundamentally changes how one understands delay and inaction. That is why the absence of visible progress since the reports were submitted to the Executive Office is so concerning. To understand why that delay matters so deeply, we need to confront a more difficult question: how was the abuse allowed to continue unchecked and able to remain hidden for so long? Uncomfortable as it is, the answer speaks to the power that was held over young people and vulnerable adults by institutions and individuals.”
“<BR /> <BR />That work was shaped, in large part, by the survivors' reference group. I acknowledge the courage of the victims and survivors who participated and their generosity with their time. They participated at significant personal cost, because they believed that telling their stories would lead to accountability, justice and reform. The Alliance Party's concern today is not about the quality of that work but about what has happened — or, more accurately, what has not happened — since. Members will know that throughout the mandate and beyond, I have consistently raised issues of institutional and clerical abuse in the Assembly and with departmental officials.”
“I rise to speak to what should be a straightforward and urgent matter: the long-awaited response from the Executive Office on the findings and recommendations of research into the deeply sensitive issue of clerical child sexual abuse, which was submitted by the interdepartmental working group to the Department in July 2025. The research was substantial and comprised three independent projects that had been commissioned by the Executive Office: a review of historical records; an oral history of the experience and expectations of victims and survivors; and an in-depth review of safeguarding policy and practice in faith-based organisations. The research was designed to inform policy on how the Executive will address the legacy of clerical abuse and on the prevention of future abuse in faith-based settings.”
“Thank you for that answer, Minister. You will recall that, at the end of October 2025, there were scenes of severe flooding, especially in the Lisburn Road area, where residents and businesses were severely affected. Minister, will you come with me to meet some of those who were affected, so that they can discuss that and you can maybe allay some of their fears about a potential repeat of that?”
“I thank the Member for giving way. The Member will know that, in many communities in South Belfast, there are "go slow" posters that have SDLP insignia on them. Is there not a bit of hypocrisy in what you are saying right now?”
“I thank the Member for giving way. Hopefully, my legislation, when I bring it forward, will provide clarity. Does the Member agree that, in the absence of that clarity, there should not be a structure in place for which permission has not been given?”
“I thank the Minister for her answer. Over the past few days, I have travelled the length and breadth of my constituency. Even outside peak times, there is congestion on our arterial routes and the connecting routes like the embankment. Those cycling routes are not just a nice-to-have; they are a necessity. Is there any way to prioritise taking into account the growing population in South Belfast and the growing need for alternative transport routes?”
“If we are serious about restoring public confidence in politics, improved delivery, stronger reporting and genuine collective decision-making are essential. Our amendment asks not for miracles but for honesty, coordination and delivery. If we cannot commit to that, we owe it to the public to be honest about why. I urge Members to support our amendment.”
“They want to see that government works and that the decisions taken in Departments and the Chamber make a real difference to their lives. As we begin a new year, it is both an opportunity for and a responsibility on us all to do better and be more honest about the challenges that we face, more principled in decision-making and more focused on actions rather than words. <BR /> <BR />The Alliance Party supports the motion and asks Members to support our amendment, because it represents the reality that we all face. It recognises pressures on public services, acknowledges the funding challenges that sit alongside weaknesses in decision-making and focuses on improving how government operates to deliver the Programme for Government commitments.”
“If updates are being produced, there should be no difficulty in setting out what is being delivered, where progress is slipping and what corrective action is being taken. Honest reporting would strengthen scrutiny and give the public confidence that problems are being actively addressed. <BR /> <BR />Delivery is also constrained by how our institutions operate. Since restoration, Alliance Ministers have brought forward proposals for reform and long-term improvement only to see progress repeatedly being stalled at the Executive table. The Assembly must also reflect on its role. We cannot criticise slow delivery while contributing to delays through excessive scrutiny or, conversely, by rushing legislation through without proper consideration. <BR /> <BR />Ultimately, the public do not want excuses; they want delivery.”
“<BR /> <BR />Budget reform, however, will not fix a system that lacks transparency and accountability. Progress reporting remains a significant weakness. Too often, Members receive little clarity on delivery against Programme for Government commitments until targets have already been missed, leaving us to use Chamber time simply to establish the basic facts. The Committee for the Executive Office works hard to scrutinise the Executive, but that scrutiny is only as effective as the information that it receives. The delivery unit is now operational, but it will ultimately be judged by its impact. The delivery unit must sit at the centre, maintain focus on priorities and be able to say clearly what is and is not on track and why.”
“Nowhere is that clearer than in Health, where spending per head is among the highest in the UK yet outcomes remain among the poorest. That points to a failure of reform, not funding alone. <BR /> <BR />The Northern Ireland Audit Office has repeatedly highlighted the difficulty in clearly linking spending to outcomes across Departments. Where that clarity is absent, scrutiny becomes reactive rather than preventative, and accountability follows failure rather than driving improvement. Alliance has consistently argued for a fair funding settlement from Westminster, but that case is weakened when public money is not used effectively. We will continue to engage constructively to push for sustainable funding and better value for money while being honest about the limits of what is possible in the current financial climate.”
“Alliance supports the principle of an ambitious, sustainable multi-year Budget, because meaningful reform cannot happen without long-term stability. While the draft Budget that is out for consultation is a step forward, it falls well short of what several Departments require to deliver Programme for Government commitments. We agreed that it should go out for consultation, but we are clear that it is not acceptable in its current form. <BR /> <BR />Funding alone does not explain our current position. Poor decision-making, lack of reform and entrenched inequalities, particularly in health and education and with the cost of division, have all played a role. The Departments with the largest budgets are often those that overspend the most, as they continue to invest in systems that have not been adequately reformed.”
“The absence of long-term certainty has made planning and reform difficult, pushing Departments towards short-term reactive decisions and delaying vital long-term transformational projects. <BR /> <BR />The effects of that are clear. Over the past decade, the Department of Justice's share of the block grant has fallen while demand has continued to grow. Its 2025-26 outcome means that, in real terms, it is more than £220 million worse off than it would be had funding kept pace with inflation. At the same time, DAERA received the smallest percentage increase of any Department in 2025-26, despite increasingly demanding obligations. If Departments are expected to deliver, they must be properly resourced to do so.”
“<BR /> <BR />Alliance remains steadfast in our support for devolution, because we believe that decisions are best made here on behalf of the people of Northern Ireland. However, we have long been clear that siloed decision-making is not simply a cultural issue but a structural one. Ministers remain primarily accountable for their own Departments rather than taking a shared view of the outcomes from the Executive. Too often, cooperation depends on goodwill rather than obligation, and goodwill alone is not a reliable basis for delivery. Departments are operating in an extremely challenging financial environment after more than a decade without a properly agreed multi-year Budget. Some are chronically underfunded, while others suffer from poor budgetary control.”